UNIVERSITY OF GOTHENBURG School of Global Studies In the mirror of the “Other” Young Thai women´s reflection of Self in relation to gender roles and perceptions of the “Other” Master thesis in Global Studies Spring Semester 2024 Author: Denise Erber e-mail address: guserbede@student.gu.se Supervisor: Staffan Appelgren Word Count: 19,375 words Table of Contents Table of Contents ..................................................................................................................... ii List of Figures and Tables ...................................................................................................... iv List of Abbreviations .............................................................................................................. iv Abstract ..................................................................................................................................... v Acknowledgements ................................................................................................................. vi Chapter 1 ............................................................................................................................. - 1 - Introduction ......................................................................................................................... - 1 - 1.1 Aim and research questions .................................................................................. - 4 - 1.2 Delimitations ......................................................................................................... - 4 - 1.3 Relevance to Global Studies ................................................................................. - 5 - Chapter 2 ............................................................................................................................. - 7 - Literature Review ............................................................................................................... - 7 - 2.1 Background ........................................................................................................... - 7 - 2.1.1 Thai Society and Culture – A brief view on the construction of “Thainess” ... - 7 - 2.1.2 Representations of the West and the “Farang” ................................................. - 9 - 2.1.3 Representation and role of women in Thailand .............................................. - 10 - 2.2 Previous studies .................................................................................................. - 12 - 2.3 Theoretical framework and key concepts ........................................................... - 17 - Chapter 3 ........................................................................................................................... - 20 - Research Methodology ..................................................................................................... - 20 - 3.1 Research design .................................................................................................. - 20 - 3.1.1 Research participants ...................................................................................... - 21 - 3.1.2 Participant Observation ................................................................................... - 22 - 3.1.3 Semi-Structured Interviews ............................................................................ - 23 - 3.2 Data analysis ....................................................................................................... - 24 - 3.3 Ethical considerations and Positionality ............................................................. - 26 - 3.4 Limitations .......................................................................................................... - 27 - Chapter 4 ........................................................................................................................... - 29 - Findings, Analysis and Discussion ................................................................................... - 29 - 4.1 Self – Between following the mainstream social norm of the “ideal” feminine woman and aspirations for the liberal “farang” look ...................................................... - 30 - 4.2 Family – Torn between family ties and aspiring the “farang” independence ..... - 37 - 4.3 Work – Aspirations for the “farang” self-sufficiency and global mobility ......... - 41 - ii Chapter 5 ........................................................................................................................... - 46 - 5.1 Further discussions and future research .............................................................. - 46 - 5.2 Concluding Remarks ........................................................................................... - 49 - Bibliography ...................................................................................................................... - 51 - Appendices ......................................................................................................................... - 62 - iii List of Figures and Tables Figure 1: Research Design .................................................................................................. - 20 - Figure 2: Beauty Salons and Clinics along the Sukhumvit Line in Bangkok ..................... - 30 - Figure 3: Fashion Ads on the Shopee App ......................................................................... - 33 - Figure 4: Suncream advertisement Lazada ......................................................................... - 34 - _______________ Table 1: Example emotional coding scheme ...................................................................... - 25 - List of Abbreviations Expat Expatriate GIZ Deutsche Gesellschaft für internationale Zusammenarbeit (German Corporation for International Cooperation) ILO International Labour Organization IO International Organization UN United Nations iv Abstract While Thailand has never been formally colonized, its society continues to be impacted by the nation’s identity construction of “Thainess” as a response to the spread of “Westernization” in Asia. This thesis explores how colonial ideas of the Other, the “farang”, impact ideas of Self among four young Thai women living in Bangkok. Ethnographic fieldwork, in the form of participant observation and semi-structured interviews, was conducted. Using a post-colonial and intersectional lens, this paper asks how young Thai women see themselves reflected in their female Other, the expatriate, and in what spaces these feelings of Otherness manifest itself in their daily lives. Discussions revealed emotions of envy and admiration for the “Western” expatriate lifestyle and freedom that interlocutors saw themselves denied. As a patriarchal society, traditional gender roles in Thailand continue to influence young Thai women´s experiences of Otherness. The initial physical or racial differences Thai interlocutors saw, directly translated into broader social, cultural, and economic differences and a perceived “white privilege”, resulting in a mixture of emotions, such as envy, admiration, or sadness, discontent. To cope with these feelings of Otherness, interlocutors created symbolic boundaries between themselves and the Other, reproducing socially constructed binaries of “Thai” versus “Farang” that inform the racial divide in Thai society. The thesis underlines the importance of being sensitive to the historical, socio-cultural contexts in which processes of othering, boundary creation or differentiation occur and how race and gender intersect with other factors to shape ideas of Otherness. Keywords: (post)colonialism, gender, Otherness and Self, “white privilege”, (im)mobility v Acknowledgements Firstly, I would like to give my many thanks to my supervisor, Staffan Appelgren, Ph. D, senior lecturer in Social Anthropology at the University of Gothenburg, for his patience, support, advice, and many helpful notes on any draft I send his way throughout the whole research project. Especially at the end of the research process, when I sent pages after pages to him, I always received an answer shortly after, even on the weekends. For that, I am very grateful. With Staffan´s help, I learned to be more self-reflective and critical of my own work and thoughts as well as that of other scholars work that I used as reference. He steered me in the right direction when needed and without his guidance this research would have been much more difficult to accomplish. Besides my advisor, I would like to thank my research participants that I met during my time as an intern in Bangkok and who were openly sharing their opinions, experiences, and feelings with me. There is no doubt that without their cooperation and openness, this research would not have been possible. I wish them all the best for their future and hope that they achieve any of their dreams and future aspirations. Furthermore, I would like to thank my other colleagues from the Bangkok office, especially my supervisor at the firm, who gave me space and time to develop my thesis topic and research questions. Their kindness, the many interesting conversations we had and the small company celebrations during the internship added much more value to my time in Bangkok. Finally, I am incredibly grateful to my parents, for providing me with continuous support, financial and emotional, encouragement and motivation throughout my years of study in Germany and Sweden as well as during the semesters I´ve spend abroad. Their approval and support for anything I set out to do makes me think of home wherever I am in the world. To both my sisters, I am thankful for cheering me up and distracting me whenever need be, for visiting me many times during my studies abroad and for reminding me to enjoy the little things in life. vi Chapter 1 Introduction “The problem is not that of human differences, as these are a natural aspect of human existence; the problem begins when we grant certain privileges and political advantages to some of these differences over others, and then institutionalize these privileges and advantages” (Parvez, 2020) When I was accepted for the internship in Bangkok, I knew I wanted to connect my stay with my research. Thailand is a constitutional monarchy with a population of 71,87 million (Worldometer, 2024), and an estimate of four to five million migrant workers, mostly from Myanmar, Laos, and Cambodia. Outside Asia, most foreigners holding work permits were from the UK (10,392), US (8,227), France (5,136) or Russia (2,962) in 2017 (Harkins, 2019, p.12). According to a study from Howard (2009), migration usually takes place from developing countries to developed countries, as migrants seek better economic, social, political conditions (p.193). However, thousands of “Westerners” migrate to Thailand, either temporary expatriate workers sent by international companies to fill posts in Thailand and receiving “expat” salary, retirees that settle in Thailand due to the low living costs and warmer climate, or tourist that decided to stay on a local salary (p.194). Thailand boasts one of the largest expatriate communities in Asia (Temple-Baxter, 2023). However, most of “Westerners” coming to Thailand are tourists, with almost 6 million in 2023 (Statista, 2024), motivated by visa-free entry. While the number of people living in another country than their country of birth has increased in the last three decades, only 3.6 percent of the global population were estimated to have lived abroad in 2020 (McAuliffe & Triandafyllidou (Eds.), 2021). The mobility of a few highlights the immobility of many. While Thailand is a preferred destination for many Western tourists and expatriates (Statham et al., 2020, p.1513), few Thai citizens have the opportunity to travel outside of Asia due to the highly selective and restrictive immigration and citizenship regimes that nation-states apply as a response to globalization to limit and channel migration flows (p.1514). According to Statham et. al. (2020), most Thais able to move to the “West” are women married to a male “Western” partner and most “Westerners” moving to Thailand are men looking for a Thai partner (ibid.). With a high visa requirement of 102 countries, Thailand´s passport has a low mobility score of 96 compared to Europe with a median of 172, - 1 - resulting in the majority of Thai citizens being immobile and having to undergo major trip preparations before travelling (Global Passport Power Rank 2024, 2024). Here, othering due to nationality manifests. Sheller (2018) explored the intersection between mobility and social justice, arguing that the ability to move freely is not distributed equally across societies, perpetuating systems of oppression and marginalization and affecting “what it means to be human” (p.72). She emphasizes the importance of considering mobility within the broader framework of social justice, acknowledging how factors such as race, class, gender, and disability intersect to shape individual´s access to transportation and mobility (see Introduction). This difference in the right and access to mobility is but one example of how Otherness manifests itself in my Thai interlocutors’ lives. Staszak (2009) describes Otherness as “a result of a discursive process by which a dominant in-group (“Us,” the self) constructs one or many dominant out-groups (“Them,” Other) by stigmatizing a difference- real or imagined- presented as a negation of identity and thus a motive for potential discrimination" (p.2). From the perspective of the individual, Otherness refers to the perception or experience of being different or alien from the “norm” within a particular social or cultural context. The process of excluding or marginalizing other individuals or groups because of assigned signifiers of difference, such as color, race, gender, is understood as othering (see i.e. Jensen, 2011; Powell & Menendian, 2017). Othering practices take place on several levels, from global and local institutions that draw policies and laws granting rights or privileges to certain groups of people, down to the public and individual level. From early childhood on we are taught certain norms, values, religion, culture, and language which is bestowed upon us by the society and nation we were born into. The concept of the nation state and citizenship itself is the result of othering. During my four months stay in Bangkok, I got to talk to many expatriates and Thai citizens during and after work, revealing a racial divide between Thai citizens and other non-Thai citizens, who are called “farang”, mostly referring to “white” Westerners. Draper et al. (2019) discuss Thailand´s nationalist political ideology that sees not only other countries’ citizens racially othered, but also other Thais that do not fit into the constructed category of “Thainess”. The article argues that Thai nationalism led to negative attitudes towards many internal and external “others” (p.254) and that the education system depicts the Thai nation as a victim of neighbors and colonial empires (p.251), creating an “anti-colonial sentiment” (p.254) against foreigners. - 2 - Discussions with Thai citizen co-workers revealed emotions of envy and admiration for the “Western” expatriate lifestyle and freedom that they saw themselves denied. Out of these discussions my research topic emerged on how young Thai women see themselves reflected when they look into the mirror of the Other. I argue that Thai society, which was never colonized, still feels the impact of colonial ideas of race, citizenship, the nation state, which informs understandings of Otherness. Through real or imagined encounters with the “farang from the West”, interlocutors reflect upon Self and their position in society, revealing systems of oppression. This triggers an emotional response that can either prompt individuals to question the social categories of difference bestowed upon them or lead them to reproduce them by creating a symbolic boundary between themselves and the farang to avoid confrontation with one´s own disadvantaged situation. In the next section I outline the aim and research questions of this thesis and its relevance. Chapter 2 provides the theoretical background and previous studies, diving briefly into the role of colonialism in shaping the country's society and culture and constructing the nationalist sentiment of “Thainess” and the “Farang”. It also introduces the reader to traditional and contemporary gender roles, which are important to understand my interlocutor’s self-image and that of the Other. Chapter 3 introduces the methodology used for this study, the study's limitations, and ethical considerations. Chapter 4 presents and discusses the research findings, and the final chapter provides further discussions for future research and concluding remarks. - 3 - 1.1 Aim and research questions This thesis aims to explore the complexities and context of Otherness by examining young Thai women´s reflections of Self in relation to perceptions of the Other – the farang or expatriate – in context with societal norms and gender roles in Thailand. I aim to answer the following research questions: (1) How do Thai citizen women perceive the Other, the expatriate or “farang”, and how do Thai women see themselves reflected when looking at the Other? (2) What manifestations of Otherness emerge out of these self-reflections? Based on previous research on Otherness, othering and Selfhood, the analysis uses a post- colonial and intersectional approach and ideas and theories around whiteness studies and (im)mobility to answer the research questions. I explore how race, gender and class intersect to shape perceptions of Otherness and Selfhood among young Thai citizen women living and working in Thailand´s capital city Bangkok. Situated into the historical, socio-cultural context of Thailand, I aim to explore how imaginaries of the Other and encounters with the Other, in this case non-Thai citizens born in the Western part of the world, influence perceptions of Self among interlocutors. I argue that imaginaries of and encounters with the Other emphasize systems of oppression and create positive and negative emotions or affect among interlocutors that can either reinforce or diminish social divide and categories of difference, such as persisting binaries of “Thai” versus “Farang”. 1.2 Delimitations Otherness is embedded in social structures, communicative practices, such as dialogues, debates, media discourses and scientific discourses (Marková, 2003) and is interwoven, fluid and contextual. This paper investigates subjective perceptions of Otherness in a specific context and timeframe. Othering can have many origins, based on internal factors (cognition, emotion) as well as external factors (social, cultural, political, economic - public discourse, education, rules and regulations, interactions). To investigate all factors in-depth would go beyond the scope of this paper. Acknowledging the importance of each factor, this research emphasizes socio-cultural and socio-economic factors and their interrelation with gender, to demonstrate the complexity involved in forming the idea of Self and Other or Otherness in general. Other topics such as structural inequalities in terms of unequal citizenships and unequal mobilities between the Thai citizen women and the expatriate woman are mentioned - 4 - from the subjective point of view of my respondents, but not discussed thoroughly in this paper, leaving room for further investigation. While the intent of this paper is to not reinforce categories of difference and binaries of “Us” and “Them”, it also does not render these categories insignificant. There will always be boundaries and differences between groups and societies, as Lamont & Fournier (1992) observe. Neglecting that would only create an ideology, such as that of “color-blindness” that pretends race does not matter, but in doing so risks promoting ignorance toward persisting institutional inequalities and discrimination (see Wingfield, 2015). The usage of existing social categories, such as that of the citizen and non-citizen or imaginaries of West and East in this paper depicts the contemporary social structure my interlocutors find themselves in but does not intend to bestow a fixed status on these categories or render them unchangeable. Like Hall (1993) remarked: “We have to use short-hand generalizations, like “West” and “Western”, but we need to remember that they represent very complex ideas and have no simple or single meaning” (p.185). In this thesis, I use the local term “farang” that describes “Westerners” or “white-skinned” expatriates. The collected data only represents observations, opinions, and perceptions of a small fraction of Thai citizens, that of four young Thai women living and working in Bangkok. Data can and should not be generalized across other groups of Thai citizens or women in general as this would only create and support a type of othering – namely that of over-generalization - and neglect the complexity behind the process. The data can be used as grounds for a more extensive study on Otherness perceptions. 1.3 Relevance to Global Studies According to Vertovec (2021), the 21rst century is marked by rapidly diversifying societies, rising inequalities, and increasing discourse on social differences and “White nationalism” (p.1273) that call for intersectional research across the social sciences to understand dynamics and complexities of social changes related to difference and their outcomes (pp. 1273-1274). Similarly, Plaut (2010) argues for the study of diversity in relation to beliefs about difference (p.82). The study of social categories of difference matters as they inform and shape individual understandings of the world, psychological processes, and behavior (ibid.), and often function as a facilitator for unequal treatment by both members and outsiders of a socially ascribed category. Cangià (2017) argues that emotions play a “significant role in the way individuals learn about, adopt or reject the conceptual distinctions that categorize people and groups […]” - 5 - (p.1720). Deepening the understanding of the different dimensions and contexts involved in boundary making and othering practices can further inform work around cultural adaptation, peaceful coexistence, or social equality projects. According to Krstic (2022), “research into symbolic boundaries has to lead toward the uncovering of mechanisms of re/production of social inequalities, with being sensitive for the cultural contexts in which the process of symbolic differentiation takes place” (p.71). Sheller (2018) argues that questions of migration must be put in relation, for instance with “transnational bodily relations shaped by racial, classed, gendered, and sexual processes that are also about the governance of (im)mobilities” (p.31). She goes on to say that awareness needs to be raised of “transnational struggles over rights to mobility across borders” (p.69). Carling (2008) highlights the importance of understanding “the human dynamics of transnationalism [that] are about migrants and non-migrants interacting with each other from a distance and imagining each other´s lives” (p.1473) as that can help improve policies on migration and development. Liu & Kramer (2019) argue that immigrants are otherized by racism composed of two steps, firstly through phenotype racism and secondly through cultural racism (p.458). They conclude that scholarly attention needs to be paid to the phenomenon of Otherness as it continues to disrupt intercultural and international relations among racial, ethnic, and national groups (p.459). My case study on young Thai women´s perception of Self in view of the Other shall add knowledge to the literature on intersectional and postcolonial approaches to Otherness in context with transnational migration, (im)mobility, and social categories of differences. - 6 - Chapter 2 Literature Review 2.1 Background 2.1.1 Thai Society and Culture – A brief view on the construction of “Thainess” “The era of high imperialism from the mid-nineteenth century to the first decades of the twentieth is a key historical period with regard to the status and relevance of postcolonial and other critical approaches in Thai studies” (Harrison, 2010, p.10) Dr. Rackett (2022) argues that the predominant cause of social division in modern Thailand lies in a post-colonial racist formation of the Thai identity. In the book “A Diplomatic History of Thailand”, first published in 1943 and reprinted in 2022, the history of Thailand, formerly Siam, is depicted as resisting Western colonialism by regaining full independence from colonial powers (pp.105-109). While Thailand lost territory to France during the French blockade in 1893 (p.111), the book concludes that Thailand was able to “unshackle herself gradually from the imposed burden of extraterritoriality” (p.114). The book depicts Thailand as a victim of colonialism with national people suffering and “courageously sacrificing life and limb” (p.112) to defend their independence, sovereignty, and freedom (ibid.). Other scholars critically engaged with and questioned this “master narrative” of Thai history (see i.e. Chand, 1951; Harrison, 2010; Strate, 2015) and wrote about the impact of colonialism on Thai society and the creation of Thai nationalism as a response to the dominant Western culture of colonial powers (Ferrara, 2015; Renard, 2006). From 1868 until 1932, Siam/Thailand had been under absolute royal rule, which ended with the Siamese Revolution in 1932 and in its stead a constitutional monarchy was established. The late 19th and early 20th century saw the establishment of a national bureaucracy and centralization of political power, copied after the European model, with Buddhism becoming a major characteristic of “Thainess” (Renard, 2006, p.300). According to Renard (2006), the era of Thai nationalism only began due to the exposure to the European construction of nationalism (p.305) as Thailand´s prior social organization was viewed as non-racial, non- ethnic with many Chinese local rulers (p.306). The European conceptions of race and ethnic - 7 - groups were adopted in Thai culture by king Vajiravudh who spent a decade studying in Europe, believing that a strong nation depends on a strong sense of nationalism (see p. 309), defining “Thainess” as “Thai history, Thai art, Thai language, Thai literature, Thai Buddhism, Thai love of the royal leader, and an essential Thai spirit […]” (quoted in Vella 1978, p.178 as cited in Renard, 2006, p.310). The king began to adopt Western practices that he learned during his time in Europe, such as new technology, medical advances, intellectual traits, promoting a common national language (pp.312-313), ultimately changing the way of life of the people declared Thai and those non-Thai groups who were now labelled as Other and confronted with new citizenship laws (ibid.). It is argued that two distinctive strands of nationalism emerged. The first being the “royalist nationalism” as constructed by king Vajiravudh, promoted and propagated through the bureaucracy, education system, the military, and later mass media, with the monarchy as the symbol of the Thai nation (Chachavalpongpun & Jory, 2023). The second being “popular nationalism”, influenced by liberalism and socialism which is said to have inspired the Siamese Revolution which ended the absolute monarchy (ibid.). While the royalist nationalism is dominant in Thailand, voices demonstrating for a reform of the monarchy and campaigning for democracy become louder (see i.e. Charoenthansakul & Natee, 2023; Power, 2023; Sawasdee & Wongthai, 2023). However, the government’s use of the lèse-majesté law (see Criminal Code, Art. 112) which sees any offence against the monarchy or the royal family punishable, continues to infringe human rights and silences oppositions. The discourse on “Thainess” continues to be propagated through the media and government-regulated school system. Children are taught in school how to be “Thai”, starting with the Thai language, Thai history, Thai manners, and Thai etiquette (Renard, 2006, p.297). The institutionalization of “Thainess” in the education system and the focus on a “king-centered ideology” (Jatuporn, 2016, p.130) fosters a nationalistic view, that is emphasizing social categories of difference between the national Thai and the Other, the “farang“ and creates difficulties for Thai citizens to adapt to an increasingly diverse society as more non-Thai citizens, such as expatriates, come to live in Thailand, resulting in Thais being “caught between traditional social values defined by “Thainess”, and new social values […]” (Sattayanurak, 2005, p.32). - 8 - 2.1.2 Representations of the West and the “Farang” “From whatever angle Thainess is now viewed, farang influences are simply inevitable, and contemporary forms of Thainess are incomplete without the allure of farang-ness.” (Kitiarsa, 2010, p.73) The construction of “Thainess” is inevitably connected to the construction of the Other. Kitiarsa (2010) writes about the construction of “Westerners” as exotic “others” in Thai discourse. The word farang is used by Thais to describe white foreigners while African Americans are referred to as “farang dam (black farang)” (Kitiarsa, 2010, p.61). The word itself is used to categorize anything originating from the West, such as western fruits, western movies, goods, and oftentimes has a “neutral” meaning. According to Kitiarsa (2010), the meaning of the term farang shifted over time, from describing a “suspicious stranger” in the 16th and 17th century (pp.62-63), to farang being the “distant Others” in the 18th and early 19th century (pp.63-64), to the “Imperialist farang” in the 19th century (pp.65-67), following farang things to be valued and representing the “modern person” in the late 19th and early 20th century (p.68). Encounters with the farang culture, ignited criticism of farang-like behavior and the “excessive Westernization” (p.70) that saw traditional morals and faith in Buddhism diminishing. Voices argued for the development of Thailand´s own vision of a post-Western future (ibid.). In the late 20th century, the farang became an object of “ambiguous cultural intimacy” (p.71), with increased sexual relations between farang men and Thai women (p.72). The late 20th and early 21rst century saw many “Amerasian/Eurasian” children born which represented the modern form of “Thainess”, characterized by being cosmopolitan, self- confident, successful, and beautiful (ibid.). Contemporary discourse on “whiteness” and pale ideals as being beautiful and desirable, mainstreamed by the Thai beauty industry through advertisements and social media, with the many skin-whitening products and cosmetic surgeries available on the market, show the colonial impact on society on an everyday level today (see Persaud, 2014). - 9 - 2.1.3 Representation and role of women in Thailand “Appearance matters. Beautiful appearances matter even more. In Thailand, beauty can override family connections, money or class, as well as other ascribed and achieved attributes of women, and to a lesser degree men. The potential for ranking individuals on the basis of their physical appearance is very strong in Thai society.” (Van Esterik, 2000, p. 129) Van Esterik (2000) writes in her book “Materializing Thailand” about the role and representation of the Thai women throughout history. She observes a two-faced and often contradictory image of women, who on the one hand represent tradition, with traditional dances and clothing, and on the other hand civilization, with up-to-date fashion. Thailand used beauty as part of its nation building strategy, with national beauty contests held as part of the Constitution Day celebrations (p.139). It is argued that beauty contests were and are a powerful tool, promoting Thailand´s reputation abroad, attracting development money, appealing to tourists and to entertain its own public to distract them from the dictatorship (p.141). Van Esterik (2000) describes the focus on appearances, on gendered practices, as campaign for the “Amazing Thailand” distributed globally as cultural strategy to convey a national image which exoticizes and reifies the essence of “Thainess” but leaves the “real” hidden and unchallenged (p.4). This public face sold to the outside “obscures the power of the military, the marginalization of minority groups, […] the growing disparity between rich and poor, […]” (p.11). Similarly, Lapanaphan & Chinakkarapong (2020) observe the conflicting role of the women, representing the nation as “the Land of Smiles” but also as “the Brothel of Asia” (p.32) due to the widespread prostitution, resulting in a great number of tourists who explore these entertainment places. Singhakowinta (2014) examines how the media in Thailand portrays feminine beauty, reinforcing gender norms by reproducing stereotypes, underlining biological and emotional differences between sexes (p.337). She analyzed two television commercial clips to illustrate how patriarchal values construct femininity as essential commodity in Thailand´s economy. These commercials, namely “Nature Gift instant coffee” and “Wutthisak Clinic”, defines beauty in a restrictive way with women having a slender body shape and long legs, pale skin, and a personality characterized by being supportive, a caregiver, doing domestic chores, speaking softly and politely (p.343). According to Singhakowinta (2014), the ads that campaign - 10 - for beauty-enhancing products and treatments, illustrate the social expectations of women to behave and look a certain way, constructing beauty as a vital asset for a woman (p.344). With 92,5% of the population following the Buddhist belief in 2021 (Statista, 2023), religion is an important aspect in Thai society. Buddhism, however, is criticized to oppress women, putting them in a lower moral status as Buddhists believe that being born as a woman indicates bad karma (Van Esterik, 2000, p.67), also discussed by Paudel & Dong (2017) who argue that Buddhism is a sexist religion, as women are not considered a complete entity, their bodies not fit to attain enlightenment or become Buddha, having to follow eight restrictions not asked of men. This had a psychological impact on women and their view on their self-worth and their social status (p.2). Paudel & Dong (2017) demonstrate the gender inequalities in Buddhism by making a simple comparison of nuns and monks to the present day, where nuns “should speak only after the monks have spoken, eat after they have eating, sit behind the monks in rituals and ceremonies” (p.8). However, other studies exist that investigate the growth of self- governing nunneries which indicates changes in the religion-gender dynamic (see i.e. Lindberg Falk, 2007). While the 2017 Constitution of Thailand states that “men and women shall enjoy equal rights” (UN Women, n.d.) and the 2015 Gender Equality Act shall strengthen anti-discrimination legislation for women in Thailand (ibid.), women are still socially and culturally perceived inferior to men. The traditional gender roles, which continue to circulate through the Thai education system, patriarchal values, the religion, the family, through media, and the beauty and entertainment industry, continue to impact women´s lives and their ideas of Self. - 11 - 2.2 Previous studies A grand number of scholars have enriched understandings of social categories of differences and ideas of Otherness and Selfhood in different contexts, geographic locations, and timespans. An extensive literature review would go beyond the scope of this paper. I will present the main ideas and arguments of scholarly works used as a reference for this thesis and position my research topic accordingly. One notable scholar who has written about power dynamics in the process of othering in cross- cultural contexts is Edward Said. In "Orientalism", he explores how Western societies have historically constructed the "Orient" as the Other, thereby reinforcing colonial power structures and perpetuating stereotypes and prejudices about Eastern cultures. In “Culture and Imperialism”, Said (1994) explored the connection between imperialism and culture by studying the colonial influence on Western literature. He argues that to understand cultural forms, such as a novel or ethnographic discourse, the persistent power-disparities between the West and non-West have to be considered (p.191). Said (1994) criticizes the continued usage of labels such as “Indian” or “American” that derived from Imperialism and perpetrate the idea or believe that people should be categorized and are solely one thing, like “white or Black, or Western or Oriental” (p.336), whereas Imperialism facilitated the mixture of cultures and identities on a global scale (ibid.). Said´s works enhanced my understanding of the imperial implications for contemporary understandings of the Other and Self that I considered in the interpretations of my interlocutors’ perceptions. Balibar (2005) discusses the process of categorization and the shift from nature to culture in the definition of racial difference, the process of naturalizing culture and the fixation of identities (p.25). He argues that the imaginary of Otherness can only be located in a performative manner (p.29). He discusses how difference, Otherness and exclusion are constructed through social, cultural, political processes, often serving to justify inequalities and hierarchies. He concludes that the defined concept of racism has proved central for politics, social life, and any reflection on “the various modes of interweaving subjectivities, domination and collective violence” (p.34) in contemporary experience, but that racism cannot be viewed separated from other processes of socialization. Balibar´s critique of the naturalization of racial and sexual difference were taken as reference to critically engage with how these “naturalized” categories shape my interlocutors’ perceptions and to critically reflect upon my own usage and interpretation of findings in view of these categories. - 12 - Looking at the intersection of gender and emotions on the experiences of Otherness, works of De Beauvoir (1953), Caputi (2010), Ahmed (2013), Hooks (2014) and Wilson (2017) were used as orientation point to situate my research. Simone de Beauvoir explored the concept of Otherness in “The Second Sex” (1949) and how women have been historically marginalized as the Other in relation to men, as “Society, being codified by man, decrees that woman is inferior” (p.674). She examines the continuous conflict and vicious circle between both sexes that try to dominate the Other in the struggle for equality, describing how a woman “takes herself simultaneously as self and as other” (p.675), accepting the role of femininity bestowed upon her by men while also demanding sovereignty (ibid.). Her work emphasizes the difference in perception men and women have on the example of value put on time spend together (see pp. 678-679). It is this idea of difference in perception that I explore in my study when focusing on young Thai female perceptions of Self in view of the Other female from the “liberal West” in the socio-cultural setting in Thailand, a society in which patriarchal views on gender roles still prevail. Similarly, Hooks (2014) discusses the intersections of race, gender, and class, criticizing the construction of Otherness and advocates for intersectional approaches to feminism and social justice. She emphasizes the need for women to “come to voice in a patriarchal society that socialized us to repress and contain” (ibid.). According to Caputi (2010), the origin of patriarchy is based on the sexual difference between men and women which became institutionalized, creating the category of gender which is continually recreated (p.319). She argues that “the “power grid” for patriarchy is the pornographic-religious paradigm that exploits sex/spirit to make women and men into the kind of social beings whose sense of self, spirituality, and sexuality is wedded to the continuing re- creation of patriarchy” (p.323). My research is positioned in a patriarchal country, with my interlocutors being women, which has implications on their understandings of Self in relation to the Other, the expatriate or non-Thai woman, which will be acknowledged in the interpretation of results. Wilson (2017) delves into how encounters between different bodies are shaped by geographical contexts and boundaries, leading to the construction of various forms of difference. Wilson (2017) discusses how these encounters are not merely spatial, but also deeply embodied, influencing perceptions of Self and Otherness, having the ability to negate prejudice, misconceptions of others and produce new understandings (p.457), the ability to make a - 13 - difference (p.464). Wilson further highlights that encounters are ambiguous, “mediated, affective, emotive and sensuous” (p.465). Ahmed (2013) examines the role of emotions in responding to injustices. She discusses how emotions are shaped by encounters or “contact zones in which others impress upon us, as well as leave their impressions” (p.194). Emotions are infused by past histories, where the Other is depicted in a certain way, i.e. in books. Ahmed (2013) writes about the performative power emotions have and how emotional responses to others work as forms of judgement (Chapter1). Looking closer at self-perceptions in relation to the Other, works of Markus et al. (1985), Kanagawa et al. (2001) and Al-Khulaifi & Van de Mieroop (2023) were used as reference for my research. Markus et al. (1985) have conducted research on cultural psychology and self-perception. They conducted two experiments focusing on the influence of self on judgements of others (p.1507). They conclude that people will most likely take themselves as a reference point to initially comprehend thoughts, feelings, and behaviors of others (p.1510) leading to the perception of others being biased. Kanagawa et al. (2001) investigated how Japanese and American students (all women), described themselves. The article argues that the understanding and meaning of Self varies across different cultural contexts. Results suggest that in Western cultures, the Self is viewed as an autonomous and independent part of the whole, composed of “abilities, values, personality attributes, preferences, feeling states, and attitudes” (p.91.) that are not bound to specific situations as people living in Western (in this case the US) context are encouraged to develop an independent view of the self (see p.99). In East Asian cultures, however, Self is likely seen as relational and contextual as social practices emphasize similarity to others and interdependence with others. The article highlights the importance of examining how individual´s self-conceptions are influenced by their cultural backgrounds, social roles, and cultural narratives. When analyzing and interpreting my finding of young Thai citizen´s self- perceptions in view of the Other, I will also be sensible to the cultural context and possible different self-views that my interlocutors might have from the Other they compare themselves with. Al-Khulaifi & Van De Mieroop (2023) examine how identities are constructed from a social- constructionist perspective, focusing on othering which they suggest is an important part in the identity construction of Self (see p.170). They analyzed the linguistic “othering-strategies” used - 14 - by Qatari native interviewees, showing how “the negative portrayal of “the other” and the positive portrayal of “the self” is conceptualized in relation to unequal power relations” (ibid). The authors further argue that othering is used as coping strategy for differentials between the “in-group” and “out-group” (p.179). My study on Thai women perceptions of Self in view of the Other similarly uses wordings interlocutors use to differentiate themselves from the Other. Other scholars, such as Al-Khulaifi & Van De Mieroop (2023), Cangià (2017), Jaisuekun & Sunanta (2021), Lamont & Fournier (1992) and Fechter (2005) have explored the connection between perceptions of Self and Other and the symbolic and social boundaries it creates, i.e. in the context of expatriates and citizens. The works, however, revolve around the point of view of the “Western” expatriate and their perception and construction of the non-Western native as the Other, discussing the “bubble” expatriates create that shelters them from the strangeness of the outside. Fechter (2005) examined white Euro-American expatriates living in Jakarta that were being racially othered for being “white” but refused to recognize their status as a ´race´ (p.87). Similar to the term “farang” used in Thailand to describe “white” foreigners, her case study in Indonesia revealed the usage of the term “bule” with reference to white expatriates (p.93). Fechter (2005) argues that expatriates in Indonesia “cast themselves victims of Indonesians in order to detract from their own economically and politically empowered position” (p.97) in order to regain power. She concludes that “white dominance” cannot be taken for granted, but even when challenged or disrupted by the Other, it does not remove the long-established “white identities” (p.101). Western life is often depicted as usual or desirable while non-Western values and customs are portrayed as inferior (see i.e. Hall, 1993; Lamont & Molnár, 2002.; Peltonen & Huhtinen, 2023). The “legitimate” domain culture of the West is used to mark cultural distance and monopolize privileges. By allocating oneself to a specific culture, the cultural practices unavoidably and unconsciously categorize people into certain social positions, defining social class boundaries (Lamont & Molnár, 2002, p.172). Peltonen & Huhtinen (2023) suggest that “especially in non-Western locations, the boundary between expatriates and locals sustains the separateness of the whole community of Western expatriates from the local environment” (p.81), resulting in the construction of a social boundary between the host society and the expatriate community or a host-guest binary. They further argue that the construction of boundaries is a continuous cultural or symbolic process in which individuals distinguish and negotiate the meaning of Self and Other (p.79). In the context of Thailand and my research into Thai women´s perceptions of Self in view of the Other – the “Western” expatriate or non-Thai citizen women -, theoretical understandings - 15 - of symbolic and social boundaries are important in understanding the perceptions of the other group as Otherness can only be situated in a performative manner, as previously discussed. The different works presented demonstrate that our comprehension of our identities is shaped by an array of encountered phenomena, including historical events, social interactions, cultural practices, political systems, education, as well as engagement with other cultural objects such as literature, media, and art. The literature shows the complexities involved in analyzing perceptions of Otherness which are contextual and subjective. This thesis aims to contribute to studies of Otherness and more specifically, the implications of the imaginary or “real encounter” Other on one´s own perception of Self and feelings of Otherness. - 16 - 2.3 Theoretical framework and key concepts Since the concept of the Other can be explained and perceived in different ways, the examination of a wide range of assessments from different authors was essential to reflect the complexity involved. I approached the subject through an intersectional, contextual, and postcolonial perspective. The ways Otherness and Selfhood were constructed and perceived amongst my interlocutors was put into relation with factors of race, gender, culture, nationality and how these intersect. Using an intersectional approach means being aware of the fact that my research participant´s identities are multifaceted and interconnected. These identities can include but are not limited to race, gender, class, sexuality, disability, ethnicity, religion, and nationality. Each of these identity markers intersects and interacts with one another, leading to unique experiences of privilege, oppression, discrimination, and marginalization. Instead of examining characters or themes solely through one lens, such as gender or race, the analysis considers how various aspects of identity intersect to shape my interlocutors’ experiences and perceptions. One of the key figures credited with defining and advancing intersectionality is Kimberlé Crenshaw, a prominent legal scholar and civil rights advocate. Crenshaw used the concept of intersectionality as a provisional concept linking contemporary politics with postmodern theory, highlighting how the experiences of Black women are shaped by the intersection of race and gender, and how existing legal and social frameworks often fail to address the unique challenges faced by individuals who belong to multiple marginalized groups (Crenshaw, 1991, p.1244). In an interview, Crenshaw defines intersectionality as “a metaphor for understanding the ways that multiple forms of inequality or disadvantage sometimes compound themselves and they create obstacles that often are not understood within conventional ways of thinking about anti-racism or feminism or whatever social justice advocacy structures we have” (National Association of Independent Schools (NAIS), 2018, 0:07 – 0:29). She continues to say that “it isn´t so much a grand theory. It´s a prism for understanding certain kinds of problems (ibid., 0:31 – 0:35). This thesis focuses on structural intersectionality (see i.e. Crenshaw, 1991, pp. 1245-1250), highlighting how Thai citizen women are differently situated in the economic, social, cultural sphere in view of the Other, the expatriate or farang. - 17 - Scholarly works and theories in the field of postcolonial studies, boundary work, and Otherness work were used as a reference and basis to form the analytical framework and my understanding of the matter. The main theme of this thesis is the concept of Otherness and self- perception in light of the Other. Othering, as related concept is also discussed, alongside the concepts of white privilege, social and symbolic boundaries and emotion and affect. Otherness is understood as the social process of referring to people in terms of difference and similarities. It is a fluid, contextual and temporal concept, therefore the meaning of Self and Other which applies today, might be different tomorrow. Balibar (2005) describes the construction of the Other as the construction of an alienated Self, as the “Self is nothing but the Other´s Other […]” (p.30). He states that one´s identity is being asserted through the representation of an Other, which is constructed from Self in inverted form. According to Kanagawa et al. (2001), “the self is acquired through social interaction and is a product of particular sociocultural environments” (p.91). Otherness is closely linked to the concept of othering, defined by Jensen (2011) as “discursive processes by which powerful groups, who may or may not make up a numerical majority, define subordinate groups into existence in a reductionist way which ascribe problematic and/or inferior characteristics to these subordinate groups. Such discursive processes form the legitimacy and superiority of the powerful and condition identity formation among the subordinate” (p.65). Ideas of Self and Other were already explored in ancient Greek philosophy by Aristotle (see i.e. Sihvola, 2008). However, during the era of colonialism and imperialism, the concept of Otherness was constructed to justify colonial domination and exploitation, with colonizers depicting indigenous people and cultures as exotic, primitive and inferior in contrast to the civilized, superior self (see Said, 1978, 1994). In postcolonial theory, othering refers to the social and psychological ways in which one group excludes or marginalizes another group. By declaring someone “other”, a culture or group highlights what makes the Other in question dissimilar from “self”. This carries over into representation, especially through stereotypical images. According to Shin & Jackson (2003), this approach assumes that “the other identity is imposed and inscribed by power structures (or colonizers) in a hegemonic way that needs to be de-scribed toward reconstruction of a self” (p.224). Different critical works around the distinctions drawn between the East and West and binary social relationships of “us” and “them”, as described by Said in his work “Orientalism” (1978) and “Culture and Imperialism” (1993), inform the analysis of power differentials between Thai citizen women and the Other – the mostly “Western” expatriates, by looking at how colonial legacies still impact perceptions - 18 - and experiences of the Other among my interlocutors. Here, white privilege plays a role in the discussion of these power relations. According to Frankenberg (1993) there are “traces of colonial discourse” (p.16) in the way the white Western population thinks and sees themselves and others. I use the concept of white privilege to explore the societal advantages, benefits, and privileges that are systematically afforded to people who are perceived as white in many societies, particularly in Western contexts and the impact that has on my research participant´s perception of Self and Other. McIntosh (1989) offers a definition of white privilege as being “an invisible package of unearned assets which I can count on cashing in each day, but about which I was ‘meant’ to remain oblivious. White privilege is like an invisible weightless knapsack of special provisions, maps, passports, codebooks, visas, clothes, tools, and blank checks” (McIntosh, 1989, p.10). Ahmed (2007) writes about whiteness orientating “bodies in specific direction, affecting what they can do” (p.149). These institutionalized unearned advantages create social boundaries, which Lamont & Molnár (2002) describe as “objectified forms of social differences manifested in unequal access to and unequal distribution of resources and social opportunities” (p.168). The individual act of making distinctions between Self and Other is termed symbolic boundaries (ibid.). These symbolic boundaries “take shape around the creation of shared categories of classification systems through which individuals perceive and make sense of their environment” (Lamont, 2014, p.815). They generate feelings of similarity or difference. Here, the interconnection with feelings, emotions and affect is apparent. Emotions are part of our everyday life and understood in this study as a driving force behind individuals experiences and understandings of Otherness, Self and boundary making decisions. Emotions are stimulated by affective flows, which are described by McKay (2016) as “mediated by encounters, events, images, tones, words, platforms, gestures, and expressions” (Introduction, p.5). These affective flows produce connections as well as disconnections amongst individuals and their surroundings. Shouse (2005) distinguishes feelings, emotions, and affect. He describes a feeling as being intrinsic, as a sensation that is interpreted and labelled against past experiences. An emotion is the expression of that feeling which can be either genuine or feigned to fulfil social expectations. Affect is described as outside of consciousness, “the body preparing itself for action” (p.2). These concepts will be an important aspect as they are linked to the perceptions and ideas my interlocutors have of the Other and their reflection of Self in view of the Other. - 19 - Chapter 3 Research Methodology 3.1 Research design The study is based on ethnographic fieldwork. Qualitative data in form of participant observation, including informal conversations and semi-structured interviews, was collected between January and April 2024, while I was interning at a social research consultancy firm in Bangkok, Thailand. Field notes were taken to capture ideas, perceptions, experiences of Otherness among Thai citizen women. Qualitative methods were chosen as this research aimed to understand the nature of a phenomenon, in this case the construction of Self in view of the Other and is not assessing the magnitude and distribution of the phenomenon (see DeWalt & DeWalt, 2011, p. 2). Figure 1: Research Design Interviews Ethnographic fieldwork Participant Informal observation conversations I chose participant observations in addition to semi-structured interviews, as interviews do not constitute a natural setting (see Bryman, 2012, p.409). My research questions aimed to explore how Self is constructed in view of the Other and in which spheres (social, cultural, economic, political-structural) Otherness manifests for my interlocutors. Semi-structured interviews gave an in-depth understanding of what has been observed and collected from informal conversations. To capture underlying emotions of Otherness, I included notes of my interlocutors’ discursive practices, of the bodily language, tone of voice used in my observations. - 20 - This study is a single case study, depicting the constructions of Self and Other and manifestations of Otherness among four female Thai citizens living in Bangkok to give insights into how socio-cultural factors intersect to shape perceptions of Otherness. 3.1.1 Research participants I have chosen to focus my research on young Thai women living in Bangkok for several reasons. On the one hand, I had more access to women than men, being a woman myself, it was easier to connect with other women. On the other hand, I was interning in Bangkok at a social research firm where I worked and interacted with four young Thai citizen women. While the company also employed men, I was interested in doing research with women, as I also wanted to draw attention to persisting gender inequalities in Thailand and the continued distribution of patriarchal gender norms that has an impact on how Thai women view themselves. In literature, much attention has been paid to Western migration to Thailand (Howard, 2009; Jaisuekun & Sunanta, 2021), cross-border marriage migration between Thai women and Western men (i.e. Statham et al., 2020), or expatriate communities (Kunz, 2016; Peltonen & Huhtinen, 2023). However, little information has been paid on how expatriate women being in Thailand may impact Thai citizen women´s view of themselves and their situation or role in Thai society. Spending time with other farang women, I learned a lot about their experiences and interactions with Thai citizens as well as their perceptions, which sparked my interest to learn more about how Thai women perceive their female Other, the farang or expatriate. This is what Hood (2007, as cited in Bryman 2012, p.418) describes as “contingent sampling approach”. As I chose a specific sample location and unit, that of the Thai national living in Bangkok, my research used purposive sampling (see Bryman, 2012, p.416). As Bryman (2012) remarks, sampling is not just about people but also about context and time as people´s behavior is influenced by contextual factors (p.427). For that reason, my research includes participant observations and conversations during different spaces and times. However, as noted earlier, most of my observations of my Thai interlocutors took place in the workspace during working hours between 9 am and 5.30 pm, Monday to Friday. Therefore, I am aware that my findings are limited to a particular space and time. - 21 - 3.1.2 Participant Observation According to DeWalt & DeWalt (2011), participant observation is “a method in which a researcher takes part in the daily activities, rituals, interaction, and events of a group of people […] (p.1)”. It is both a data collection and an analytical tool as it enhances the quality of data obtained during fieldwork as well as the interpretation of data (ibid., p.10). Bryman (2012) differentiates four forms of ethnography in participant observation, where the researcher can take on either an overt role or covert role in either an open, public setting or a closed setting (p. 433). However, he points out that these distinctions might overlap during the research process. This can also be said about my research on perceptions of Otherness in Bangkok. When I arrived in Bangkok, I started my data collection in a somewhat covert role as I took notes in form of a diary to capture early impressions of what was going on around me, including behavioral patterns in different public spaces, cross-cultural interactions, and conversations. I joined several expatriate online groups on the social media platform Facebook to establish friendships in Bangkok. Out of these initial observations, my research topic emerged, and I took on an overt role, asking my Thai national coworkers as well as some expatriates that I got to know to become my interlocutors and told them about my research interest. In the end, as my project progressed, I chose to focus on data collection from my Thai female coworkers. Similarly, Bernard (2017) distinguishes the participant observer in either being an observing participant - an insider, recording some aspects of life around them, or a participating observer - an outsider who participates in some aspects of life around them, recording what they can (p.276). During my time in Bangkok, I took on the role of the participating observer – as I only stayed for four months and was not able to learn the local language, there were many aspects of the life of my research participants that I was excluded from. Part of the participant observation were informal interviews in form of casual conversations. These took place during the flow of the day, on the way to and from work, at the workplace, at company events, in the pub or park. At home, I took notes and assessed the conversations in relation to my research project. Bernard (2017, p.163) describes informal interviewing as having no structure or control, where the researcher tries to remember conversations heard during the day and developing field notes. While DeWalt & DeWalt (2011, p.137) state that there is a difference between conversing during participant observation and participating in conversations in a non-research setting, I felt that both types of conversations overlapped. - 22 - Many of the conversations I had, started out in a non-research setting, where I wasn´t thinking about my research topic. After the conversation, I often realized that I could use what had been said for my research. In that way, I did not influence the flow of the conversation in any way, but still used the information obtained. Part of the participant observation was to look at emotions during conversations and interactions, such as bodily language, the way how something had been expressed, assessing underlying emotions and attitudes, and study how Otherness manifested in the language used and how it reflects the social realities and power relations my interlocutors found themselves in. As Bryman (2012) notes, “social reality is produced and made real through discourse, and social interactions cannot be fully understood without reference to the discourse that gives them meaning” (p.536). While doing field notes in my digital notebook, I included my own perceptions of underlying emotions and bodily language in conversations, such as “she seemed angry, annoyed, resolute about xxx” or “she laughed, smiled while stating that xxx”. 3.1.3 Semi-Structured Interviews Semi-structured interviews were conducted with four Thai citizen women to explore their perceptions of the farang Other and Self in context with the social and cultural setting in Bangkok. According to DeWalt (2011) an interview guide (see Appendix 2) should “include a list of questions and prompts in order to increase the likelihood that all topics will be covered in each interview in more or less the same way” (p.137). Open ended questions were asked about cultural differences, stereotypes, prejudices, experiences of encounters with farang women. Additionally, questions were asked about gender-specific experiences of feeling othered in Bangkok to explore how gender influences perceptions of Otherness of Thai citizens in the socio-cultural setting of life in Bangkok. While the interview questions were semi- structured, the interview itself can be compared with a friendly conversation, with respondents talking the majority of the time. Verbal components and probes (such as “hmm” “ok” “aha” “really?”, etc.) were used to show my interest and to coax my respondents to elaborate or clarify on what they have said. The interviews were held in the office as it was convenient for my interlocutors since they usually wanted to go directly home after work and were visiting their families during the weekend. With one of my interlocutors, Lawana, I shared the same route to and from work, so many of our informal conversations happened on the BTS Skytrain. The semi-structured interviews were recorded with my smartphone and lasted, on average, half an hour. The four interviews were not fully transcribed, but I decided to listen to each conversation - 23 - and write interview summaries, capturing the essence of what had been said as well as extracting relevant quotes in an Excel spreadsheet, which saved time and gave me a better overview of findings. 3.2 Data analysis Methodologically, qualitative data gathered was initially approached from an emic perspective, focusing on the actor´s construction of Otherness from the informant’s perspective. The approach involved a reading of the interview discourse and informant accounts regarding the distinctions they drew between themselves as Thai citizen and the Other, in this case expatriate women, as well as distinctions they drew between their own society, religion, cultural norms and values, etc. and that of the expatriate. In the later stages of the research process, an etic perspective was employed to interpret the distinctions made by interlocutors along the different theoretical works on the concept of the Other and Self. Findings were further analyzed through a post-colonial perspective to reveal how the colonial legacy affects interlocutors’ perceptions of Otherness, even in Thailand, a country was never colonized. Interview recordings and notes from informal conversations and observations were first summarized in an Excel worksheet (see Appendix 3), then reviewed and reoccurring themes and key patterns identified. While previous research on Otherness informed how my data was organized, I left room for new patterns to emerge, ensuring new perspectives, not explored in the literature review, weren´t neglected. To capture emotions during conversations and interviews, I used coding techniques and categorized emotions expressed (see Table 1). The coding scheme was created based on emotions that emerged (i.e anger, sadness, envy). I considered the context in which each emotion arose and how the emotions expressed relate to the interview topics, looking at wordings, tone of voice, body language to understand the underlying emotions. However, a conversation or even a sentence said, often conveyed more than one emotion. To identify common emotional experiences, I looked for patterns in the emotions expressed across my four interlocutors. I looked at emotions not as a “standalone” but integrated into the contextual setting they emerged in. - 24 - Table 1: Example emotional coding scheme Emotional Bodily Tone of Transcript passage Cause / Context code language voice “I just can’t see myself fit in Dissatisfaction/ Corner of Low voice; Lack of career this culture and this country. I Frustration/ the mouth Heavily opportunities love my home but there’s no Sadness down breathing out opportunity for my career to Torn between love for grow here”. family and dissatisfaction with country “I can’t help but think of how Envy / Scrunched Tone of Feeling caged; privileged they are to be able to Frustration/ eyebrows; bitterness immobile choose to be here while we are Resentment shaking Difficulty to leave forced to be here which then head country due to visa reflects in the attitude we are restrictions giving when we talk”. “I feel a bit pressure. In Asian Pressure Lips pulled Dry tone of Conflict with societal family settings, women are (feeling inwards; voice / matter of expectations and expected to take care of elderly burdened, scratching fact / gender roles or do chores while men are constrained) hands informative responsible for working outside /sense of and support financially”. frustration "You are so lucky that you can Longing/ n.a. Nostalgic; Structural study everywhere in Europe. I Envy / serious disadvantage – visa have to pay so much to be able Frustration requirement to leave Thailand and have to /immigration laws get a Visa" “I applied for a study program Anticipation / Smiling; Excited; Dissatisfaction with in Ireland. There is so much to Excitement / laughing enthusiastic; current job situation do but I´m really looking hint of relief cheerful; talking in TH led to decision forward to leaving this job and fast to apply in Europe for to be in Europe.” further education According to Wolcott (2005), the analysis follows standard procedures that have a certain undeniability since findings are counted, measured, and reported, making them generally acceptable to all. Interpretations, on the other hand, are seen as “a human activity that includes intuition, past-experience, emotion” (Wolcott, 2008, p.30). I took a reflexive and interpretive - 25 - approach in the data analysis. Hence, the research findings presented in this thesis are influenced by my own socio-cultural background, emotions, values, and belief system (see i.e. (Kay & Oldfield, 2011; Lustick, 2021). Instead of following an “disembodied-objective thought” (Askins & Blazek, 2017), the findings are mainly written as “confessional tales” and “structuralist tales” (as defined by Van Maanen, 1988; 2011, and cited in Bryman, 2012, p.463) which means that I, as researcher, was implicated in the data gathering and writing-up process, putting an emphasis on reflexivity as well as linking observations to wider macro issues in society at large. The interpretation of data was linked to the different factors that impact interlocutors’ perceptions of Self and Other, focusing on gender, race and class. 3.3 Ethical considerations and Positionality My data has been collected through participant observations, informal conversations and semi- structured interviews. According to the Swedish Research Council (2017), this provides several ethical considerations which will be discussed in the following. One ethical problem applicable to my research is that of the covert role in participant observation. Ideally, research subjects should always be aware and be informed that they are being observed (Swedish Research Council, 2017, p.26). As discussed in the methods section, covert participant observation was only applied to short encounters in public spaces such as the train or pub, where asking for consent was not practicable and would have been disruptive in everyday contexts (see also Bryman, 2012, p.139). Therefore, information collected through this covert role was only used as ground for comparison with primary data collected from conversations, interviews and observations among my interlocutors. In the instance of short encounters and short conversations in public spaces, I ensured that anonymity is given. Most short encounters I had started non-research related, where the conversations where not influenced by my research interest, but as I captured the encounter in my diary, I was able to revisit the conversation at a later stage, where the content became of interest. While I couldn’t ask for consent retrospectively, anonymity was ensured. I also didn´t include personal details in my overt observations done in the workplace and leisure time. However, to ensure my research participants cannot be identified through the workplace, the name of the firm is not mentioned in this thesis. Further, I used pseudonyms instead of their real names to ensure their privacy as well as security. I received verbal as well as written consent to conduct my research with the four young Thai women (see Appendix 4). - 26 - Since I explored perceptions of Self and Other, I needed to reflect upon my own role of Self in the research process as my understanding of the observed realities depends on my own experiences and position in the society that I conduct research in. I was born in Germany, hold the German citizenship and fall into the gender category of woman. I had the financial means to travel to Thailand and stay here for four months to do an internship in the capital city Bangkok. In Thailand where the research took place, I am categorized as “farang”, as foreigner from the “West” with white skin color. This is important to reflect upon when analyzing and interpreting the data. As my interlocutors are Thai citizens who consider me privileged due to my nationality, race, or economic means, and as I fall into the category of Other in this research, informing ideas and imaginaries of the Other that my research participants reflect upon when positioning themselves. In that sense, I myself become part of the research findings as I am part of my interlocutors’ perceptions of the Other. I support the opinion that subjectivity is an integral part of qualitative data generation and not something that can be erased or should be neutralized (see Olmos-Vega et al., 2023, p.243). Being considered the Other from the point of view of my research participants has been considered an asset to the data and results as it gave me a deeper understanding of how my interlocutors saw themselves positioned or reflected when talking to me, working, or spending time with me. 3.4 Limitations As the research only sampled women, findings will likely not be applicable to men. Similarly, the number of interviewed research participants includes only four young Thai citizen women living in Bangkok. The locality also provides a limitation as data is likely different in different parts of Thailand. Bangkok accounts for only 10% of the total population of Thailand but has 30% of the “middle-class jobs” concentrated there, leading to the majority of the population in Bangkok being categorized as “middle class” compared to the rest of the country (Funatsu & Kagoya, 2003, p.247). Results are therefore limited to the perceptions of four young Thai women who can be considered belonging to the middle-class. Further, I only interviewed Thai women in their early to mid-twentieth. Their perceptions of Self and Other likely differ from those of elderly generations due to contingent societal changes that occur over time. While I conducted only once organized semi-structured interviews that were recorded with each participant at the end of my internship in April, many informal conversations were held and notes taken over four months’ time, giving detailed insights into the ideas and perceptions of my four research participants. The findings represent the views of these four individuals, - 27 - expressed within a four-month period in 2024. Findings might not apply in a different context and in a different time and place. The setting in which data was collected was mostly in public spaces, either at the workplace or in the train ride to and from work. I did spend some free time with Lawana after working hours, but since my interlocutors were mostly visiting their families during the weekend, I was not able to collect much data in private spaces. During participant observation and interviews with Thai nationals, my lack of knowledge of the local language provided a limitation. Perceptions and discourse observed is limited to the times when my research participants spoke English to me. During lunch breaks or at times at work when they would fall into the habit of switching to their native tongue, I was not able to collect data. English is the second language to both my interlocutors and me. Therefore, data collected and analyzed is based on our understanding of translations used to express meaning or communicate information. Categories, such as the term expatriate, farang, national as well as gender or race are used in order to simplify complexities and explain the phenomenon of Otherness construction. Prasad (2012) claims that simply by using fixed categories, scholars risk reifying and unintentionally legitimating public assumptions about pre-defined categories. While this thesis explores the construction of Otherness in order to critically engage with fixed social categories of difference and binary categories, such as the national versus the expat or farang, categorizing was used as a method to handle the complexity of data. Similarly, to explore the intersection of gender, race and class in terms of cultural, economic, sociopolitical differences between Thai and expatriate women living in Bangkok, I had to use the term “race” which, according to Frankenberg (1993), “raises the ideas of difference, for “race” is above all a marker of difference, an axis of differentiation” (p.138). - 28 - Chapter 4 Findings, Analysis and Discussion In this chapter, I give a short introduction to my main research participants, those born and raised in Thailand who have Thai citizenship. Following the introduction, findings of my observations, conversations and interviews are presented, analyzed and discussed in relation to the context. To answer my research questions, exploring how my research participants see themselves reflected when looking at or imagining the Other - the expatriate or farang - the chapter is divided into three analytical spheres of social life where Otherness manifested, termed: Self – Family – Work, with Self being about my interlocutor’s individual sense of self. My research participants, Amara, Lawana, Dao, and Chaluai, are all in their early to mid- twenties. They come from different regions of Thailand but are currently all living and working in Bangkok. All of them intend to leave Thailand, three of them permanently, in the near future. My interlocutors cannot be considered “poor” in their country and for analytical purposes are seen as belonging to the “middle class” (if we categorize according to lower, middle, upper class) in Thai society. They receive the same income as an expatriate working at the same company (but lower than an expat sent by an IO to fill in a post) and had the means to move from other parts of Thailand to Bangkok, however, mostly with the assistance of their families. Their socio-economic status is in so far important to this study as answers to my research question would likely be different if I would have asked a young Thai woman from a low social class and rural area in Thailand to talk about similarities and differences with an expat woman. Social class can be determined by occupation, occupational prestige, education and income (see Orsuwan et al., 2024, p.194). In Thailand, income inequality levels remain amongst the highest in the world with the richest 10% of the population earning over half of the national income (WBG, 2023, p.3). However, Bangkok has the lowest poverty rates based on Thailand´s national poverty line (ibid.). I did not ask my interlocutors about their social economic status before they moved to Bangkok but as their families come from the northern (Chiang Mai) and southern (Phuket) part of Thailand where poverty rates are very high and income low, it can be assumed that their social class improved in Bangkok. Out of my four interlocutors, I spent most time talking to Lawana, since we shared the same ride to and from work each weekday. - 29 - The common theme stretching along different conversations and observations over these four months was that of a perceived “white privilege” that my interlocutors saw when interacting with me or talking about other expatriates. It didn´t matter where the expatriate came from, any migrant with a white skin color was referred to as expatriate, Westerner, or farang. Except for Chaluai, who described expats as mostly being travelers and backpackers who “love tropical weather and foods”, my other respondents described the expatriate by their physical traits, seeing them as having the “Caucasian look”, as Lawana put it. The initial physical or racial differences interlocutors saw, directly translated into broader social, cultural, and economic differences. The following sub-sections describe the main spheres of social life where Otherness manifested when research participants looked into the mirror of the Other and how that reflected upon their views of themselves and their perceived position in Thai society. 4.1 Self – Between following the mainstream social norm of the “ideal” feminine woman and aspirations for the liberal “farang” look When walking down any street in Bangkok, you will find a large number of beauty salons and clinics with treatments such as injections, especially along the Sukhumvit line, a metro rail line, running through central Bangkok (for illustrational purposes, see Figure 2). Around the Sukhumvit area you will find mostly “Thai elite” and expatriates as the prices are steep in comparison to more rural areas1. Even supermarkets, such as Big C have beauty salons and sell almost the same amount of beauty products than groceries. This “obsession” with beauty (also discussed by Chaipraditkul, 2013; Cuny & Opaswongkarn, 2017) manifested as a sphere of Otherness for my interlocutors, as they felt restricted in the way they can look or appear in public in opposite to expatriate women who, in their opinion, can walk down the street in shorts or joggers with confidence and without being judged. 1 For more information on the Sukhumvit area, see Stoughton (2023) - 30 - Figure 2: Beauty Salons and Clinics along the Sukhumvit Line in Bangkok Source: Google maps A study by Chaipraditkul (2013) found that people are increasingly exposed to media and commercials that define looks and trends and, through the increasing exposure to advanced medical technology and cosmetic products, they decide to improve and treat their self- perceived conditions (pp. 27-28). This exposure is made obvious through television shows broadcasted in Thailand, such as the Netflix TV show “True Beauty”(IMBd, n.d.), though a South Korean TV series, it tells the story of a female student who was mobbed due to her acne prone skin and learned the “art” of makeup via online videos, transforming herself into the ideal beauty image, empowering her as she now became popular among other female students and desired by men. This is but one example of the many TV shows and movies in Thailand that depict beauty as powerful instrument to rise in social status. According to Chaipraditkul (2013), a fair skin symbolizes health and wealth in Thailand (p.28). She goes on to say that the portrayal of Thai femininity throughout the centuries led to the common stereotype of dark- skinned Thai women being of low class and rural background (p.30). In a conversation with Chaluai, she stated that: “Thai women dress either trendy or formal for work, while expatriate women dress very casual and comfortable.” When I asked her if she would consider also wearing more comfortable clothes, she said “I´d love to but my family would not allow it.” She told me how her father still asks her to her room to change whenever she is visiting him at home and he feels as though she dresses inappropriately, i.e., if the skirt is too short. Similarly, Lawana experienced conflicts at home due to her appearance. “Being a - 31 - tomboy or having a more masculine appearance troubled me a lot when I was younger because I didn't fit the stereotype of how a Thai woman should be. My family opposed my decision to have short hair. However, things improved as I grew older and found my own community. I stopped paying attention to what others thought.” While the statements show the impact the discourse on feminine beauty has on young Thai women growing up, it also shows the changing mindset or resistance to these stereotypes. However, my interlocutors still felt the pressure to conform to beauty standards to be accepted by family and society and to fit into the prescribed gender role. As Lawana explained: “Thai society often expects women to be cute, nice, soft-spoken, and to dress modestly. I have felt this pressure at times, especially when I was younger. Despite being considered cute and nice, I didn't fit the mold of a soft, ladylike woman, which exacerbated the pressure I felt.” To better understand the pressure they felt, I will share some of my impressions as a temporary expatriate living in Bangkok and being exposed to the many advertisements of the beauty industry that my interlocutors see every day of their lives. Most of these advertisements you will find online, in food delivery apps such as Grab, in online shopping apps, such as Lazada or Shopee and even in social media and messenger apps such as Facebook, Instagram, Tik Tok or Line. The majority of people, especially younger generations, are glued to their phones. My interlocutors were no exception to this. Lawana told me that she usually never goes shopping in a store but orders everything through the app Lazada or Shoppe, a shopping app comparable to Amazon. While I was looking through Shopee, I mostly noticed that there is no picture of an overweight woman. Every woman is depicted as slim, the majority of women having long hair and a white skin tone. However, the ads depict women in leisurely looks and revealing skin (for illustrational purposes, see Figure 3), which is contradictory to the traditional image of the Thai women as being cute and shy that is still reproduced in the religion and family. This view or image of the Thai woman as having to be cute and shy on the one hand while also “chasing after an endless beauty trend that demands more and more everyday”, as Chaluai put it, shows the two-faced contradictory representation of women in Thailand that Van Esterik (2000) wrote about in her book “Materializing Thailand”. In contemporary Thailand beauty is constructed through the interrelation of attributes of gentleness, subservience, silence, and virtue with attributes of grace, composure, and beauty (Van Esterik, 2000, p.129). This correlation with appearance and intrinsic characteristics or social class has a stronghold on cultural models of femininity on elite Thai women (ibid.). - 32 - Figure 3: Fashion Ads on the Shopee App Source: Mobile Screenshots from the Shopee App When passing by public schools in Thailand, traditional school uniforms, consisting of skirts and a blouse for girls and trousers for boys catch the eye. My interlocutors made clear that they had been taught from early childhood on always to wear skirts or dresses, either at their home or in school. Lawana shared that even her dad went to the store to buy her first makeup when she was a young girl. Through discussions at work about social gender values, I learned that Thai women are taught in school to have “proper conduct” and act and dress “nice”. Teachers would scold girls who would, in their opinion, act out of place or inappropriately. There is a certain social value attached to “femaleness” or “maleness” which is taught from early childhood on, impacting their views on Otherness. Amara shared her experience of feeling treated differently in school due to her gender: “In high school, a biology teacher treated male and female students differently. Males were treated better by female teachers. They also got more opportunities in schools, for instance in joining student council.” The most advertised beauty trends during my stay in Bangkok were the emphasis on skin- whitening products. As Dao told me in a conversation: “Bangkok women or city women should have whitening skin, be fashionable, and care about their appearance.” When I first came to Bangkok in January, which meant that my skin had no taint at all, I told my fellow female coworkers (who are also my interlocutors), that I envy them their natural taint skin. The response I got first surprised me as Amara told me: “You are so lucky to have white skin. You don´t even have to do anything for it.” Quite the contrary, I wanted to be as much as possible - 33 - in the sun to get taint, struggling to find a suncream which didn´t also promise to make my skin white (for illustrational purposes, see Figure 4), while my research participants used sun umbrellas and whitening skin products to appear “white”. Figure 4: Suncream advertisement Lazada As mentioned by Singhakowinta (2014), the ads campaigning for beauty-enhancing products and treatments represent the social role a woman should take on in society. Looking at Amara´s remark, who wishes for white skin, and to achieve that she purchases skin-whitening products, the impact of media representation is clear. Whiteness is depicted as something desirable and essential, something that embodies power and privilege. The public discourse on whiteness in Thailand suggests that “nonwhiteness” is Source: Lazada undesirable. A study by Cuny & Opaswongkarn (2017) found that Thai women use whitening-skin products to achieve a long and happy love life (as white skin was directly linked to seductiveness), to increase their self-esteem, and to have a successful career (see p.565). This emphasis on whiteness results in racial “othering”, not only between Thai versus farang but also for the Thai elite who can afford beauty treatments and the Thai “lower classes” that work outside and have a darker skin tone. This phenomenon of racial “othering” within Thai´s society is coined “colorism” (see i.e. Franco & Roach, 2023), which I want to mention here but not further discuss in this thesis. Here, the impact that dominating Western powers had in Asia during colonialism is visible in the idea of the “white” being of higher status, more modern or accomplished. White skin directly translates to the socio-economic status a Thai has as either being “rich or poor” in society as skin-whitening products are something only the “elite” can afford and something mostly available in urban areas, such as Bangkok. Through a postcolonial lens, or rather a “semicolonial” and “crypto colonial” lens, a term used by Harrison (2010) to describe the “colonial discourse” in Thailand, since the country was never colonized, “the figure of the farang, the European or white person […] haunted the politics of being modern in Thailand” - 34 - (p. ix). “The farang was the Other against whom the modern person in Thailand defined or measured himself or herself” (ibid.). However, a changing attitude in the younger generation is visible. While I have seen many Thai women in Bangkok adhere to the “white” standard, using excessive amounts of makeup that brightens the skin tone, avoiding the sun, Lawana resists and criticizes this ideal of whiteness. She was the only one of my four interlocutors who said she didn´t care anymore for the mainstream beauty standard, enjoyed the sun on the beach and didn´t change her natural skin tone with products. Arguably, my interlocutors did not grow up in Bangkok, Lawana grew up on an island near Phuket, which might affect the degree to which they have been exposed to and influenced by discourse on beauty compared to women growing up in Bangkok. However, the first comparison my research participants made when thinking of the Other was that of their appearance, their skin, their hair, their clothes. It is beyond doubt that the nations construction of beauty and femininity which is also linked to the nation’s identity construction of “Thainess”, still impacts women´s ideas of Self, and making them conscious of the appearances of the Other. When interlocutors saw themselves in the mirror of the farang, the mostly white-skinned woman who dresses in comfortable, sometimes revealing clothes with confidence, it was not solely their physical differences that created feelings of Otherness but the knowledge that if they were to dress in the same way, they would be judged against the national image of “Thainess”, social gender norms and against their families expectations of how they should dress and look. Chaluai told me that “conservative Thai persons are more accepting and expecting that expatriate women are free and confident to dress inappropriate, but they don´t like it. So, they will turn and teach their daughters to be modest and fit the Thai social norms.” This unequal treatment and restrictions my interlocutors saw when measuring themselves against the expatriate woman, created feelings of envy, jealousy, and sometimes even resentment, as the Other is already born with white skin and free in her choice of looks while Thai women feel they need to fulfil societal and family expectations. These emotions can be detected in the expressions they used, the tone of voice and their body language. Chaluai conveyed several emotions with a single sentence: “I envy that they earn enough money to travel across the world and I'm scared that I will never be able to do so.” (also see section 4.3). I remember her having a sad and frustrated look on her face, her hands restless, shoulders hunched, and gaze averted from me, as though looking at me, she remembered that I am one - 35 - of the farang from the West she just admitted envying and feeling self-conscious and uncomfortable in my presence for having said that. These feelings are the result of affective flows (see McKay, 2016) that circulate through the depiction of the Other in media, education, historical narratives, encounters with the Other, but also through depiction of how Self ought to be, producing connections as well as disconnections. Research participants told me that they find it easy to talk to expatriate women (when a sufficient level of English is present for both parties), but only Lawana indicated to have expatriate friends with whom she does social activities. My other interlocutors only cooperate with expatriates at work but do not socially interact with them outside of work. One of the reasons apparent in the comment of Dao: “They are all nice and fun to talk with and cooperate really well in group work and open to new experience. However, whenever we talk about our background, I can’t help but think of how privileged they are to be able to choose to be here while we are forced to be here which then reflects in the attitude we are giving when we talk.” For her, the choice to not befriend female expatriates and instead to build a symbolic boundary, can be interpreted as a coping mechanism to deal with feelings of Otherness, emotions of envy, frustration, resentment that come forth when encountering or imagining the Other. By ignoring or excluding the Other, she is not directly confronted with her own disadvantages or immobility (further discussed in section 4.3). Ahmed (2013) writes about the performative power emotions have and how emotional responses to others work as a form of judgement (Chapter 1). This can also be seen in the emotional response of Dao, who judges all expatriates by their ability to be in Bangkok, generalizing the Other as being privileged. By automatically drawing a boundary between herself and the farang, she maintains the institutionalized social boundaries that are the root cause for unequal treatments. And by doing so, she projects her feelings of discontent with the social system she lives in onto the individual expatriate. Similar to the study of Peltonen & Huhtinen (2023) who explored Finnish expatriate communities and the symbolic boundaries they create in form of an expatriate bubble, that separates them from other nationalities and the local society, three of my interlocutors responded in a similar way by drawing cultural, social, religious boundaries, shielding them from thoughts and feelings of inequalities that expatriates bring forth. As Dao conveyed: “We all gonna treat them as outsiders anyway. They will always be farang.” - 36 - 4.2 Family – Torn between family ties and aspiring the “farang” independence The family unit was an important aspect of my informant’s lives that also emerged as a socio- cultural sphere of Otherness when they viewed their position of Self in relation to the farang. For instance, they told me that it is quite common in Thailand to live in the family home until they are married or in the case of my interlocutors who moved to Bangkok, there is a family support network. Lawana shared that her father supported her financially when she first moved to Bangkok. Now that she is settled, however, she also has to send remittances home and support her other family members who earn less or no money in return. This, Lawana explained to me, “is the way we can repay our parents for taking care of us until we are old enough to make a living ourselves.” Children are raised to respect their elders and not to speak against them or their decisions. This upbringing also has implications for their later work ethics (discussed in section 4.3). When I first met Dao, she was living with her brother and his wife in Bangkok as she needed to wait for the first salary to come in before she could get an accommodation in Bangkok. Conversations revealed that the reliance on family as support network is often the only way for Thai citizens to leave their location or country to collect new experiences or start a further education. From my own experience as a German citizen and by talking to many other expatriates living in Thailand, I can gather that most expatriates living and working in Thailand don´t usually need to rely on their families to support themselves and especially don´t usually send remittances home to support their parents. When I talked with my research participants about the role of family, mixed feelings emerged. On the one hand, two of my interlocutors stated they were happy to send money to their parents to support them, while the other two indicated that they prefer to keep their own income for their own use. In an informal conversation, Lawana told me about her brother who wants to become an artist, studying music. He repeatedly asked her for money and since she is the big sister, she feels an obligation to help him financially. Interestingly, she was expected to get a job after school and earn money while her brother was free to follow his dream of becoming an artist and is now supported by her. Further, she said, that many of her friends who are working send a percentage of their salary home to their families because it is tradition and expected. She, however, told me that she wants to leave Thailand to study abroad and then earn her own money which she won´t continue to share with her family just because it is expected. - 37 - Through a postcolonial lens, her wish of independence from the family care system suggests that through “contact zones” with “Western values or culture” such as at the university in the formerly colonized Dominican Republic where she spent one semester abroad, encounters with expatriates or students from the “West” impressed upon her as well as left their impressions (see Ahmed, 2013, p.194). In reverse, however, Amara suggested that while “society is more relaxed and less scrutinizing when it comes to expatriate women living in Thailand, […] if you marry into a Thai family, particularly with older, more traditional members, they may closely monitor and attempt to control aspects of your life”. According to her, the expatriate woman can only exist independently and without further judgement from the host nation as long as she does not integrate herself through marriage to a Thai man into Thai society. Then, as part of society, she would be expected to follow the same or similar roles and norms than those of the Thai citizen women, at least in the family unit. Conversations with my interlocutors also reminded me that the family unit is not excluded from patriarchal structures. Amara shared that “I feel a bit pressure in Asian family settings, women are expected to take care of elderly or do chores while men are responsible for working outside and support financially.” If the family unit is based on a traditional set up of father, mother and children, the power of the household goes to the oldest living man and the woman usually takes on the role as caregiver of children, as cook, and is responsible for house chores. Chaluai shared her feelings of Otherness based on gender in her household: “When my parents teach me that as a girl, I should do this or that, or as a woman I should behave like this or that. But I think I´m immune to it now. Also, there are women out there that experience the same thing, so I´m not alone.” Domestic violence against wives and daughters who show “disrespect” is common according to Amara and according to recent news stating Thailand ranks among top 10 countries for violence against women and girls (Somhar, 2023). This is interesting considering more than 90% of the population follow the Buddhist belief system, which is considered as religion of “peace and non-violence” (see i.e. Der-Ian Yeh, 2006) and most households place a Buddha statue at home which is supposed to bring peace, wisdom, and a sense of calm to the household. Lawana was the only one of my interlocutors comfortable to share her experiences of violence at home. She told me that her parents are currently separated and that she grew up receiving regular beatings from her dad as she was always the “rebellious one” or “black sheep of the - 38 - family”, who couldn´t keep quiet and always spoke up when she disagreed with her dad. And she disagreed on a lot - starting with her father’s request to dress “appropriately” and not too revealing, continuing with curfew times and visits to the temple. She told me that she doesn´t practice Buddhism like her parents or grandparents do but considers herself still spiritual. This controversy of the Buddhist belief and domestic violence has been explored by Abeyasekera (2023) in the context of Sri Lanka. The mother is referred to as “the Buddha in the home” (p.9), and the four Buddhist virtues that a good mother should follow are: “mettā (lovingkindness), karuṇā, (kindness, compassion), upek khā (equanimity), and muditā (tenderness)” (p.10). Similar to Abeyasakera´s conclusion that women´s silence is seen as “stoic endurance” (p.20), Amara told me that Thai people don´t usually share private family matters with others, which represents the emphasis on outward appearance, which leaves the “real” hidden, similar to the nations outward campaign for the “Amazing Thailand” as discussed by Van Esterik (2000, p.4). The way Lawana talked about violence, appeared from my point of view in context with German society and norms, as a normalization of violence. While she doesn´t agree with violence, she speaks of it as immutable part of her life and that of fellow female citizens in Thailand. For Dao, the violence is the main reason for wanting to leave Thailand, as she said: “I have a foreign partner and I feel like Thai society, mostly people's mindset of child abuse, is not for children.” However, she did not want to elaborate her response. The mention of her foreign partner suggests that similar to Lawana, her view on Self or her reflection of her position and role in society is influenced by encounters with the Other, who represent and circulate other ideas of culture, values and norms, leading to the hope or wish of living in another society that has a different construction of culture that conforms to how she wants to be, not how she ought to be. As Kanagawa et al. (2001) remark “the self is acquired through social interaction” (p.91). The data indicate a changing mindset of young Thai women towards a more liberal and equal worldview that clashes with the elderly generation who cling to patriarchal concepts of gender roles. As Chaluai responded in context with gender inequalities at home: “I just tell myself that they are older generation, and the values are changing now”. This is also supported by research done in the field of rising youth protests in Thailand for democracy and a changing reform of the monarchy (see i.e. Sawasdee & Wongthai, 2023). While I didn´t discuss their views on the monarchy and social inequalities, as the topic is considered taboo and critique against the monarchy an offence, their decision to work at a social research company that promotes gender - 39 - equality, labor rights, and awareness for injustices, as well as their desire to leave Thailand, at least temporarily, speaks for itself. The socio-cultural “white privilege” that my interlocutors saw when looking or thinking of the expatriate woman who they perceived as independent from family responsibilities and gender expectations, resulted in them reflecting upon their own position discussed above. They are being taught to be self-conscious about their appearances and behavior from early childhood on by their family and society. These restrictions on what attributes they can and cannot inhabit impact their view of the Other and themselves. As Said (1994) already observed “No one today is purely one thing.” (p.336). This sentence was true in 1994, and is still true today, in 2024. Instead of asserting negative attributes to the Other to elevate Self, as was the case in the study by Al-Khulaifi & Van De Mieroop (2023) where the Qatari-native constructed a negative portrayal of “the other” and a positive portrayal of “the self” in relation to unequal power relations (p.170), my interlocutors rather described the Other as having something that they don´t have (i.e. freedom, privileges) or as looking a certain way that they don´t look (comfortable clothes, confident). For instance, Dao stated informatively: “Thai women are tanned, have black hair and eyes. Expatriate women have white, blonde hair, blue eyes, look like a Westerner” and Amara said “I wish I would have such a white skin tone” when she compared her looks to mine. Lawana referred to my luck to be able to study “everywhere” and her disadvantage that she has to pay a great amount for her visa. In that way, my research participants mostly attributed negative aspects to themselves or their situation in reflection of the Other. This way of asserting Self through the Other links to what Kanagawa et al. (2001) call interdependent self-construal, that is “determined by the social situation at a given time and by the person´s current goals, affect, or motivational state” (p.91). Whereas the dominant Western value of individualism indicates that individuals should strive for independence from others by manifesting one´s unique personal attributes (Chen, 2009, p.114). Similarly, Panpothong & Phakdeephasook (2023) conducted a study on how self-construal influences the ways people think, perceive, and interact with others. They analyzed Thai sayings and interactions and found both independent and interdependent self-construals, while interdependency predominates. The study concludes that Thai people are attentive to other people´s feelings and prefer to avoid confrontation in interaction. They define themselves with reference to others, as part of collective groups and converse less directly or imposing (see pp.21-22). This study - 40 - is useful to my findings in that it evaluated the Thai view of self in their mother tongue. Since my study was conducted in English, a second language to that of my interlocutors and me, information relating to wordings used depend on my interlocutors and my own understanding of the translation. My study findings suggest, that even when using the English language, research participants relate to themselves interdependent with the Other and with the situational context. 4.3 Work – Aspirations for the “farang” self-sufficiency and global mobility The way Thai women see themselves reflected in view of the farang in context with the workplace, is tied to their upbringing, their school education and the mainstream image of women being depicted as caregiver. While the labor force participation gap between men and women is small, there is gender segregation by employment sectors and a gender wage gap (see Kosaikanont, 2019) and women are excluded from applying to some types of jobs, such as the royal police academy. Additionally, Chaluai told me that women usually stop working as soon as they start a family unit, as they are expected to take care of children while the men bring in the money. These social expectations and family ties impact their view on what career they can pursue. These thoughts are brought up when they see expatriate women from other countries and their career opportunities. Chaluai told me: “In my perception, expatriate women in Thailand are more comfortable financially, because they are on vacation. While Thai women are working class in a developing country.” The difficulty of young Thai women to relate to expatriates coming to work and live in Thailand is apparent here. The workplace or economic sphere manifested as a sphere where interlocutors saw the most differences between themselves and the Other. They were all of the impression that expatriates can earn more money, can easier get a job promotion, and have more career prospects than Thai citizen women. Amara said that “in some professions, for some reason, Thai people listen to expats more than Thai, even if that person is stupid.” The reason for her perception might be related to what Lawana said: “Thai women are typically shy and conforming. They are in general scared to speak up for themselves. While expat women are seen as having more confidence.” Looking at Thai society, we already established that Thai citizens are expected to conform to a specific gender norm with the discourse on femininity highlighting desirable attributes such as gentleness, subservience, silence, and virtue that are connected with attributes of grace, composure and beauty (see section 4.1), taught at home not - 41 - to speak up and to respect their elders (see section 4.2). This has implications for how they behave at work. When I started working as an intern in Bangkok for a social research company where I met my interlocutors, one of the first things that caught my eye was that my Thai citizen co-workers rarely questioned anything my boss said to them. Every Friday the boss of the company, a Swedish expat who settled down in Bangkok 10 years ago, would hold a learning session, presenting and discussing work related topics. He would end his presentation with questions directed at the audience. While I learned in school and at home to ask questions and to critically engage with what has been said, my Thai citizen coworkers learned to accept what elders teach them as the “truth” or at least not to criticize elders. Hence, the discussion rounds were usually very short. I remember Lawana telling me once: “Our boss favors you. I think he doesn´t like me.” From my point of view, our boss was able to relate to me since we shared a similar educational, structural upbringing, and since I studied in Sweden and he was born there, leading to us having many non-work-related conversation at work. But in the eyes of Lawana, she felt more neglected and overseen due to her perceived lack of that relation or structural upbringing. While my boss told me that he wished that his staff would take more initiative, be more proactive, show more “work ethics” that he grew up valuing, such as over-punctuality and working overtime, my interlocutors grew up believing they had to follow authority and expected guidance from superiors. This difference in the work culture led to my respondents feeling othered, disadvantaged in comparison to an expat, which in return led to them seeking employment opportunities or further education elsewhere and in the company having a very high fluctuation rate. Here, power relations also become apparent. Many companies, especially multinational and social research companies in Bangkok are owned by an expatriate or have their headquarters in the US or Switzerland. This structure of “white dominance” and the imposition of the Western thought of work culture on a non-Western society feed into the perceived Otherness experienced by interlocutors and into seeing a “white economic privilege” that expats inherit. Amara perceived that: “Expats can earn more than we can. They have more prospects to get promoted in multinational companies.” Ahmed (2007) sees whiteness as an effect of racialization which dictates what bodies can do (p.150). In Bangkok, expatriates, that are oftentimes sent by an international organization, such as the World Bank, GIZ, or the UN, to work in Bangkok for a couple of years, arguably represent a certain “white privilege” my interlocutors see in having a higher income and career position than most Thai women working in Bangkok. The power relations or structure between - 42 - expatriates from the West and Thai women becomes more apparent when looking at the employment sector. While I have met many expatriates, all of them were either working in an international company, working as an English teacher in a school, or came as a partner of an expatriate to Thailand, not needing to work to sustain themselves. However, when I was invited to my boss’s apartment in the city of Bangkok, the first person greeting me was their Thai housemaid. While she, so I have been told, received a good pay, and was treated well by my boss, I couldn’t overlook the fact of the obvious power imbalance of the expatriate CEO and the Thai domestic worker. Conversations with my internship supervisor, a female human rights advisor from Indonesia who is married to the boss of the social research firm, revealed that there is a whole network of expatriates that seek housemaids and a whole network of women, originating from either Thailand or one of the neighboring Asian countries, that seek employment in an expatriate household. This example further illustrates the economic advantages of expatriates over citizens that translate into “white privilege”. Seeing expatriate women working in Bangkok, my interlocutors saw themselves confronted with a perceived immobility. For research participants, mobility was understood as a way to realize career goals, a way to find new experiences and further education and a way to break free from the restricting gender norms in Thai society. Chaluai told me: “I envy that expatriates can earn enough money to travel across the world. And I´m scared that I will never be able to do so”, while Lawana said in a conversation we had: "You are so lucky that you can study everywhere in Europe. I have to pay so much to be able to leave Thailand and have to get a Visa". These statements show my respondents awareness of their own disadvantage due to their citizenship while they saw the privilege expatriates from the West inherit just by being born in a Western country to a nation that has strong international relations or travel agreements, resulting in a high strength of the European passport for instance, allowing them the structural advantage of working or studying anywhere within the EU and travelling visa-free to many nations globally, including Thailand. Sheller (2018) draws attention to mobility injustices and practices that are embedded in larger socio-technical systems such as unequal citizenship regimes and borders, logistics, cultures, which are complex and interdependent (p.20). She highlights the uneven distribution of the ability to move freely across societies, which perpetrates systems of oppression and marginalization that are linked to geography and “long histories of colonialism, capitalist exploitation, appropriation of land […]” (p.23). While Thailand is not a former colony, the Western idea and construction of mobility as seen as fundamental right and “narratives of - 43 - mobility-as-liberty and mobility-as-progress” (Cresswell, 2010, p.27), reached Thai society all the same, impacting how my interlocutors view their own situation and Self in relation to the Other. Encountering farang women, who make use of their structural advantage, impress upon my interlocutors, that see themselves wanting the same possibilities. Aspirations of being free to travel emerged. In a conversation with Amara, she said with a smile and a dreamy look on her face: “I hope to go to Europe one day to find better job opportunities and for the experience. I have never been outside of Asia before and I would love to see Paris or the October fest in Germany, I´ve heard about it from one of my friends, it sounds like fun. Can you tell me more about it?”. So, we started talking about different traditions and festivals in our respective countries. Amara was very curious about the food we have in Germany, the festivals we celebrate and expressed a sort of longing to experience all of it. Alongside emotions of longing or hope, emotions of envy, anger, sadness, or fear emerged when interlocutors felt the possibility might never arise. For instance, Dao´s comment that expatriates are “[…] able to choose to be here while we are forced to be here […]” (discussed in section 4.1). Ahmed (2013) describes the different ways in which the emotion of anger can be constructed as not only being defined in relation to the past, but as “opening up the future” (p.176). While anger or frustration emerges as a response to the injustice of mobility and economic and structural inequalities, it is also a vision of the future, it can be used as a motivator to change one´s future, to question these inequalities out of which the emotion of anger emerged, therefore being a powerful tool for the individual. Every one of my respondents felt that they were lacking something in view of the farang. The emotions that emerged such as anger or discontent regarding gender inequalities, the restrictive view on what constitutes beauty, the economic disadvantages, etc. gave rise to emotions of aspirations, awe for another lifestyle, that of the farang and of another social structure that allows for these freedoms – that of the “liberal West”. Due to these emotions, interlocutors make decisions, namely that of studying abroad, finding career opportunities overseas, etc. As Ahmed (2013) states: “It is not simply that the subject feels hate, or feels fear, and nor is it the case that the object is simply hateful or is fearsome: the emotions of hate and fear are shaped by the ‘contact zone’ in which others impress upon us, as well as leave their impressions” (p.194). - 44 - The topic of economic disadvantage and perceived immobility was the topic where most emotional responses to Otherness manifested and feelings of being torn between family ties and the wish to leave in order to travel and grow one´s career, as Amara states: “I just can’t see myself fit in this culture and this country. I love my home but there’s no opportunity for my career to grow here.” Lawana told me that especially women are expected to take care of their parents when they grow old, as the common gender role of caretakers is widely prevalent in Thai society and culture, which is one of the reasons, why two of my interlocutors stated they would only leave temporarily but would come back to Thailand for their families. Other Thai women, such as Dao want to break free completely from socio-political and socio-cultural structure in Thailand and aspire to build a new life in the Western part of the world. Due to restrictive visa requirements and regulations for Thai citizens, many women choose to marry a farang men to leave Thailand (as discussed by Statham et al., 2020). Except for Dao, who has a farang boyfriend, my other interlocutors are single and said they want to leave by themselves (however, financially supported by their family). They strive after the “Western” image of independence, freedom, and self-sufficiency, that expatriate women project onto them, breaking free from their perceived “gendered cages”, as Dao put it: “Every culture expects us to be housewives, but we are girl bosses who want to break those norms.” - 45 - Chapter 5 5.1 Further discussions and future research This section offers a further discussion of my research findings, including an account of other approaches and concepts that can deepen understandings of the complexity of the construction of Otherness and can inform future research. On society and culture The nationalist ideas of “Thainess” and the “Western values” and that of a common shared national culture were constructed during times of imperialism, but in a globalized world with an increased mixture of cultural values and identities, these ideas seem out of date. Tada (2020) remarks that a social system always emerges, even without a shared culture (p.277). He argues that the concept of culture can no longer be defined univocally as its numerous interpretations evolved and multiplied since the concept was first introduced. He explores the concept of culture as the memory of a social system (p.288), and as a temporality in the social system (p.290). In his view, culture is a byproduct of social operations, not a separate entity (p.291) and a society is formed as contingent process under which no shared culture can be assumed (p.299). The self-referential system might deepen understandings of how individuals “digest”, incorporate, or adapt to the Otherness of their surroundings and other individuals and their understandings of the world, toward contingency as “the culture of the world society” (p.299), and away from nationalistic views. Similar to Vertovec´s model of “social organization of difference” that is produced and reproduced by the interplay between social structures, social categories, and social interactions (Vertovec, 2021, p.1275), my research operates on a related level. Viewing the construction of Otherness or understandings of the Other and Self in relation to social structures, such the nation state, with social categories, such as gender, race, citizenship, and encounters with the Other – the farang. Vertovec´s model also includes the dynamics and effects of representations and role of depictions, such as images, discourse about certain categories that we are exposed to in our daily lives. His model can provide a different angle in researching perceptions of Self and Other in different contexts. A structuralist view on the prevalence and different perceptions of the term “farang” would offer an interesting topic for further investigation. Looking at the language used, and the influence of language and terms used such as “farang” in the prevalence of categories of difference. - 46 - On representations Looking at Thailand, with an Internet penetration rate of 88% in early 2024 and 68,3% social media users (Kemp, 2024), the importance of the Internet and the impressions that the Internet content leaves on individuals, could provide further understanding on the construction of the Self in reflection of the Other. Many scholars already highlight the importance of media in constructing, reinforcing, or diminishing categories of difference among racially, sexually, nationally different individuals or groups (i.e. Caputi, 2010; Ross, 2019; Santoniccolo et al., 2023; Singhakowinta, 2014). Further research could be done looking at the relation of media exposure and consumption, especially in younger generations and the interrelations with the views and perception of the Other and of Self in socio-cultural, economic, structural contexts. Especially since encounters and interactions with other individuals increasingly take place in the online sphere. Here, topics such as representations of the Other in TV shows or movies can also be discussed and notions of “Western movies” that circulate on Netflix, consumed every day by millions of nationalities, also reproduce the binary of “West” versus “the rest”. In context of gender representation, the depiction of “Western women” and women of Thai or Asian descent that impact understandings of how Self and Other ought to be seen can be researched. Since the family unit emerged as an important sphere where research participants felt Otherness in view of the Other, further research into the role of family in the reproduction of categories of difference and binaries of farang and citizen can also present a further topic for investigation. On the socio-structural level, the education system and immigration laws (visa requirements) emerged as sphere of Otherness, which has not been further discussed in my thesis. Education continues to teach patriarchal and colonial ideas of nation state, of the race “Thainess”, of “appropriate conduct” between girls and boys and has a major impact on Thai citizens development of views on Otherness, which is why further research can investigate the effects that “de-colonizing” education can have on one´s view of Self and Other. On Mobility Justice An analysis of findings through the mobility justice framework, as proposed by Sheller (2018) can provide further understandings of the “the smaller micro-mobilities at the bodily scale that are inflected by racial and classed processes, gendered practices, and the social shaping of disabilities and sexualities” (p.23). As interlocutors felt rendered immobile, not only by their citizenship and visa regulations, but also due to family ties and expectations, the everyday - 47 - experiences of Otherness through (im)mobility can provide a different angle in Otherness perceptions. On emotions and affect Ahmed (2013) writes about a hierarchy between emotions, with some emotions being deemed as signs of cultivation, while other emotions are signs of weaknesses. (p.3). This is also embedded in the way gender is constructed in Thailand and taught in school or at home. With the depiction of Thailand as “Land of Smiles”, hiding emotions of discontent, of the “real”. While my thesis saw emotions as an effect of social inequalities, made visible through encounters with the Other, a deeper focus on emotions and the socio-cultural spaces they emerge in could result in a more nuanced understanding of the role of emotions in the construction of Self in view of the Other, especially in Thailand, where emotions are not commonly openly shared or shown in public. Here, more focus on the concept of “contact- zones” described by Ahmed (2013) can be put, understanding emotions as shaped by contact with others and histories and narratives of others as this will give further insights into the why and what. Why do certain emotions emerge in contact zones with the Other, and what do these emotions do? I already suggest that emotions, such as anger or discontent, can function as motivators for change, for questioning persisting categories of difference. However, further research can be done into how interlocutors use emotions, that emerged out of the perceived Otherness, to respond to societal inequalities and to negotiate Self. Ahmed (2013) also highlights the role affective relations can play in challenging social norms. As she argues, emotions involve investments in social norms and hence, a change in affective relation to these norms, for instance due to experiences, events, encounters that create feelings of loss, injustice, etc., can question the legitimacy of these norms. On the construction of boundaries My findings suggest that the view on the Other and the reflection of Self make unequal structures visible, such as unequal opportunities between Thai citizens and the expatriate. Out of these observed differences, feelings of anger, sadness, discontent might emerge and to cope with these feelings Thai citizens create a boundary between themselves and the Other, this can take on the form of exclusions or avoidance of the farang. The research and scope could be extended to investigate the different ways in which Thai citizen women use boundaries as a coping mechanism to the perceived Otherness and putting these into relation with specific contexts, time, locality, or emotions. As Cangià (2017) suggests strategies of boundary - 48 - creation, expansion, crossing, and blurring would enrich understandings of categories of difference (p.1732). There is a common conscience that the host society is in charge and has privileges over the guest migrants, as described by Rytter (2019), leading to a prevalence of a “host-guest” binary between citizens and migrants within a society (p.687). However, my findings suggest that while there is a “host-guest” binary prevalent in Thai society that distinguishes between the category of “Thai” and “farang”, the guest, in this case the farang or expatriate from the “West” cannot be viewed as having generally less privileges in society than a Thai national. On the contrary, findings suggest that in some contexts, such as on the job market, guests can take on an even more privileged role than the citizen. The dynamics of the “host-guest” binary and power imbalances in Thai society between the citizen and the farang presents a topic for further investigation. 5.2 Concluding Remarks This thesis aimed to explore how colonial ideas of the Other, the farang, impact ideas of Self among four young Thai women living in Bangkok. It asked two research questions. Firstly, how Thai citizen women perceive the Other - the farang, and how this perception influenced their view of Self and secondly, how and in what spaces Otherness manifested. Using an intersectional and post-colonial approach, I investigated perceptions and manifestations of Otherness in different analytical spheres of social life – Self, Family, and Work - and in interrelation with gender, class, and race. While I divided the analysis into three main spheres of Otherness, these parts can only be seen as interrelated. Research participants move through the different spheres to various degrees each day. My interlocutor’s understanding of Self and Otherness is interlinked with their sense of self, with their families, with their educational background, their experiences, encounters, religious beliefs, their professional career, their media exposure, and so on. These understandings do not represent a fixed state, they are contingent, dynamic, time and context related. The thesis explored how Otherness manifested across these spheres for individuals and, like McKay´s (2016) concept of affective nodes, where care circulates in different spaces, Otherness circulates through different spheres in society where respondents encountered or imagined their female Other, the farang from the “West”. These real or imagined encounters with the Other caused interlocutors to reflect upon Self and their position in society, revealing systems of oppression, such as gender inequalities in the social, economic, structural sphere, - 49 - unequal rights to mobility, or unequal labor opportunities. These observed differences led to an internal conflict of how they felt pressured to be due to societal norms, gender roles and family expectations, and the life they aspired to have, that of the imaginary Other. Emotions of anger, dismay, sadness or aspiration and anticipation emerged as a reaction, resulting in the construction of a boundary between themselves and the Other, which took on different forms, such as exclusion or avoidance of the Other. This boundary is informed by and reproduces existing social categories of difference and the nationalist views of concepts such as “Thainess” and farang that inform the racial divide in Thai society. The findings showed how imperialism and Western ideas and values of a common nation state that shares a common culture, of modernity, that spread globally through colonialism, reaching Thailand, a country which was never colonized but still impacted by “Western ideas”, shape perceptions of the West – of farang as being privileged. The concept of “white privilege” stretched as a common theme across all spheres of Otherness. My findings highlight that through increasing mobility, either physical or digital, young generations are constantly in contact with the Other, through encounters, the consumption of Other media, such as “Western” movies and TV shows that depict women from Europe or the US as free, the consumption of fashion trends inspired by the “West”, etc. Because of the increasing exposure to representations of the “West” and all things “West” as liberal, modern and free, it is no wonder that my interlocutors had a desire to leave their country when they were constantly reminded of their own inequalities and immobility in Thailand, while their farang Other was free to travel, to work abroad, to dress how they want, to talk how they want, to keep their money for themselves, etc. All in all, the research provided an account of how young Thai women saw themselves and their role and position in society reflected in the mirror of the Other. Results showed that the constructs of Other and Self are interrelated and interdependent. Since Self is always relational to the context and encounters with a perceived Other, there is no fixed concept of Self that can be established, it is constantly negotiated and re-negotiated. If there is no fixed concept of Self, then colonial ideas representing the “West” and the “Orient”, the “farang” and the “Thai” can also not be seen as fixed concepts, and their persistence and continued existence does rather seem questionable. We should strive for the deconstruction of these categories, dismantling discriminatory practices to form new ideas, new concepts that make meaning of our constant and rapid changing societies globally, fostering peaceful coexistence and understanding among diverse communities. - 50 - Bibliography Abeyasekera, A. L. (2023). ‘The Buddha in the home’: dwelling with domestic violence in urban Sri Lanka. 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Worldometer. https://www.worldometers.info/world-population/thailand-population/ - 61 - Appendices Appendix 1: Timeplan ........................................................................................................ - 63 - Appendix 2: Interview Guide.............................................................................................. - 64 - Appendix 3: Interview summary ........................................................................................ - 65 - Appendix 4: Written Consent Form .................................................................................... - 68 - Appendix 5: Declaration of authorship ............................................................................... - 69 - - 62 - Appendix 1: Timeplan Task / Month (2024) Jan Feb Mar Apr May Finding new research topic, Writing new PM Literature review Preparation fieldwork: Designing interview guide, identifying Interlocutors Data collection (interviews, observations) Data analysis (transcription interviews, summarizing findings, emotional coding) Thesis writing process* Thesis draft 06/05 Hand in abstract 03/05 Hand in final thesis 10/05 Thesis defense Planned Actual - 63 - Appendix 2: Interview Guide Semi-Structured INTERVIEW GUIDE Socio demographics / Warm-up questions Q1: Tell me three things about yourself Q2: Age range Q3: Intend to stay in Bangkok, if not, why? Perceptions and Experience of Otherness in Bangkok Q1: How would you describe the typical expatriate woman living in Bangkok? Q2: How would you describe the typical Thai woman living in Bangkok? Q3: What main differences do you see? / What main similarities? Q4: Do you feel it’s easy getting along with Expats? (Why not?) Q5: What main differences / similarities do you see between yourself and expatriate women? Q6: Have you encountered any gender expectations? Feelings of being pressured to dress / behave a certain way? Q7: Do you feel as a Thai national you have any advantages / disadvantages compared to an expatriate woman in Bangkok? Coping with Otherness Q1: Have you found any strategies or coping mechanisms that help you navigate Otherness in your daily life in Thailand? Please elaborate how you cope with feelings of Otherness. Q2: How do you navigate issues related to safety and personal security as a woman in Thailand? (If) - 64 - Appendix 3: Interview summary - 65 - - 66 - - 67 - Appendix 4: Written Consent Form Hi Ladies! I would like to thank you in advance for sharing your experience with me! Your insights will foster a better understanding of the construction of Otherness which informs categories of differences, dividing us humans according to our gender, race, nationality, culture, religion, etc. About the study: This research is part of my Master´s thesis. I am interested in contributing to research and literature done in the field of cultural and migration studies, specifically regarding cross- cultural coexistence. This study aims to understand how factors such as gender, race, and culture intersect to shape perceptions of Otherness among expatriate and national women in context with the broader socio-cultural structure you find yourselves in, living in Bangkok. I´d like to observe how Otherness is constructed in the everyday life, in cross-cultural interaction, and how it is experienced and felt among yourselves. "Otherness" is the difference we perceive between an "us" / "me" versus "them" / "the Other". Otherness can be felt due to one´s nationality, ethnicity, gender, sexual orientation, religion, social status, economic status, and shape in form of exclusion, stereotyping, generalization, discrimination, etc. Consent: I have read and understand the consent form. I certify that I am 18 years old or older. By checking the “Consent" box, I indicate my willingness to voluntarily take part in this study. I consent I do not consent Place and Date ____________________________________________ - 68 - Appendix 5: Declaration of authorship Declaration of authorship I hereby certify that the thesis I am submitting is entirely my own original work except where otherwise indicated. I am aware of the university's regulations concerning plagiarism, including those regulations concerning disciplinary actions that may result from plagiarism. Any use of the works of any other author, in any form, is properly acknowledged at their point of use. Bangkok, 10/05/2024 __________________________________ Signature Denise Erber - 69 -