SCHOOL OF GLOBAL STUDIES UNIVERSITY OF GOTHENBURG School of Global Studies The Risk Factors of the Children of Climate-Induced Migrants of Bangladesh Master thesis in Global Studies of 30 credit Spring/autumn Semester 2023 Author: Ummee Saila Supervisor: Andreas Litsegard Word count: 18083 Acknowledgement First of all, I would like to express my sincere thanks to my course coordinator, Florian Kühn, for his continuous and wholehearted support throughout my Master course at the school of Global Studies at the University of Gohenburg. Second of all, I want to express my sincere gratitude to my thesis supervisor, Andreas Litsegard, for his guidance, supervision and overall support in the completion of my thesis. Thirdly, I want to extend my sincere thanks to all my course teachers, who made my classes very interesting. Fourthly, my sincere thanks go to the administration of my course, for responding to all my queries. As an international student, my department and teachers have been very supportive to me. I am delighted to be a part of the School of Global Studies at University of Gothenburg. Lastly but not the least, I would also like to thank Ummea Saima, Kazi Iqbal and ASM Faisal for their contribution and supports from Bangladesh to complete my study in Sweden. The Risk Factors of the Children of Climate-Induced Migrants of Bangladesh Abstract- Bangladesh is one of the worst victims of climate change and climate-induced migration across the globe. While the causes of migration and the well-being of the climate migrants have been extensively studied, the literature on the impact on children is thin. In this study, I examined the well-being of twenty children of ten families who migrated to Dhaka city from the disaster-prone southern part of the country, with data collected by a structured questionnaire and some open-ended questions. The empirical analysis shows that migrant families were affected by natural disasters such as cyclones, floods, and extreme heat in the last five years so extensively that these pushed them to migrate to Dhaka city. Food security, health services, and employment opportunities were at stake before migration. Weighing in their costs and benefits, the migrant families found urban slums a better option than living at the mercy of nature in villages. Children are one of the worst victims of natural disasters. They are dependent both on nature and on the support of their parents for survival. My results show that child labor increased after migration compared to before-migration situations. Children’s health also deteriorated along with their playing opportunities. In short, though the adult are better off, the children are not after migrating to slums in cities. It takes big tolls on children’s wellbeing, both current and future. I tried to analyze my findings with the, human security perspective, relational approach to risk and relate them to outcome vulnerability and contextual vulnerability. This study has significant policy implications for the betterment of the physical and mental health of the slum children who are mostly the victims of climate change induced migration. Further research is required to fully comprehend the impact of climate change induced migration on well-being of the slum children. Key words: Natural disaster, climate change, migration, children, risk and vulnerability Table of Contents: I. Introduction 1 II. Aim and Research Questions 5 III. Background 6 IV. Delimitations 11 V. Previous research 11 VI. Relevance to Global Studies 16 VII. Theoretical framework and key concepts 19 VIII. Method including ethical considerations 25 IX. Results 30 X. Discussion and analysis 42 XI. Conclusion 48 XII. References 49 XIII. Appendix 54 List of tables and figures Table 1. Natural Disaster for the last five years 32 Table 2. Adult Comparison of living condition 34 Table 3. Child Comparison of living conditions (Type 1) 35 Table 4. Child Comparison of living condition (Type 2) 36 Table 5. Child Physical and mental growth of children 37 I. INTRODUCTION All quarters – academics, practitioners and policy makers are blowing the whistle about climate change and migration issues. The Internal Displacement and Monitoring Center (IDMC) reported that 71.1 million displaced people were displaced due to natural disasters such as floods in 2022, a 20 percent rise from the previous year and the highest ever figure. Disasters account for the majority of internal displacement in South Asia every year and 2022 was no different. IDMC reported that around 12.5 million displaced people were recorded in the region, which is more than double the 6.3 million displaced people recorded in the previous decade. This surge in displacement was largely due to the severe and widespread floods that occurred in Pakistan in the peak of the disaster season. Floods accounted for 90 percent of disaster displacements in the region in 2022. Floods were reported in all countries, with Pakistan, India, and Bangladesh being the most affected. The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) projected 64% of the world’s population will live in urban areas by 2050. Asia’s cities are considered to be at high risk from projected climate change and extreme events, as well as unplanned urban growth. Coastal cities in South and Southeast Asia are projected to experience significant average annual economic losses in the high-emission scenario. By 2080, Asia’s 940 million-1.1 billion urban inhabitants could be subject to extreme heat that could last over 30 years. Extreme temperature and precipitation are predicted for almost all cities, with impacts on the availability of freshwater, regional food supply, human health and industrial production. According to the World Bank (2022), Bangladesh at present produces less than 0.4 percent of global greenhouse gas (GHGs) emissions. But it is one of the most vulnerable countries to climate change. If the Earth's temperature rises by 1.5°C and rainfall increases by 4%, sea levels in the Bay of Bengal will rise by 27cm by 2050. The annual cost of air pollution is estimated at 9% of GDP, while 32% percent of all deaths in Bangladesh are attributable to environmental degradation, especially outdoor and indoor air pollution; inadequate standards of water supply, sanitation, and exposure to lead. Bangladesh is a small country with limited resources and not well-equipped to deal with the effects of climate change. The World Bank (2022) predicts that climate variability will result in a loss of about one-third of agricultural GDP by 2050, which could be devastating to the country's economy. In the next 30 years in Bangladesh, about 13 million people could become internal migrants due to the impact of climate on agriculture, water scarcity and rising sea levels, which will affect women more. In the event of severe flooding, GDP could fall by as much as 9 percent. The costs associated with environmental degradation and natural disasters are projected to increase over time as a result of rising temperatures, humidity and health impacts. Bangladesh will need at least $12.5 billion, which is about 3 percent of GDP over the medium term, for climate action to make a real impact on climate change. Climate change-induced migration in Bangladesh is a pressing issue among academics and civil society. According to Khanom et al. (2022), about 10,000 climate-induced migrants leave their homes every year in Bangladesh to find a safer place away from climate-induced disasters. Most of these migrants migrate to the nearby urban areas or to the capital city after having lost their livelihoods in their place of origin. Unplanned urbanization, the limited capacities of urban infrastructure, service sector shortcomings, man-made disasters, and other social vulnerabilities push these migrants into an uncertain state. Natural disasters exacerbated by climate change push millions out of their place of origin and create a new pattern of displacement. It drives rapid, unplanned, and chaotic urbanization in Bangladesh. The south and southeast parts of Bangladesh are the most affected by climate change. Climate-induced migrants are vulnerable to risk both at the place of origin and in newly settled places. Migration in cities is accompanied by the trauma of losing loved ones, relatives, and friends as well as memories of one’s home place. Large numbers of migrants have the potential to have a significant impact on a number of aspects of urban life such as housing, education, utilities, health care, and transportation. However, due to the state’s inability to meet this growing demand for essential services, resources, infrastructures, and facilities in urban contexts, climate-induced migrants often find themselves pushed to the margins of development, especially in urban fringe areas and abandoned government land. They are put into situations of considerable insecurity in vital human health and well-being. According to Ayeb et al. (2021), the slum communities in Dhaka city experienced the loss of their sense of belonging, their sense of identity and their quality of life. There are around 400 slums in Dhaka megacity. The majority of climate change migrants stay in these slums. This study examined how livelihood resilience is built in the face of environmental stresses, including cyclones, flooding, erosion of riverbanks and drought, as well as how adaptation measures sometimes fail. The results show how environmental stress, shocks and disturbances affect livelihood resilience and how adaptation measures fail. People adapt by changing agricultural practices, shifting to alternative livelihoods or migrating as an adaptation strategy. Cyclones are a serious risk in the coastal study sites. This article provides information from study sites in Bangladesh; Barisal Division, Khulna Division, Rajshahi Division and Dhaka Division. Celia et al. (2023) using case studies from Fiji, Bangladesh and Burkina Faso provide insights into the unequal health opportunities and vulnerabilities of (im) mobilized populations in a changing world. All case studies use semi-structured interviews, storytelling, and group discussions. These case studies show there is no single ‘climate migrants’, ‘climate refugees’ or ‘persons trapped’. Displaced people after a disaster (and not all disasters are related to climate change) face poor access to water, sanitation, shelter, malnutrition and micronutrient deficiencies, higher incidences of infectious diseases, poor mental health, and more. Climate- related (i.e., climate-related mobility) takes many forms. The health impacts of human mobility and migration in a changing world depend on social, ecological and political factors, as well as personal and household variables. It is argued that children are the major victims of climate change, both directly and indirectly. In August 2023, UNICEF reported that 76 percent of children under the age of 18 which is 460 million in South Asia, live in areas with extremely high temperatures (83 or more days per year over 350 C). This means that 3 in 4 kids in South Asia already live at extremely high temperatures compared to 1 in 3 kids (32 percent) worldwide. According to UNICEF’s Children’s Climate Risk Index (CCRI) 2021, children in the following countries are ‘very vulnerable’ to the effects of climate change: Afghanistan, Bangladesh, India, Maldives, and Pakistan. According to the report, 28 percent of kids across South Asia struggle with to heat weave per year compared with 24 percent globally. In research done by the East Asia and Pacific Regional Office of UNICEF, Lawler et al. (2012) mentioned that greenhouse gas emissions will cause a variety of negative and potentially devastating consequences that will impact children more than adults. Children are more vulnerable to changes in climate because they are less able than adults to adapt to heat and other climatic conditions. Their ever-changing development puts them at greater risk of developing diseases and complications due to a lack of functional immunity. Children are more reliant on others for their survival and they are more likely to be killed or hurt in disasters than adults. Children under five are particularly vulnerable to air and water pollution, temperature, humidity, and vector-borne illnesses due to their less developed physiology and immune systems. The report said that vulnerability is a dynamic process driven by a variety of social, economic, and political factors. Uddin et al. (2021) pointed out that diseases caused by disasters such as drought, flood, and storm can have a detrimental impact on human health, forcing people to move from their homes. Children are particularly vulnerable to diseases caused by climate change. Displaced people face stigma, stress, depression, limited access to healthcare, economic hardship, and sometimes even threats of expulsion. Around the world, children are expected to account for 88% of the disease burden caused by climate change. Risk factors for depression among children exposed to severe weather events include prior trauma, injury or aching, trapped or witnessing an injury or death, as well as less social support during the post-trauma period. Other post-disaster mental health conditions include Generalized Anxiety Disorder (GAD), Substance Use Disorder (SUD), Insomnia, and Subclinical Mental Health Disorders. It is argued that children-friendliness has been a major criterion for ranking of the cities around the world. In this thesis, I connect all the three Cs explained above – climate change, cities and children in the context of Bangladesh. Climate change-induced migration has led many households to move to cities and end up in slums. While the migration decision is argued to be a rational one, weighing in the costs and benefits of the migration process, the impacts on children, particularly those in the slums are largely ignored. Hence, this thesis attempts to examine the wellbeing of children who have moved to slum areas due to climate change. While there is a large literature on the impact of climate change on children, our understanding of the well-being of the children of the climate migrants in the slums is very poor. Are they better off living in a slum compared to their places of origin? This has long-term implications for children’s education and both physical and mental health. In this study, I attempted to compare the living conditions of 20 children who moved to Dhaka city with their parents from their places of origin due to a natural disaster. Two children per household and one parent were interviewed. I interviewed nine mothers and one father who live in the Mirpur slums in Dhaka city and compared the current living conditions of children with the pre-migration situations. The risk and vulnerability analysis of children’s living conditions was conducted following human security, relational Approach to risk analysis (Rapporteur et al., 2011) and the vulnerability Interpretation (O’Brienet al., 2007). Content analysis was used to manage the data derived from the interview. II. AIM AND RESEARCH QUESTIONS This case study aims to understand the risk and vulnerability issues of the children of the climate change-induced migrants living in the slums in Dhaka city. This paper aims to answer the following specific questions: a. What are the changes in the lives of the climate-change migrants upon arrival in Dhaka? b. How did their children’s health situation change after moving to Dhaka? c. What kind of future do parents expect their children to have? III. Background Bangladesh is vulnerable to natural disasters for its geographical location, geo-morphological conditions, flat and low-lying landscape, high population density, poverty, illiteracy and lack of proper environmental governance (Rana and Irina, 2021). Climate change is going to increase the frequency of natural disasters in Bangladesh and this has started to manifest. Iqbal et al. (2015) projected that higher temperature in winter, declining soil moisture and increasing drought in dry season, more variability in monsoon rain and greater salinity in soil in the south are likely scenarios for Bangladesh in a couple of decades. There are close relations between climate change, vulnerability and human migration. Natural disasters in Bangladesh create hundreds of thousands of climate migrants every year (Priovashini and Mallik, 2021; McDonnel, 2019). In line with Iqbal et al., Ahsan (2019) highlighted the growing connection between climate change, migration and urbanization in Bangladesh. Even if displaced persons stay within the territory of their nation state, multiple local and regional economic and social implications of climate change migration impact on citizens’ quality of life and put new strains on already stressed urban environments, governance structures and coping mechanisms. His article calls for effective local policy changes to address the urgent need to safeguard sustainable livelihoods and security of fundamental rights for climate change migrants. Following Ahsan, Miklian et al. (2020) mentioned that climate change is causing many people to move from rural to urban areas. The poor and the children are the most vulnerable to climate change. Bangladesh is particularly susceptible to extreme weather events, because of its topography and location. The country is one of the most vulnerable countries to climate change in the world. Khatun et al. (2021) found that the char inhabitants in the Padma, Jamuna and Meghna floodplains in Bangladesh periodically migrate as an adaptation strategy. IMDC (2021) notes that the impact of disaster induced human-migration destroys people’s normal livelihoods, heightens food insecurity, interrupts children’s education and increases water-borne and infectious diseases. Bangladesh's capital Dhaka is the seventh least livable city in the world, according to the Economist Intelligence Unit's Global Livability Index for 2022. This is based on a number of factors including stability, healthcare, culture and environment, education, and infrastructure. An increasing influx of people from rural areas and other districts is argued to contribute to such miserable conditions of this city. The Environmental Performance Index (EPI) 2022 ranks Bangladesh as the second worst country in the world for curbing environmental pollution. Bangladesh ranked 177 among 180 countries in the world. EPI ranking is a bi-annual report produced by researchers at Yale and Columbia Universities in collaboration with the World Economic Forum. A total of 24 indicators were evaluated and grouped into ten issues: air quality, water and sanitation, heavy metals, biodiversity and habitat, forests, fisheries, climate and energy, air pollution, water resources, and agriculture. In line with Global Livability index and EPI index, Hoque et al (2021) mentioned about severe water pollution in the rivers surrounding Dhaka- Buriganaga, Sitalakhya, Balu and Turag. Main causes of this pollution are the discharge of untreated industrial effluent, urban wastewater, agrochemicals, sewage water, storm runoff, solid waste dumping, oil spillage, sedimentation and encroachment. It has become a normal practice that rivers and cannels will be filled up by real estate industries to build apartment and industries. The combination of rapid urbanization, poverty, and climate change, as well as the rapid deforestation driven by logging, agri-business, mining, and oil&Gas development, has accelerated the spread of a number of old and emerging vector-borne diseases (e.g. dengue disease, malaria, and Chikungunya). According to Birn et al., (2017), the global health challenge is not limited to emerging diseases and emerging epidemic threats. In fact, virtually every crisis has a global health impact (up to hundreds of millions) (e.g., financial crisis, precarious employment, war and displacement, ecological disaster, climate change or any other disaster), including political instability, social uncertainty, and the degradation of social infrastructure, including health care services. Birn et al. use the example of the ongoing global refugee crisis, which has resulted in more than 65 million people being forced out of their homes in 2015 (the highest number on record (UNHCR, 2016). Like many other countries internal migration is also taking place as a result of flood and cyclone every year in Bangladesh. Zooming out from the Bangladesh case for a while, we see that more and more people are moving to cities in Bangladesh and elsewhere. According to the World City Report 2022, more and more people are moving to cities over the next three decades. The report estimates that by 2050, 68% of the world’s population will be living in cities, up from 56% in 2021. The number of cities in low-income countries is growing at a faster rate than in rich countries. The percentage of the growth of cities is 76 percent in low-income countries compared to 6 percent in upper- middle-income countries. Not all who came to cities ended up with better living standards. Currently, around 1.6 billion individuals, representing 20% of the global population, live in substandard houses. One billion of these individuals live in slums or informal settlements. Urban poverties are on the rise in cities around the world or declining at a slower rate than the rural poverty. People living in slums lack access to basic services such as clean drinking water, sanitation, playgrounds etc. Cities are not isolated from global challenges such as climate change, natural and man-made disasters, and the pandemic. The global economic recession caused by the COVID-19 pandemic was the worst since the Great Depression. The World City Report highlighted the need for cities to be prepared for a rapidly changing and unpredictable future. It said that cities must be able to respond effectively to a wide range of shocks and also strive to become more sustainable, equitable, green and healthier places to live. The report stressed that economic, social and ecological resilience, including adequate governance and institutional structures must be at the core of cities' future. The report also noted that climate change and environment are becoming increasingly important issues for cities in the future. Cities are responsible for most of the world's carbon emissions. Extreme weather events, such as floods, heat waves and landslides, will continue to affect cities the most. Over the past decade, there have been several pandemic-like events in different cities, such as the COVID-19 pandemic, the Bird flu pandemic, the H1N1 pandemic, the SARS pandemic and the Zika pandemic. The spread of HIV-AIDS has also become a major issue, particularly among certain groups of people living in urban areas. Air pollution is also a major problem, and climate change is leading to more people getting sick and causing more deaths. According to the report, about 7 million people die each year because of air pollution. The consumption of high-fat, high-sugar foods in the urban food system have increased the risk of diet-related diseases. The urban lifestyle is increasing the burden of Non-Communicable Diseases, depression, anxiety, and other mental health issues in both low and middle-income cities. As history has shown, the productivity and durability of cities depend on effective public health. According to the report cities need a good public health system that provides hospitals, medicines, vaccines, and health- promoting infrastructure like green spaces, better housing, safe and clean drinking water, and large sewer systems. The Urban health survey 2021 was carried out by NIPORT (National Institute of Population Research and Training) in Bangladesh with USAID funding and technical assistance from ICDDR, B (International Centre for Diarrheal Disease Research, Bangladesh) & MEASURE Evaluation. NIPORT conducted the Bangladesh Urban Health Survey 2006 UHS and Bangladesh Urban Health Survey 2013 to study the health profile and healthcare-seeking behavior of urban dwellers living in slums and non-slums of City Corporations & District Municipalities. The survey was a follow-up of the two previous Bangladesh Urban Health Surveys (UHS) (2006 UHS) and (2013 UHS) conducted by the NIPORT. The aim of the survey was to gain a deeper understanding of the health conditions and health seeking-behaviour of the urban dwellers residing in slums/non-slums/City Corporations/District Municipalities of Bangladesh. As we saw above, rapid urbanization is a phenomenon around the world, and Bangladesh is no exception. There is considerable variation in urbanization levels by geographical or administrative region. Bangladesh has 570 urban centres, including 11 metropolitan cities (cities), more than 322 Paurashvaka (municipalities) and several urban centres/cities. In Bangladesh, urbanization takes the form of a rapid increase in urban population, mainly due to natural growth and rural to urban migration (about two-thirds of urban population growth). In 1974, the urban population in Bangladesh was 6.27 million, and in 2019 it has increased to 60.98 million. The urbanization level (the percentage of population living in an urban area) in Bangladesh has increased from 8.78 percent in 1974, to 27.66 percent in 2011, and to 38.40 percent in 2021. Dhaka is currently 5th fastest growing megacity in the world, growing at the rate of 3.6 % per year. The urban population of Dhaka account for more than 44 per cent of the total urban population of Bangladesh. The Population and housing census of 2022 shows that Dhaka city covers an area of 306,4 square kilometer and has a population of over 10 million people. Bangladesh Demography and health survey 2022 shows that 22% of children under the age of 4 are underweight, whereas in 2011, the percentage was 36%. Nahin et al (2023) mentioned about increasing trend of natural disasters like flood and river erosion in terms of frequency and severity due to climatic change and variability in the riverine country Bangladesh. Globally the disaster vulnerable communities experience migration as common adaptation strategy for survival. In current time when population often becomes a burden rather than a resource, the practice of mobilization is not considered as worthy solution of combating against catastrophe in developing countries. This study reveals an unusual fact that the inhabitants of the Jamuna river floodplain are choosing immobility over migration to safe locations in such situations. Most of the victims of forced migration stay in the same disaster zone. In order to understand the dynamics of this phenomenon, this study aimed to identify the factors that influence the immobility of victims in Deenanganj Sub-district, Jamalpur district, North-Central Bangladesh. The migration of the victims is negatively correlated with the flood experience of the victims. Thus, the flood victims are more immobile than the erosion victims. Low living cost, job opportunities for women and support from NGOs/government are the most important factors that keep the victims immobile. The main obstacles to mobility are poverty and uncertainty in adjusting to a new place. Despite living under difficult circumstances, the people of Jamuna Floodplain prefer to remain in their current location until river erosion takes their land to crush them. In all the locations of the study, poverty is the biggest obstacle to mobility for the victims. To move somewhere new with their family members, they need backup which most inhabitants do not have. Poverty is the top constraint in all the locations for mobility. The relationship between migration and socio-economic factors such as age, education, socio- economic status of respondent and number of flood or river erosion during their life span and number of internal migrations within Dewanganj caused by such disaster are evaluated in the study. Children's migration depends mainly on the mobility of their mothers. In the course of the report, we came to know that climate change-induced migration to cities is a phenomenon all over the world. It is one of the most common adaptation strategies for climate change. In comparison to developed countries, more people are migrating to cities in developing or poorer countries. Climate change-induced migrants' families face various challenges both before and after the migration. After a natural disaster, the people exposed to the disaster suffer from homelessness, lack of food, unclean drinking water, lack of sanitation, lack of employment, lack of electricity etc. The children are the most vulnerable in these situations. Their health services and education are at risk after a natural disaster. The absence of basic infrastructures for living forces people to migrate to cities. For the purpose of this study, my focus was on the city of Dhaka. The city of Dhaka is a very small city with a very large population. The city has already polluted air and water. The city lacks green and open spaces. IV. Delimitations The subjects of my study are the children of the climate change induced migrants’ families who are living in the slum of Dhaka city. My paper only focused on the living conditions of the slum children with the objective to understand risk and vulnerability of the children of climate- change-induced migrants. Ten families living in a slum of Dhaka city are interviewed to find out the living condition of their children in the capital city of Bangladesh. All the families left their place of origin and migrated to Dhaka after losing everything due to natural disasters. All the families came from the southern part of Bangladesh. Ten families have twenty children who are growing up in a slum of the capital. In my study the children were not grouped according to age or gender. Due to budget constraint, I focused only on the general condition of living before and after migration of the children. Some structured questions were asked on numbers and types of natural disaster faced by the households, comparison of the living condition of households, before and after migration, living condition of children before and after migration and physical and mental growth of children. However, the risk and vulnerability are not identified in the context of political, institutional and social structure context. V. Previous Research Climate change-induced migration in Bangladesh and other countries such as Ethiopia, India, Peru and Vietnam, Fiji, Burkina Faso, Sweden, Australia and the United States, East Asia and Pacific Region have been the subject of numerous research papers in recent years. Some of these papers include the following: Nayna et al. (2021) made important research on climate- induced migrants living at slum in capital Dhaka coming from Bhola a southern district of Bangladesh. The research found that migrants who move in the context of climate change face a range of diverse health risks at the origin, and at the destination. Migrants, households and communities engage in risk-pooling process when they decide to migrate which has variety of positive and negative implication for their health and well-being. In addition to changing health care facilities migrants face many socio-economic barriers. From migrant-centric perspective, efficient urbanization policy should focus on smooth internal migration process, climate, and health governance. From the health point of view, migrants are considered to be in risky and vulnerable situation because displacement can jeopardize other important factors such as shelter, access to food and water, labour market, educational inclusion, psychological factor and health care access. Nayna’s research gave a very good overview of the health condition of climate change induced migrants. In line with Nayna, Khanom et al. (2022) also wrote an important research paper with gender dimension. The aim of Khanom et al.’s study is to investigate the insecurity of climate- induced migrants through their daily adaptation practices and gender-specific experiences of vulnerability. According to the research security is context specific. Different societies have different meanings of security within the adaptation process. People are unable to exercise or feel security because of the lack of freedom and limitations placed on the possibility of a successful life. Human-security threat results from conflict over resources that sustain livelihood, loss of livelihood and undermining the capacity of states capacity to act in a way that promotes human security in the context of climate change induced migration. Climate-induced migrants’ safety in terms of food, health care, living conditions, livelihoods are the product of a complex interplay of social, cultural and economic factors. The effects of climate change force men to migrate with their families from disaster-prone areas for the loss of their livelihood. Climate-induced migrants have less social network than others. They only have access to informal employment opportunities. Khanom et al. study reveals that most of the climate-induced migrants are engaged in informal jobs in urban areas. Women climate-induced migrants have access to the informal labour market in cities as domestic helper, garment worker and many other casual jobs. On the other hand, physical labor-intensive jobs like day laborer, rickshaw driver, construction worker and many other jobs are available for men climate-induced migrants. Migrants who are climate- induced are forced to undertake manual and exhausting jobs at the early stages of their lives. This is detrimental for their career growth through proper education and good health in the long run. Because they lack the necessary skills, they are forced to do physically labor-intensive work. It’s a vicious cycle that results in deteriorating health conditions, premature death, organ loss due to occupational hazards, and lifelong dependency on medication. Parents’ occupation and earning level influence the social & economic status as well as the living condition of the children of the families. Leaving the Bangladesh context, Nguyen et al. (2018) study looked at the impact of different types of natural disasters on children's education and cognitive ability in Etiopia, India, Peru and Vietnam. Floods tend to have a more negative effect on children's education than droughts, frosts, and hailstorms. Exposure to floods decreases the average number of completed grades of children in Ethiopia, India, and Vietnam by 3.4%, 3.8%, and 1.8%, respectively. In India, children who are experienced with droughts, frosts, and hailstorms tend to have lower school enrollment rates. In Peru, we do not find a significant effect of disasters on children's education or cognitive ability. Celia et al. (2023) case study covered Fiji, Bangladesh and Burkina Faso. In their study 7 sites of Bangladesh that are affected by flooding, cyclones, and riverbank erosion were included. Residents use migration and mobility as a coping strategy. The case studies add to the limited body of empirical data on the health risks (and benefits) associated with climate-related mobility - altered diet, reduced access to healthcare, reduced income, hazardous working conditions, poor urban conditions, increased exposure to infectious diseases, altered social networks, loss of place attachments, etc. In research done by the East Asia and Pacific Regional Office of UNICEF, Lawler et al. (2012) mentioned that children in the lowest income quintiles are at a higher risk of exclusion from essential services such as health, water and sanitation, and social protection than children in the highest quintiles. Poverty robs families of resources and services that are necessary to withstand climate shocks. Climate risks for children range from physical impacts (such as cyclones and storm surges) to educational, psychological, and nutritional issues. Climate change will change precipitation, evaporation, runoff water, soil moisture, and the availability of safe water sources in areas where these are already limited. Millions of children in Asia-Pacific are already deprived of clean water and sanitation. Food insecurity and the risk of disease are already high. Drought and flooding can lead to acute water shortages. Unchecked water use for drinking or irrigation can increase the risk of waterborne diseases such as diarrhoea, hepatitis A, and cholera. The leading killers of children around the world are highly vulnerable to climate change. For instance, higher temperatures are associated with higher rates of malnutrition, cholera, diarrhoea and other vector-borne diseases such as dengue, malaria, etc. The evidence based on findings from country studies commissioned by UNICEF in East Asia and the Pacific as well as children’s self-reported views on climate change and other research reiterated that children were exposed to the negative effects of climate change and already reported on its impact on their lives and livelihoods. This study highlighted the need to understand children’s perceptions of the risks in wider climate change planning. Furthermore, Burke et al. (2018) reviewing recent evidence on the psychological effects of climate change on children. The climate change place children at risk of mental health consequences, including depression, anxiety, phobias, sleep disorders, attachment disorders, and substance abuse. These in turn can lead to problems with emotion regulation, cognition, learning, behavior, language development, and academic performance. In their research they used the examples from Sweden, Australia and USA. Similarly, giving many examples from the United States, Carolyn Kousky (2016) mentioned about three ways in which natural disasters can disproportionately harm children, often with lasting consequences. First, disasters can harm children physically. Children can be hurt or killed in disasters, but they can also suffer from malnutrition caused by food shortages or diarrhoea from contaminated water. Second, disasters can prevent children from accessing medical care. Third, disasters can have a lasting impact on children's mental health. While disasters can be stressful and frightening in themselves, they can also be psychologically damaging. Children can suffer from loss of loved ones, witnessing parents or caregivers undergoing stress, neglect, and abuse. Disasters can also disrupt children's education. Disasters can lead to displacement of families, destruction of schools, and push them into child labour to support families in difficult economic times. In addition, disasters can disrupt social networks and neighborhoods, as well as local economies. Going back to Bangladesh, Hossan (2018) mentioned that the undernutrition of women and children of Bangladesh is among the highest in the world. The study found that some climatic variables, poor households and gender inequality amenities have negative consequences on women's body mass index. Conflict is caused by scarcity of resources. But not all conflicts are caused by a lack of resources. Other factors like political, economic, social, and environmental stress can also contribute to conflict. For example, pollution, climate change, and natural disasters can lead to changes in livelihoods, migration, and social unrest. Because of the high population density and the scarcity of land and resources, conflict is more likely to happen in Dhaka. Most of the time climate change migrant families are vulnerable to extreme weather in the disaster-prone areas and consider migration to capital as an only option to survival. Though the parents are getting informal jobs after migration children are vulnerable in the new urban pollutions. Those pollution are not visible and quick like cyclone or flood. But life threatening for the children in the long run. Children are always the worst victims both before and after migration. The risk and vulnerability are present for children both in their place of origin and in the slum of Dhaka city. Question comes how to safe those children? In my paper I tried to understand the risk and vulnerability of the children who came to city as climate change induced migrants. The objective of my study is to draw accurate picture of the living condition of the children of climate change induced migrants’ families highlighting the risk and vulnerability factors. Proper identification of the problem will help to make practical adaption strategy and walk in the path of solution. There are many researchers who have already given useful guidance to handle the climate change migration and urbanization problem in the long run. Iqbal et al (2015) has given some pragmatic suggestion to stop the migration in the city in the first place to release some pressure on the slum areas of heavy migration. In the paper it was projected that climate change induced migration would put pressure on the limited urban space and jobs and create civil unrest. Formulation of pragmatic adaptation policy and investment in research for development heat, salinity and water resilient crops, developing institutions for agricultural credit and crop insurance, creating climate-shock free off-farm job opportunities in the rural areas are effective tools for providing disincentives to migrant. Furthermore, Rana et al. (2021) gave some guidance to handle the climate change migration problem of Bangladesh. First, addressing the climate change impacts on migration is inevitable to understand the causes, drivers and dynamics of migration/displacements. Second, an important topic of migration research might be reframing the relocation strategies for environmental refugees among the cities and between regions. Third, designing and planning urban housing landscapes ensuring sufficient social and environmental services for the low-income urban dwellers, who are mostly maladaptive climate migrants. Fourth, adequate institutional and legal framework for land development regulation and reducing the illegal/informal occupation of urban land is a big challenge to the urban stakeholders. Finally, good governance of climate- induced migration both in the rural and urban ends. It is argued that making resilient cities will be impossible without sufficient considerations of the rural resilience. Many literatures have been examined in this section with the causes and the wellbeing of the migrants in the global as well as in the context of Bangladesh. But literature on the impact on children are limited. Compared to other urban children, slum children get limited attention. Attention is more narrowed down for the climate change migrants’ children. I am happy to get the opportunity to examine the risk and vulnerability of the children of climate change induced families. My study could help the policy makers work for the betterment of physical and mental health of those children. VI. RELEVANCE WITH GLOBAL STUDIES This paper is about climate change and migration and children of city slums in Bangladesh. My research topic is very relevant to the main fields of Global Studies like globalization, global ecology, global health, human Security, human ecology, migration, global governance, global production, human migration and trafficking, etc. Global Studies education is based on a high level of involvement in global affairs. Global Studies covers a broad range of topics such as ethnicity, cultural diversity, gender, migration, climate change and conflict, political economy and security, conflict prevention and resolution, and sustainable development. Global Studies offers an in-depth examination of current issues and provides us with the tools to analyze social phenomena in a world that is increasingly globalized. Global Studies provides a deep comprehension of how globalization impacts lives, the environment and possibilities for action and creativity, building the capacity to work towards a more equitable, sustainable and inclusive society. Globalization is a concept that has been around for a long time, but it has now reached unprecedented levels of scale, scope, frequency, speed, intensity, and impact. We live with globalization every day, whether it is through instant information and communication with friends and family around the world, international travel and education, or natural disasters. Globalization has enabled us to access food and culture produced far from home, as well as new and affordable global services through the sharing economy model. Global Studies aim to understand the dynamic of globalization and the forces that drive it. By understanding globalization, we can identify solutions and make important contributions to global organizations. Globally, we have seen a shift in power structures that affect the way we solve global issues. Climate change is a major challenge that requires global cooperation, and globalization has also led to increased inequalities in global society, with some groups being the victims of this new economic arrangement. According to Jan Aart Scholte, professor emeritus at the University of Gothenburg (7 September 2021), globalization is an “extraordinary concept”. Environmental Social Science is a part of Global Studies and focuses on environmental issues. It analyzes fundamental aspects of human relations with the environment using different perspectives and approaches. The research is problem oriented and focuses on pressing global issues of 21st-century. Environmental Social Science plays an important role in Global Studies, as it allows us to question and investigate the relationship between societies and the environment. Human ecology is another part of Global Studies, which offers a deep understanding of how globalization impacts human life, the environment and the potential for action and innovation. Human ecology is a science that critically analyzes the relationship between natural and human systems, how human societies relate to and interact with the natural world. Human ecology examines global issues, provides critical insights on the major challenges facing global society and helps to find solutions. Sustainability is more important than ever, and it is at the top of Human Ecology’s agenda. We learn about the current state of environmental issues and how sustainable development can be achieved through social organizations and emerging technologies. Human ecology helps us to better understand the relationship between humanity and the natural world, as well as increase our relevance as social actors. Topics discussed in Human Ecology include environment, society, power and politics, markets and consumption; value and ethics; science and society; policy challenges; and the future post- growth society. (Spash, 2017) Global studies also aid us in understanding global migration. Migration is also an area of global study. According to Huysmans (2000), "Migration is not new; it has been around since the dawn of time." What has changed, however, is the way in which we view it. For example, in the pre- colonial era, thousands of Europeans immigrated to third world countries for the purpose of colonialism. In the mid-twentieth century, there was reverse migration as third world nationals immigrated to Europe as labor immigrants. This was mainly because cheap labor was needed in European companies. From the 1960’s/70’s, the tolerance of migration was replaced by mean and unfriendly policies. Migration was frowned upon and strongly discouraged; it was seen as a security threat. More migrants meant fewer jobs for natives, and fierce competition for the social benefits. As a result, protecting their citizens’ interests became a priority, many European countries either expelled migrants or made borders impenetrable to migrants. Huysmans (2009) mentioned that after the end of the Cold War, the idea of globalization evolved, and migration came to be seen as a security problem. The first part of the paper dealt with the security of the individual migrants from a national and human security point of view. In the second part of the paper, security was defined as the exercise of governmental control over the knowledge, language and technology. Security is a collection of practices and practices that are connected to other political problems. Migration and politics are closely linked. Because of the political nature of migration, it has become a complex issue. Not all migration policies and regulations are logical, ethical or equal. Many issues go unanswered or go unnoticed. The increasing frequency of natural disasters around the world is leading to internal and external migrations across the globe. Statistics from the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), International Disaster Management Center (IDMC) and World Bank report mentioned in the introduction demonstrate the magnitude of the challenge in the years to come. International organizations are also the part of global studies. My study topic the risk factors of the children of climate- induced migrants of Bangladesh are very relevant with different branches of Global Studies. Like globalization, human ecology, migration, international cooperation, and international organizations. Climate change is a global phenomenon. Natural disasters do not have any border. Other than few forecast, no one can say for sure how devastating a natural disaster could be. That is why though Bangladesh is not the major contributor to climate change, the interviewees of my study experienced the consequence of climate change with their children. Global attention, cooperation and sincere support to every country to each other to understand the risk and vulnerability factors associated to climate change, can ensure better future for everyone. VII. THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK AND KEY CONCEPTS Children are one of the worst victims of natural disasters. In my study, I attempted to identify the risk factors for slum children in terms of health, safety, child rights, food safety, child labour, child marriage, and psychological impact. I conducted this analysis based on human security, the relational approach of risk analysis and vulnerability interpretation (O’Brien et al. 2007). Nick Vaughan William (2015) focused on human security and development in his writing (Critical security studies-an introduction, by Columba Peoples and Nick Vaughan-Williams, 2015, Routledge). He mentioned that Canada had been at the forefront of human security initiatives at the global level, and the concept has been a central part of Canadian foreign policy discourse. In the year 2000, Canada became one of the very first countries to dedicate funding to human security. The country's landmine treaty, a Canadian-backed initiative that was signed under the Ottawa Convention in 1997, remains one of the main successes of human security efforts. Norway has focused on preventive action, small arms control, and peacekeeping as the core components of its human security agenda. Japan has embraced a broad conception of 'human security' as a key element of its foreign policy to secure 'human liberty and potential'. The United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) has led the way in promoting the human security agenda and other international organizations such as the New Partnership for Africa Development (NEPAD), the African Union (AU) and the European Union (EU) have also started to embrace and implement the concept. The 1994 UNDP report defined human security as follows: 1) Human security is universal, that is, it applies to all people. 2) Human security components are interdependent, that is, there is an overlap between military and non-military sources of insecurity. 3) Human security focuses on prevention, rather than intervention. 4) Human security has a people-centred focus. Human security and its development go hand in hand with the development of the term “human development.” In the early 1990’s, there was a shift from a focus on improving global living standards through economic growth to a more negative focus on human development, an idea first introduced in the United Nations’ Human Development Report of 1990 (UNDP 1990). Conflict only exacerbates existing problems and the potential instability of states beyond the direct effects of war. For example, in the Democratic Republic of Congo, it is estimated that 2.5 million war deaths occurred between 1998 and 2001, of which only 6 percent were directly caused by conflict. The vast majority of these deaths resulted from the wider societal impact of war in terms of disease and malnutrition. In the Routledge Handbook on new Security Studies, edited by J. Peter Burgess, 2012, Taylor Owen and in his book, Security Studies (Edition of Paul Willum on Human Security, Routledge, 2012), Osler Hampson mention in their writings that the concept of human security came in focus around 1990. Taylor Owen (2012) mentioned that human security is a concept that began to come into focus in the early 1990s, when the geopolitical stability of the Cold War led to a shift in the focus from macro threats to human vulnerability. This shift brought into focus a range of harms that were previously overlooked due to the focus on macro threats, and the inability of the nation state to protect citizens from these broad vulnerabilities, as well as emerging forms conflicts that were seen as more threatening to human security than the traditional inter-state war that had been the focus of security studies until then. The Commission on Human Security defines human security as safeguarding the essential core of all human life in ways that improve human freedom and human fulfillment. Protecting fundamental freedoms from critical (high) and pervasive (low) threats and situations through processes that are based on people's strengths and aspirations. Establishing political, social, environmental, economic, military and cultural systems that together provide people with the means to survive, live and live with dignity. (Ogata and Sen 2003:4). Without a shadow of a doubt, human security studies have gained attention in the broader literature of international relations and social science. However, the conceptual diversity and lack of consensus on what constitutes a threat to the individual as human security threat have resulted in human security being used for a much broader range of purposes. Therefore, it is extremely difficult to see the multiple uses of human security as fitting into a singular paradigm of research, advocacy and policy. According to Taylor Owen (2012), it is useful to catalogue the uses of human security in four clusters: human security as policy tool, human security as issue appropriation, human security as measurement tool and human security as a critical tool. First, human security has been used as a foreign policy principle and as justification of international organizations. For example, in 1990, Japan, Canada and Norway started to view human security as a useful tool for promoting issue areas where there was a need for influence (e.g. landmines in Canada, conflict negotiation in Norway, and international development in Japan). Second, the term ‘human security’ has been used to describe a broad range of problems. Many research and advocacy organizations use the term to describe their particular area of interest. The examples of this use are numerous and include but are not limited to small arms, landmines, education, international criminal law, public health, food security, human trafficking, globalization and development, gender and peacebuilding, water and conflict, security sector reform, non-state actors, the environment and conflict prevention, refugees and forced migration, conflict diamonds and civilian protection. Third, a number of projects have focused on the measurement of human security and a related discussion on the feasibility and effectiveness of such efforts. These exercises range from econometric models to national level statistical analysis to more subjective threat local assessment. Fourth, human security is used as a critical lens by a variety of theoretical schools to analyze and criticize state. First, the constructivist use human security to challenge the centrality of the state in neo-realism and liberal theorization. They claim that the state over-emphasizes one security actor (the state) and under-emphasizes a variety of others (individuals, groups, non-governmental organizations and transnational organizations). They also claim that too much emphasis is placed on materialist and positivist discourse. Second, the neo-Gramscian theorist use human security to claim that a state-dominated hegemonic elite promotes a global power structure as well as a state-centric security discourse which marginalizes and destroys the real vulnerabilities of individuals. Third, the postmodernist uses human security in critique of dominant knowledge theories and then the state as a whole as an all-encompassing security actor. Fourth, the feminist theorists use human security in criticism of a patriarchal theory and practice embedded in mainstream security discourse. All four theoretical perspectives use human security as the agent of social change against the dominant security processes. In his book, Security Studies (Edition of Paul Willum on Human Security, Routledge, 2013), Osler Hampson (2013) points out that human security issues rose to the top of the academic and political research agenda during the 1990’s. This coincided with the long-standing human security concerns of students and practitioners in international development – an agenda that has typically focused on the ways in which globalization dynamics have impaired the prospects of human growth and the delivery of fundamental human needs. However, in his view, there are arguably three different conceptions of human security which shape the current debate. The first is what could be described as the natural rights/rule of law view of human security, grounded in the fundamental liberal premise of the fundamental individual right to life, liberty, and pursuit of happiness, and the international duty of state to safeguard and advance those rights. The humanitarian view of human security informs, for instance, international efforts to strengthen and deepen international law, particularly in relation to genocides and war crimes, as well as to eliminate weapons that are particularly detrimental to civilians and noncombatants. This is at the core of humanitarian interventions aimed at improving the basic living standards of refugees and those displaced by conflict from their homelands and communities. On rare occasions, military force has also been used to avert genocides or ethnic cleansing, usually for rather specific humanitarian reasons such as the restoration of fundamental human rights and dignity. These two perspectives of human security, which focus on fundamental human rights and their violation, contrast with a broad view that human security should include economic, environmental, social and other types of harm to the general well-being and survival of individuals. This broad conception of human security includes a strong social justice dimension as well as a broader consideration of threats (actual and potential) to individuals’ survival and health. According to the third, and arguably most controversial, perspective of human security, the global economy, the forces of globalization, and the health of the environment, including the global atmosphere and oceans, are all legitimate causes of concern in terms of their effects on the security of individuals. Osler Hampson (2013) also mentioned that a lot of human security literature uses the term “threat” to describe a long list of problems, and it seems to be growing all the time. To lump all these problems together, from pandemic diseases to human-made disaster, environmental disasters to population displacement, terrorism, nuclear proliferation, small arms, etc., with the statistics of death, is not useful. Some scholars now argue, there are profound, long term social and economic implication of those disasters. He mentioned about the global risk report in his writing. The report of Global Risk (2007) argues that there has been a major improvement in the understanding of the interdependencies between global risks, the importance of taking and integrated risk management approach to major global challenges and necessity of attempting to deal with root causes of global risks which include energy supply disruption, climate change, natural catastrophes, international terrorism, interstate and civil wars, pandemics and infectious disease and breakdown of critical information infrastructure. For all their inconsistencies and uncertainties, human security studies are growing demonstrably stronger and more abundant. The relational approach to risk analysis Risk analysis according to the relational approach is a way of conceptualizing risk as a social event. The relational theory of risk describes how the social construct of risk objects, relationship of risk, and object of risk interact. Relationship of risk is causal; the risk object is perceived as a threat to the subject object. The risk object can be a natural disaster such as a storm, cyclone, lightning, or a manufactured product like a drone. Risk is identified, evaluated, and understood in relation to the knowledge, value, and concern that are situated in relation to the subject's livelihood, social institution, and past experience. For an object to be regarded as at risk, it must be assigned some value. However, the notion of value is not universally agreed upon. Value can be defined broadly as something that is regarded as of value, such as a thing of value, nature, principle or situation. Alternatively, it can be measured in monetary value. The identity of the risk object, an object at risk, and relationship of risk are variable. Cultural categories such as danger, value, harm, victim, actor, purpose, decision, cause, and effect are subjected to habitual reframing and reassessment. The object at risk is seen as something that needs to be nurtured and cared for. A relational theory of risk implies that effective risk communication depends on understanding the dynamics of the objects at risk, the relationships of the risk, and the risk objects. Organizational level risk management or institutional level risk management should begin with identifying what is at risk, what is a threat, and how does one relate to other entities. Interpretation of vulnerability The two interpretations of vulnerability associated with climate change are outcome vulnerability and contextual vulnerability, which are related to different scientific frameworks and human insecurity frameworks. Both frameworks prioritize the generation of different types of knowledge and emphasize different types of policies to address climate change. Outcome vulnerability refers to the extent to which various scenarios of greenhouse gas emissions led to dangerous disruptions to the climate system. Reducing vulnerability refers to reducing exposure to climate changes through mitigation or developing adaptation measures to limit the consequences. Contextual vulnerability refers to a multidimensional view of how climate variability and change occur in the context of political, institutional, economic and social systems that interact dynamically with the environment. Both outcome and contextual vulnerability address the question of who is affected by climate change? Outcome research typically looks at the estimated impact of climate change while contextual research looks at individuals and society (classes, race, age or gender). Two interpretations represent complementary approaches to the climate change issues. The human security is people centric, universal and applied to all the people (UNDP, 1994). Human security can be broken down into seven categories: economic security, food security, health security, environmental security, personal security, community security and political security (Taylor Owen, 2012) All the categories of human security is relevant to my research. In my research, I attempted to identify the risk and vulnerabilities of the children living in slums who moved to Dhaka due to the natural disaster. My finding reflected in the categories of food security, environmental security, health security, personal security for children. I believe under the big umbrella of human security is very relevant to discuss the risk factors of children of the slum. My findings were discussed with three different concentrations of human security highlighted by Osler Hampson (2013). He wrote about fundamental individual right, violation of human rights and different types of consequences of environment and climate change in his categories. I thought it would be very relevant to analyze my findings with those categories. In my study, I tried to find out the risk and vulnerability factors of children before and after migration. The relational approach to risk analysis (Bohom,2011) and vulnerability interpretation helped me to identify the risk and vulnerability factors before and after migration for the children of the slum. VIII. METHODS INCLUDING ETHICAL CONSIDERATION Both quantitative and qualitative data were used for the research. In the introduction, background and previous research I have used secondary information and data from different reports and documents. This is an interview study. The interview had two parts. The first part consisted with structured question and the last part was question-answer session. I will also use secondary data from Bangladesh Urban health Survey 2021 and connect my finding with those already existing data. I conducted face-to-face interviews for the qualitative and quantitative data. The interviews were done with ten households in the slum area in Dhaka city, the capital of Bangladesh. Some structured questions were asked to all the interviews to get quantitative data on the number of times each household experienced natural disaster. Some structured questions were asked to understand the living condition of households, living condition for children and physical and mental growth of children. The qualitative data was collected in the study in the question answer session before the end of the interview. The questionnaire of the study is attached in the Appendix-1. The households were randomly selected from a slum area in Mirpur in Dhaka city. Out of ten interviews four were from North Pirer Bagh, Mirpur 2 slum and rest were from Mid Monipur Mirpur 2 slum. Both the slums were in capital Dhaka city. All the respondents were from the coastal districts of Bangladesh- Barishal, Bhola, Laxmipur, Borguna. All the households chosen have children and migrated to Dhaka city losing almost everything due to natural disasters like floods, droughts, frequent rainfall, heat, river erosion, salinity increase, etc. The age range of the respondents is between 25 years to 47. All the climate change-induced migrant families were newcomers in Dhaka city. They were living in the slum for the last one to three years at the time of interview. Ten climate change-induced migrant families have twenty children. All the children are under eighteen. Through the semi-structured interview, I compared the living condition of the children before and after the migration. In the context of Bangladesh, mothers are the main responsible for raising children. Nine mothers and one father were interviewed in the study. A number of questions were asked to every interviewee to understand the living and socioeconomic conditions before and after migration, the causes of migration, children’s health, and education status and the number of natural disasters faced in the last five years. At the end a few questions were asked to the parents about their expected future for the children in Dhaka city. Due to budget constraints, I was not able to go to Bangladesh and collect the data myself. I hired two research assistants to help me with the interviews. The research assistants went to two slums and interviewed ten households. Both the slums are popular destinations for climate change- induced migrants from the coastal districts of Bangladesh. Although I was unable to attend the interviews in person, over 45 years of living experience in the city of Dhaka made it easier for me to comprehend the situation. Having been born, educated, employed and married in Dhaka city, I have over 15 years of experience working in the development sector of Bangladesh. My extensive field knowledge has enabled me to accurately portray the real situation in the interviews. In my thesis, many existing documents and reports have been used as background. I tried to give global picture of climate change and migration and step by step it was narrowed down to the children of the slum of the climate change-induced migrants at Dhaka. I learned to follow the step-by-step process while studying content analysis. Content analysis helped me to read and understand the content of the text in a systematic way and gather knowledge. As we know, the content analysis is an approach to the study of documents and text that seeks to quantify content in terms of predetermined categories and in a systemic and replicable manner. It’s a very flexible method, which can be used to study different kinds of content. It is a method that through a structured, step-by-step process can describe the actual content, themes and core ideas in different kinds of texts (Bryman, 2016). It is the interview material that is the target of my content analysis. Content analysis is a way of understanding documents systematically and using them as a source of information. Two important areas of content analysis are objectivity and systematicity. Objectivity means that the procedures for assigning the raw material to categories are transparent so that personal biases don't influence the process. Systematicity means that the application of the rules is done in a consistent manner so that bias is minimized. This process allows anyone to produce the same results, regardless of their personal biases (Bryman, 2016). In my interview I have used some predetermined codes which helped me to sort out the data from the beginning and get the result easily. For example, to understand the intensity and the severity of natural disasters in the last five years in the coastal districts, I predetermined some codes like the number of natural disasters faced in the last five years and the most affected years in the last five years. The interviewees also mentioned the number of times floods, cyclones, extreme heat, heavy rainfall occurred in their areas in the last five years. To understand the living conditions before and after migration, the coding of the interview was done in advance. Good structure, step by step-by-step procedure brought clear results of my study. As my sample number was not so big, I did not use any code for the question-answer session of the interview. I tried to share in the report as much as possible. Good planning is a half-done of a job. As a researcher, I tried to create the best study design possible, taking into account the aim of the research, the sample and unit of analysis, the choice of data collection method, the choice of analysis method, and the practical implications (Bengtsson, 2016). I tried to follow the timetable determined in advance for each activity. As researchers, I and my research assistants tried to make sure that everyone involved in the study for the interview was aware of the plan and that they had the right to refuse to participate if they didn't want to. The participants of the interview had the right to withdraw if they didn't want to participate, and the right to confidentiality (Bengtsson, 2016). In the interview, a detailed discussion has been done to understand the social, economic, physical and mental condition of the children of climate change-induced families. The conversation was narrowed down to the living, health, education, and future of the children of the families. After structured questions, the open questions were asked about the future of the children. The keywords I found in the question-answer session were causes of migration, helplessness, social network, natural disasters, loss of assets, loss of crops, joblessness, costs of migration, first job in Dhaka, pollution, congestion, lack of space, lack of green, quality of life in Dhaka, children, impact on children, climate change, etc. The assistant researchers also try to document their changes in emotions while discussing the above issues. As we know, qualitative content analysis is conducted through a latent approach, where the texts are interpreted to find the contextual information of what is really being said (Bengtsson, 2016). The codes used were developed partly before the start of the analysis and complemented with new ones as the process expands (Drisko & Maschi, 2015). To understand the living condition before and after migration predefined codes like the size of the house, drinking water, sanitation, access to electricity, access to food and health care were used to prepare the structured questionnaire. Codes like access to school, distance of school, infrastructure of school, playground at school, surrounding of house, playing opportunity at home, number of times children are becoming sick are used. The objective is to find out the risk and vulnerability issues for the children of climate change-induced migrants. No predefined codes were omitted because it turned out to be irrelevant. My fifteen years of working experience in the field of development helped me to put relevant codes in the questionnaire. At the end of the interview, there were five open-ended questions on what changes took place in the lives of climate change migrants when they arrive in Dhaka? How did children's lives change after coming to Dhaka? How has children’s health changed after migrating to town? How has this affected the children's lives in different ways? Has access to health care changed when moving to town? What types of future do the parents think their children will have? Content analysis helped elicit the major causes and impact of climate-induced migration on cities through adequate coding of the texts. Literature suggests that there are three approaches used to interpret results from the content of text data and this is based on i) coding schemes, ii) origins of codes, and iii) threats to trustworthiness (Hsieh and Shannon, 2005). I used codes different codes in the questionnaires to understand the physical and mental growth of the children initial like food intake of children, attendance at school, health care facilities, type of diseases, opportunity to play, and child labor issues were used in the initial stage. Interviews can also have the tendency to reconfirm already set out biases, both by the questions asked by the researcher and by the interviewees (Bryman, 2016). The ethical considerations that was relevant in this study are self-reflexivity, conducting ethical interviews, and ensuring the quality of the study through high validity and reliability. Extensive self-reflexivity was conducted before the start of the study and throughout the process, not just questioning my own biases but also actively searching for biases in who was studied, what was asked, which pattern was seen, etc. Things to consider are both my views of rural populations since I’m from a city. I actively made an effort to challenge myself and constantly educate myself to expand these limitations. The quality of the research is up to the researcher, and in this study, a high degree of validity and reliability was the main quality check (Bengtsson, 2016). Validity and reliability were considered throughout the whole study, and triangulation together with extensive explanations of the chosen data, the chosen codes, the development of codes as well as repeating the coding resulted in a high-quality study. Qualitative research helps us to understand the human condition in different contexts and to see how people perceive a situation. The goal of content analysis is to study the data carefully and to come up with conclusions that are based on what was seen. There are four main steps in doing this: first, the data was decontextualized, then it is re-contextualized, then it is categorized, and finally, it is compiled (Bengtsson, 2016). I followed all these steps more than once to analyze my data from face-to-face to face interviews. IX. RESULTS: ANALYSIS OF PRIMARY DATA In May 2023, two (one males, one females) Bangladeshi research assistants (RAs) were hired to collect qualitative data using standardized instruments, available in both Bangla and English. We obtained verbal consent from all study participants. Socio-demographic data collected included sex, age, employment status, marital status. The questions sought to capture “what” migrants experienced concerning climate change, migration,health and education of children and “how” they experienced it. RAs also collected data in the form with structured question to understand the change of the living condition before and after migration. Interview duration ranged from 50- 60 minutes. We maintained confidentiality of information to all our participants. We conducted ten interviews with migrants purposefully selected for interview. We have the permission to reveal the names of the respondents. Most of the interviewees were young by age. Their age ranged from twenty-five to forty-seven. All the interviewees were living in Dhaka for between one to three years. All ten households left their place of origin after losing their home due to different types of natural disasters which caused homelessness, disruption in food supply, less investment in the coastal district, and joblessness. Nazma Akter (31) migrated to Dhaka with her two children and started living in the Middle Monipur slum (Known as Khalil Miar Bosti) for three years. She mentioned in her interview that after losing her home due to natural disasters and not having any work in her home district, she came to the slums of Dhaka. She came to the capital in search of a job and to earn a living for her family. Janu Bebum (43) who lives at North Pirerbagh (known as chapra Mosjid) Mirpur mentioned in her interview that she lost her home due to river erosion. There was no alternative arrangement for her family to stay in her place of origin than to migrate to city. She came to Dhaka for the sake of food, education and medical care for her children which are basic needs for children. Alauddin Chukidar (38) was the only male person interviewed in the study. In his interview, he mentioned that his house was broken due to a natural disaster. The education of his four children was stopped at that time. Insufficient food intake was causing frequent sickness in his children. Health facilities were not adequately available in his locality. Considering all these issues he moved to Dhaka and started living in the slum. He has been living in North Pirer Bagh Mirpur-2 slum for a year. The youngest interviewee was Morium (25) who came to Dhaka two years back and started living in Khalil Miar Bosti (A slum at Middle Monipur) Mirpur-2. She has one child. In her interview, she mentioned that while living in Laxipur there was no employment opportunity. Due to poverty child was suffering malnutrition-related diseases. The family could not ensure health care services for the child due to the distance of the hospital. All the interviewees were questioned about the number of natural disasters they faced in the last five years. All the interviewees were from the coastal districts of Bangladesh. On average every household’s experience twenty natural disasters like flood, cyclone, drought, river erosion for twenty times in the last five years. The highest numbers of natural disasters were experienced by Janu Begum from Barishal district. She is 43 years old and a mother of two children. In the last five years, she has experienced floods 4 times, drought 5 times, frequent rainfall 5 times, temperature rising 5 times, soil/river erosion 4 times and tornado/ cyclone 5 times. The lowest number of natural disasters is experienced by the only male interviewees Alauddin Chakiddar (38). He experienced natural disasters eight times. He has experienced floods 3 times, soil/river erosion 3 times, and cyclones 2 times. He lost his house to flood and river erosion. All of the interviewees were asked about their worst year of experience with natural disasters in last five years following the list of different types of natural disasters. Most of the time the years mentioned by the interviewees were between 2020-2022. It reflects that the intensity of natural disasters is increasing in the recent years. LOCATION AND NATURAL DISASTER FOR THE LAST FIVE YEARS IDENTIFICATION DETAIL Number of Flood Flash Drought Salinity Sea level Frequent Tempratur Soil/ River Tornad/ Total years in Flood Increase rise Rainfall e rising Erosion Cyclone Dhaka NAME: HH properties and yes no yes no no yes yes yes yes productivity affected [ in last 5 years ] Frequency of occurrence 3 3 2 3 3 5 19 INTERVIEW - 3 years Year 2019 2020 2019 2019 2019 2022 01 NAME: HH properties and yes no yes no no yes yes yes yes productivity affected [ in last 5 years ] Frequency of occurrence 4 5 5 5 4 5 28 INTERVIEW - 3 years Year 2022 2021 2021 2022 2022 2020 02 NAME: HH properties and yes no no no no no yes yes yes productivity affected [ in last 5 years ] Frequency of occurrence 4 5 3 5 17 INTERVIEW - 2 years Year 2020 2021 2022 2020 03 NAME: HH properties and yes no yes no no yes yes yes yes productivity affected [ in last 5 years ] Frequency of occurrence 2 3 3 5 3 5 21 INTERVIEW - 1 year Year 2022 2022 2021 2022 2022 2020 04 NAME: HH properties and yes no yes no no yes yes yes yes productivity affected [ in last 5 years ] Frequency of occurrence 2 3 3 3 3 5 19 INTERVIEW - 2 years Year 2022 2021 2021 2022 2022 2020 05 NAME: HH properties and yes no yes no no yes yes yes yes productivity affected [ in last 5 years ] Frequency of occurrence 3 2 3 4 3 5 20 INTERVIEW - 3 years Year 2022 2021 2022 2022 2022 2022 06 NAME: HH properties and yes no yes no no yes yes yes yes productivity affected [ in last 5 years ] Frequency of occurrence 4 3 2 5 3 5 22 INTERVIEW - 2 years Year 2020 2021 2022 2022 2022 2020 07 NAME: HH properties and yes no no no no no no yes yes productivity affected [ in last 5 years ] Frequency of occurrence 3 3 2 8 INTERVIEW - 1 year Year 2021 2021 2022 08 NAME: HH properties and yes no no yes no yes yes no yes productivity affected [ in last 5 years ] Frequency of occurrence 3 5 3 5 5 21 INTERVIEW - 2 years Year 2022 2021 2021 2022 2022 09 NAME: HH properties and yes no no no no yes yes yes yes productivity affected [ in last 5 years ] Frequency of occurrence 3 4 4 3 5 19 INTERVIEW - 3 years Year 2020 2021 2022 2022 2022 10 In the interview, the interviewees were asked some structured questions to compare the living conditions of the households as well as the children’s physical and mental conditions. I compared the living conditions in the following dimensions: size of the house, quality of drinking water, sanitation, access to electricity, access to food and health care. The members of the household were father, mother and children. In most cases, the space of the houses became smaller after migration. About 70% of migrants reported that houses became smaller and only 30% reported that they got more space after migration. However, other amenities like quality of drinking water, sanitation, access to electricity, access to food, and health have improved for all after migration to the slum in Dhaka. The living conditions of Dhaka slums is the worst. But still, it is the best option for the climate change induced migrant’s family due to lack of food, employment opportunity, electricity, health service and education in their place of origin. Table 1: ADULT-COMPARISON OF LIVING CONDITIONS (n=18) Indicator Before Migration After Migration n (%) n (%) Size of the house Larger 14 (70.00) 6 (30.00) Same as before - - Smaller 6 (30.00) 14 (70.00) Drinking water Better 2 (11.11) 16 (88.89) Same as before - - Worse 16 (88.89) 2 (11.11) Sanitation Better - 18 (100.00) Same as before - - Worse 18 (100.00) - Access to electricity Better - 18 (100.00) Same as before - - Worse 18 (100.00) - Access to food Better - 18 (100.00) Same as before - - Worse 18 (100.00) - Health care Better - 18 (100.00) Same as before - - Worse 18 (100.00) - Table 2: CHILD-COMPARISON OF LIVING CONDITIONS TYPE 1 (n=20) Indicator Before Migration After Migration n (%) n (%) Size of the house Larger 13 (65.00) 7 (35.00) Same as before - - Smaller 7 (35.00) 13 (65.00) Drinking water Better 4 (23.53) 13 (76.47) Same as before - - Worse 13 (76.47) 4 (23.53) Sanitation Better - 17 (100.00) Same as before - - Worse 17 (100.00) - Access to electricity Better - 17 (100.00) Same as before - - Worse 17 (100.00) - Access to food Better - 17 (100.00) Same as before - - Worse 17 (100.00) - Health care Better - 17 (100.00) Same as before - - Worse 17 (100.00) - Table 3: CHILD-COMPARISON OF LIVING CONDITIONS TYPE 2 (n=20) Indicator Before After Migration Migration n (%) n (%) Access to school Better 3 (15.00) 15 (75.00) Same as before 2 (10.00) 2 (10.00) Worse 15 (75.00) 3 (15.00) Distance of School Better - 20 (100.00) Same as before - - Worse 20 (100.00) - Infrastructure of School Better 1 (5.00) 19 (95.00) Same as before - - Worse 19 (95.00) 1 (5.00) Playground at school Better 17 (85.00) 3 (15.00) Same as before - - Worse 3 (15.00) 17 (85.00) Playing opportunities at home Better 20 (100.00) - Same as before - - Worse - 20 (100.00) Number of time children are becoming sick Better 20 (100.00) - Same as before - - Worse - 20 (100.00) While comparing the living conditions of the children, we found a significant increase in access to school. Note that children are defined as offspring below 18. Of the 10 interviewed households, the total number of children, 24.75% children had access to school, 10 % were the same as before and 15% had the worst access to school. Distance to school was a challenge before migration. Statistics show a 100% improvement considering the distance to school. The infrastructure of the school has also improved after migration in Dhaka. But the number of times of becoming sick of the children increased substantially. In fact, it is downgraded from better to worse for all children after coming to Dhaka. The results on playgrounds and playing opportunities at home are shocking, though expected. We find the absence of playgrounds in the schools in Dhaka. There are no opportunities to play at home as well, as they live in congested slums. In short, though the adults are better off, the children are not after migrating to slums in cities. This takes a big toll on the children’s well-being, both current and future. Table 4: CHILD-Physical and mental growth of children (n=20) Indicator Before After Migration Migration n (%) n (%) Do the children work to earn a living? Yes - 3 (15.00) No 20 (100.00) 17 (85.00) Food intake of children Better - 20 (100.00) Same as before - - Worse 20 (100.00) - Opportunity to play Better 18 (90.00) 2 (10.00) Same as before - - Worse 2 (10.00) 18 (90.00) Attendance at school Everyday 3 (15.00) 15 (75.00) Few days a week 15 (75.00) 4 (20.00) Never 2 (10.00) 1 (5.00) Health care facility Better - 20 (100.00) Same as before - - Worse 20 (100.00) - Type of diseases Better - 19 (95.00) Same as before - - Worse 20 (100.00) 1 (5.00) To understand the physical and mental health of the children, structured questions on child labor, food intake, the opportunity to play, attendance at school, and health care facilities have been inquired. Out of 20 children, three children had to start child labor and earn their living. The intake of food had improved after coming to Dhaka for all children. But on the other hand, playing opportunity decreased significantly by 90%. The daily school attendance has improved also. The statistics shows that health services in the slums and their locality are better off. Hundred percent people are enjoying good health services after migration. Almost all the children were suffering from different kinds of diseases before migration to Dhaka. Lack of health facilities, amount of food intake, clean drinking water and sanitation issue could be the main reasons. At the end of the interview the interviewees were asked what type of future they think their children will have. Most of the interviews were very optimistic about their children future in Dhaka city. Salma Khatun (30) a mother of one child from Barishal told that after losing home in natural disaster she could not feed her child with food. There was no work to do in the village. Her child was suffering from different types of diseases. There were insufficient health facilities and doctors in her area. After migration she got a job and could take care of her child with food, health care and education. In future she wants to admit her son to a very good school. She has been living at Khalil Miar Bosti (Middle Monipur, Mirpur-2, Dhaka) for two years. Sajeda Begum (42) came to Chapra Moshjid slum (North Pirerbag, Mirpur-2) two years ago with her three children. She is also from Barishal. She experienced 22 natural disasters in last five years. As Barishal is a coastal district, cyclones are frequently hitting the area. Sajeda saw five cyclones in the last five years. She has no place to stay after losing her home in river erosion. There was no electricity. Education of three children were totally stopped at that time. There was no hospital nearby in her village. After moving to Dhaka, she rented a house in the slum, out of her three children two started going to school. They now get health care with low cost from nearby government hospital. She is hopeful to give her children proper education and dream to make them good human beings. She would like to give extra focus on the children. Janu Begum (43) who experiences twenty-eight natural disasters in the last five years has two children. She became penniless after all the natural disaster and was unable to meet any requirement of her children. Children were suffering from different kinds of diseases. The came to Dhaka three years ago looking for work and started living in the slum. At Dhaka there are many government and private hospitals where service is available with low cost. If she can work hard, it is possible to make good future of the children. Md Alaudding Chakidar (38) came to Dhaka with four children. There was no electricity in his village home. Out of his four children two are enrolled to school. He is very satisfied with the health services of Dhaka city. He is very hopeful about the proper education and bright future of the children in Dhaka city. The post-structuralist perspective has had a major influence on many fields of global study. Poststructuralist theory is a theoretical approach that focuses on human relations with the world and on the process of creating and reproducing meaning (Besley (2002: 5)). It emphasizes the relationship between the word and how it relates to itself, in the view that our world consists of representations and there is no true or original representation. The poststructuralist position is a response to structuralism where the two central ideas are absolute reality but that things are connected in a structural manner. The meaning of things never lies in the thing itself, but rather in the way it is embedded within the kinds of relationships. This has blurred the distinction between ‘human’ and ‘nature’ and the idea that ecological phenomena and human relations are not a ‘dichotomy’ but rather relational. The idea that humans have an agency while nature does not is open to challenge or reversal. There are different ways of conceptualizing climate change (macro level scientific knowledge, lived experience, and indigenous knowledge). According to structural Marxism, how structural material relations of labor and capital shape society and its course of history. On the other hand, according to structural linguistics, there are close relationship between words and their meaning. (Ferdinand de Saussure 1857- 1913). Society and media play a role to shape the meaning of the word. How we understand ourselves and how we conduct ourselves is shaped by this continuous reproduction of meaning. Post structural perspective has a major impact on how we understand: knowledge, us and power. A collection of speech and practice that generates meaning. It is a lens through which we understand the world. How we see ourselves and how we behave is shaped by the constant reproduction of meaning. Intuitively, knowledge is imbued with power. Historically, colonialism is a master frame of expressing power through creation of knowledge and categorization of people. It affects both colonizing and colonized societies then and today. The term climate change induced migration and risk & migration are closely related. The references in the context and previous research section illustrate the problem. When the people have to move from their place of origin due to natural disaster, they are feeling very insured and unsafe. They feel insecure because of the lack of social network, economic insecurity, uncertain future and identity which are important components of human security. Human Security is one of the most important areas of global studies. Statistics from secondary sources The Bangladesh Urban Health Survey 2021 was conducted by NIPORT in Bangladesh with the financial support of USAID and the technical assistance of ICDDR B (ICDDR, Bangladesh) &MEASURE Evaluation. This survey was the follow-up to the previous Bangladesh Urban Health Survey (UHS) 2006 UHS and (UHS 2013). The purpose of the survey is to gain a better understanding of the health status and health seeking behavior of the urban population living in slums, non-slums, City Corporations and District Municipalities in Bangladesh. As mentioned earlier, the world is rapidly urbanizing, and Bangladesh is no different. Bangladesh health surveys in 2006, 2013 and 2021 are the great source of information to understand the situation of slum areas in urban areas of Bangladesh. Some of our data which we have about having heath service, electricity and access to drinking water reflects almost the same result with the survey. Some of the important information is shared in the following to understand the present condition of the Dhaka slum. The survey collected information on the availability of electricity, drinking water source and garbage collection process. Ninety-nine percent of households in slum and rest urban households (98.9 percent in slum and 98.9 percent in rest urban), and 99.7 % of non-slum households have access to electricity. Access to improved water source is almost universal in all the three urban domains: slum, non-slum, and rest urban areas. The availability of improved drinking water sources is almost universal across all three urban domains (97.7% in slums, 97.5% in non- rural areas, and 98.1% in rest urban areas). Most urban households obtained their drinking water from piped source or tube-well. About 43.2% of slum households dispose of their garbage outside in an open space, 30.6% of garbage is collected from home, and 22.2% dispose of garbage in bins outside the house. Women in slums were younger than those in non-slums; 27.0 percent of women in slums were aged under 25 years, compared to 22.6 percent in non-slums and 22.3 percent in rest urban areas. Women in slums were less likely to be educated than women in non-slums and rest urban areas. 57% women in slums had completed at least primary education compared with 81.7 % in non- slums and 80.4 % in rest urban domains. The percentage of slum women without formal education has decreased by 12 percentage points since 2013, from 32.0% to 20.0% in 2021. Fifty six percent of men in slum had at least primary education: 75.7% in slum versus non-Slum / rest urban domains More than 77 % owned a cell phone which was 54.0% in 2013. In comparison, 88.5%women in non-slums and 84.6 % in rest urban owned a cell phone. Among slum women TV exposure was 79.4 %. About 26% women in slums had NGO membership, while this was 18.5% in non-slums and 28.7 %in rest urban areas. Around two-fifths of female and half of male slum dwellers were born in the same city, the rest 58 % women and 48 % men in slums dwellers arrived from elsewhere. More than three-fifths of women living in slums were migrants, while the remaining two fifths had always lived there. About 15 % had been living in their current city of residence for less than five years. All the interviewee of my study were new living less than five years at Dhaka. More than 15 %of slum women have been living in their current city of residence for less than five years compared with 9 % of men. Recent migrants (residing in the current city for less than two years) in the slums are poorer than those who have been living there longer. Employment among men was more or less universal across all domains. But in the case of female of slum domain it is not the same. About 90% of communities in slums, non-slums, and other urban area domains, had a health facility available within two kilometers. In all the three domains (slum, non-slum and rest urban areas), community health workers were predominantly from NGOs. In other urban areas, government health facilities were most commonly available within two kilometers. Childhood mortality showed a declining trend in slums during 2016-2021. One in twenty-six children (41 per 1,000 live births) in slums died before reaching their fifth birthday. Deaths in the neonatal period (27 deaths per 1,000 live births) accounted for 69 % of all under-five deaths in slums. In slums, during the last seven years, neonatal mortality rate declined by 4 percent, under-five mortality by 18 percent, and infant mortality rate declined by 13 percent. 35% percent of children with (Acute Respiratory Infection) ARI symptoms in the slums were taken to a health facility or a qualified provider for treatment, compared to 48.7 percent in non-slums. Treatment for under-five children with ARI with antibiotics was 10 percentage points higher in slums (62.5 %) than in non-slums (52.0 %). In the slums, about one-third (33.7 %) of all under-five children were stunted (height for age below -2 SD), compared with 27.1 % in non-slums, and 28.5 % in rest urban areas. Overall, 15.9 % of under-five children in slums were wasted, compared with 14 percent in non-slums and 16.2 % in rest urban areas. Underweight among under five children was considerably higher in slums (27.8 %) than in non-slums (19.9 %) and rest urban areas (22.6 %). Compared with the previous rounds of the UHS (UHS 2006 and UHS 2013), there has been a modest decline in stunting, wasting, and underweight levels among under-five children in slums and non-slums. It is assumed that nutritional status might act as a covariate of biochemical markers among children. There is still high level of malnutrition as well as a large inequality between slum and non-slum children. The UHS 2013 estimated prevalence of stunting at 33 percent among children living in non-slum. This has further reduced to 27 % in 2021. There exists high level of malnutrition as well as a large inequality between slum and non-slum children. Despite having steady improvement in child nutrition both in slums and non-slums in the past decade or so, still a long way to go to reduce the level of malnutrition to an acceptable level and the inequality that prevails between slum and non-slum children. UHS and my study shows the same reflection in some of the areas. For instance, most of my interviews are young by age. In my ten interviews, the age group ranged from 25 to 47 years. In my case, the employment rate was 100%. Women were employed in informal jobs such as house help, garment worker, cleaners etc. All my interviewees were happy with the health services in Dhaka city. In the government hospitals, they can provide the health service to the children at low cost. The primary data of the 20 children in my study shows that all of them are getting frequently sick after immigrating to Dhaka. In addition, they also lost the opportunity to play or study at home. While parents get the mental satisfaction of having a job and maintaining family members, the physical and mental growth of children are at stake in the polluted Dhaka city. X. DISCUSSIONS The finding of the empirical results is that people who migrated from disaster-prone southern districts to Dhaka have become homeless and penniless because of natural disasters. On average every family experienced twenty natural disasters in the last five years. Most of them were jobless in their locality. All the families have children with them. They migrated to Dhaka in search of shelter and at the same time earn their livings. All the families earn their living with informal jobs like house-help, rickshaw pulling, garment work, etc. Most of the people who migrated to Dhaka were very poor. Natural disasters made them homeless, jobless and compelled them to migrate to Dhaka city to earn living. Otto et al. (2017) mentioned that many social groups already exhibit high levels of vulnerability to existing climate change variability. The poorest and socially marginalized segments of population are the most vulnerable to climate variability and extremes. This is particularly the case in developing countries where the infrastructure, social safety nets and economic resources, needed to support vulnerable groups, are in many instances insufficient. Alongside its traditional association with the availability of financial assets, vulnerability is heavily shaped by social, demographic, and institutional factors such as gender, age, culture, education and ethnicity. The evidence we referred to shows that intra-household differences of gender and age produce markedly different forms of vulnerability with women, young children and the elderly being more likely to suffer. Young children from disadvantaged households are especially vulnerable to lagged well-being impacts of climate extremes. This raises concerns about inter-generation climate justice and the risk of suffering intergenerational poverty cycles. In all disaster situations food supply chain is disrupted. Climate change can affect food security either directly through food production losses and crop failures or indirectly through increased food prices caused by decreased supply. Food availability and prices could be further affected by extreme weather-related disruptions to transport and food distribution infrastructure. The impacts of extreme weather on food distribution may be stronger than on food production (Otto et al. 2017). The disaster victims had to depend on the emergency relief given by others. Most of the time food supplies are insufficient in the disaster area. Those who lost their homes wait under the sky with their starving family members waiting for some organization/someone to bring food for them. They have no place to cook food. There are no other options other than waiting. If they are lucky a food van might come. There is another challenge to get the relief. If their name is not on the list of the food distributor, they will not get the relief. Sometimes the list is politically and personally biased. If there is no list, competition for securing spots in lines becomes very ugly. Most of the time women and children lag behind the run. Children had to completely depend on their parents to secure food. In most cases, the dry foods given to the affected people are not suitable for children. Hence, we found that all the children in our study had insufficient food in the disaster areas. Children’s physical and mental growth was hampered without sufficient and nutritious food in the disaster-prone areas. Immediately after the disaster, there are outbreaks of many waterborne diseases. Children who are already suffering from malnutrition are easily becoming the target of different viruses and bacteria. Low-cost health care is not widely available in the coastal districts. Health services are scarce and costly in the coastal areas. According to Otto et al (2017), climate change interacts with human health in complex ways. These relate to income, economic development, education, social norms, migration, and the institutional capacity and accessibility of health systems, particularly for poor and socially excluded people. Overall, scientific evidence points to an increase in health inequalities caused by climate change, disproportionately aggravating the health of people living in poverty and those with preexisting health limitations. In all disaster situations, the safety of women and children is a major concern. Sense of insecurity of being homeless and jobless are the major factors for migration to the city. They find even congested and unhealthy slums safer than the disaster affected areas. Parents feel secured in the urban areas because of the food security, health services and education of the children. From human security point of view the fundamental individual right to life, liberty and pursuit of happiness were at stake to all the family members in disaster prone areas. It is the international duty of state to safeguard every people. Human rights were violated as the people has to experience lack of food, water, shelter and sanitation in the place of origin after disaster. Absence of human rights compel them to migrate to the city for survival. There are close relation between human security and social justice. There was no system to ensure social justice for people in disaster prone areas. From the relational approach to risk analysis, before migration the risk objects are natural disasters. One of our interviewees had to experience twenty-eight natural disasters in the last five years. On average every family on average experienced twenty natural disasters in the last five years. The frequent natural disasters are pushing the families in the southern districts of Bangladesh in a risky and vulnerable situation. Many scientific reports (outcome vulnerability) already projected about the climate change vulnerability in the coastal districts of Bangladesh. Expose to natural disasters are hampering the personal wellbeing of the residence of those areas. Vulnerability varies in different context. In the context of the children the risk and vulnerability are more than the adult person. Children had to depend on the mercy of nature as well as the mercy of adults for their survival and wellbeing. Migration to cities is the only survival option for the risk and vulnerable families in the coastal districts. The primary data that almost all the parents are better off with the health facilities of Dhaka city. There is a huge gap in health facilities between the coastal districts (place of origin) and the capital. Access to food is another issue where there are huge differences between coastal districts and Dhaka – Dhaka offered them better food security. There are incidences of child labor among the climate-change induced migrants’ children. Child health has also been an issue – the children of the migrated families have become more vulnerable to diseases compared to the places of origin. There are indications that children’s quality of life has deteriorated after migration. In Dhaka they have almost no playground at school and opportunity of playing at home is also very limited. Our result shows that 15% of children of the climate change-induced migrants started working instead of going to school. There is close relation between poverty, school dropout and child labor. Van de Glind's (2010) examines the relationship between migration and child labour by analyzing secondary data on migrant’s children, both with and without their families, and children who have been left behind by their immigrant parents. The study describes how certain types of seasonal family migration, as well as independent child migration, creates extreme vulnerability to child labor. Although the conclusions are not unanimous, the paper also highlights a number of studies that confirm the role of remittances in delaying education and in reducing child labor. Van de Glind argues that governments must balance their migration policies with their obligations under the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child and the ILO Conventions on the Minimum Age for Employment, No’s 138 (1973) and the Worst Forms of Child Labour, No. 182 (1999), to ensure that children's rights, including free from child labour, are protected. Berse (2017) – Climate change has had a significant impact on the lives of children, particularly the "everyday" and "invisible" risks of those living in poor households. Many children and their families have been subjected to so-called "everyday" hazards, which are the daily struggles of people in terms of economic, food insecurity, health, and educational issues, which can lead to premature death or injury. In Malolos in Philipines some children were placed in constant danger from harm due to the need to earn a living, even in difficult circumstances (e.g., in extreme heat or during a storm). In addition to poverty, the topographical characteristics of the area where children live can increase their vulnerability to everyday hazards. These risks become even more acute in times of disasters when poor households living on a daily wage are deprived of the resources to get by, making it even harder for them to recover. The effects of climate change are expected to increase the stress on the urban system. The water crisis, the need for proper drainage and sanitation, and other urban infrastructures continue to grow in size and complexity. Emotion- driven coping that relies on denial or distance does not appear to be prevalent among children, despite the fact that images of disasters and experiences of evacuation often traumatize children in some way. However, interventions to reduce climate change impacts on children at home, community, and city levels have been found to be missing. Ye, Zhi, et al. (2016) peer victimization can have a major impact on children's well-being and is a major risk factor for childhood depression. Higher levels of harassment, bullying and other forms of peer victimization were associated with a greater number of depressive symptoms. Rural to urban migrant Chinese children experience a higher rate of peer victimization than nonmigrant peers. Though in my study there is no information about child marriage of migrants families, it is very important issue to be addressed. Bangladesh is a country where the percentage of child marriage is one of the highest in the world. Poverty, insecurity, and social norms encourage parents to marry their daughters in early age. Asadullah et al. (2021) mentioned that women and children are generally seen as the most vulnerable victims of climate and natural disasters. Children are particularly vulnerable to climate change not only because they are physically vulnerable to natural disasters but also because they suffer from the indirect effects of climate change, such as conflict and economic displacement, malnutrition and migration. For female adolescents, this vulnerability can manifest itself in poor marriage market performance, which can lead to lifelong problems. Some international media reports say that climate change is forcing young girls into child marriage in Africa. In countries like Malawi, Mozambique, and other parts of Africa, climate- induced floods and drought can lead to up to 40 percent of child marriages. Similar anecdotal evidence is emerging in Bangladesh. According to UNICEF, Bangladesh has the highest prevalence of child marriage in South Asia and ranks among 10 countries in the world. Dropping from over 90 per cent around 1970, it is just over 50 per cent today. Now I will focus on after migration risk factors for children. After migration though the food, water, electricity, education and sanitation are ensured, child labor stopped education of 15% of the children. In addition to that children have less opportunity to play at home and at school. Though the health services improved after migration, the number of times the children are becoming sick have also increased. From the human security point of view, children’s rights are seriously violated. Congested and polluted environment of the slum, absence of open place to play are causing risk and vulnerability for the mental and physical growth of the children. From the point of view of relational risk analysis object at risk are the children. Risk objects which are causing the threat are air and water pollution of Dhaka, area and population density of Dhaka city and absence of social justice. Many scientific studies already anticipated the consequence of different kinds of pollution in Dhaka city. Children living in the slum of Dhaka city are exposed to different types of pollution and becoming subject to vulnerability. The risk and vulnerability differ in different context. In the child labor and child marriage context, children might have to bear the long lasting consequence. From the air pollution context children might have to experience respirator related diseases. No matter from which context we try to analyze, children are always the worst victim. XI. CONCLUSION The frequency of different types of natural disaster are increasing in coastal areas. Victims of disasters have no other alternatives to come to cities for survival. Cities are densely populated. Different types of pollution make Dhaka city one of the worst livable cities in the world. But for climate change-induced families, Dhaka city is the best alternative for survival. This paper tried to find out different risk factors before and after migration. Before migration, the challenges were income, food security health services, and education. After migration, the challenges were space to live and children’s playing opportunities, the risk of exploitation and bullying, and child labor. Though many challenges parents are very hopeful about the bright future of their children in Dhaka city. Policymakers need to address these issues to minimize the suffering of the children before and after migration. My work has several limitations. First, our sample size is small which is unlikely to represent all climate change-induced migrants. All the interviewees of my study migrated to Dhaka city mostly from the southern part of Bangladesh mostly because of floods, river erosion, cyclones, etc. There are other natural disasters like drought in the northern part of the country, flash floods in the western part, and landslides in the southeastern part, which are not covered in this research. The experiences of migrants who migrated due to flood and river erosion may differ from other natural disasters. Second, the selection process was imperfect. We tried to select families randomly who have children and have come to Dhaka city as climate-induced migrants. But the process may be far from random. It may be the case that people from the same places of origin live close by and we may end up with similar households. Third, the views were not gender balanced. Most of the time mothers were interviewed to understand the living conditions of their children as they were more available at the time of the interview. Fourth, children were not categorized by gender and age group. The impact of climate change may vary with the age and gender of the children as they cope with the new urban environment. Further study is required to document their migration experiences directly from the children. XII. References Ahsan, R. (2019). 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Peer victimization and depressive symptoms among rural-to-urban migrant children in China: The protective role of resilience. Frontiers in Psychology, 7, 1542. Williams, Paul. Security Studies an Introduction. 2.nd ed. London; New York: Routledge, 2012. World Cities Report 2022, UN HABITAT World Bank. 2022. Global Economic Prospects, June 2022 Wolf, M. J., Emerson, J. W., Esty, D. C., Sherbinin, A. D., &Wendling,Z.A.(2022). 2022Environmental Performance Index (EPI) results. New Haven, CT: Yale Center for Environmental Law & Policy. XIII. Appendix: The climate change, migration and the children of Bangladesh Household questionnaire (March, 2023- April, 2023) Data analysis and technical assistance School of Global Studies, University of Gothenburg Module A: Location and Identification detail (Permanent and present address) Location Response Identification Response A01- village ………………………………. A06- Area ……………………………….. A02- Union ……………………………….. A07- Household number …………. A03- Thana/upazilla ………………….. A08- Name of the interviewee …. A04- District …………………………….. A09- Age ………………………………….. A05- NID number …………………….. A10- When came to Dhaka ………………….. A11 Present address …………………………… Data collection, monitoring and data entry detail Interviewer, supervisor and data entrant name and Response Data collection, checks and data entry date Response IDs A10 - Interviewer ID and Name …. A11- A13 Interview date dd / mm / yy dd Supervisor ID and sign ……… A14 Supervisory check date A15 Data / mm / yy A12 Data entrant ID and Name … dd / mm / yy entry date Good morning/ afternoon I am -- . I am a Master degree student of Global Studies at Gothenburg University. I am conduction a study that will examine impact of climate induced migration on children of Dhaka city. We are inviting your to be a participant in this study. We value your opinion and there is no wrong answer to the question we will be asking in the interview. We will be interview you to collect information for family member specially your children’s their health, education, living condition, reason of migration in Dhaka city, changes after coming to Dhaka, water and sanitation, electricity, school and health facilities you are receiving. We will use approximately one hour of your time to collect all the information. There will be no cost to you other than your time. There will be no risk as a result of your participation in the study. Your participation in the research is completely voluntary. You are free to withdraw your consent and discontinue participation in this study at any time. We will not take any photos of you during the interview related activities. If someone asks your permission to take photo of you, it will only be when you engage in non-interview activities and your activities, and your identity and privacy will be fully protected. Your participation will be highly appreciated. The answer you give will help provide better information to policy makers, practitioners and program managers so that they can plan for better service that will respond to your need. The researcher read to me orally the content form and explain to me it meant and agree to take part in this research. I understand that I am free to discontinue participation at any time if I choose and that the investigator will gladly answer any question and arise during the research. Contact information of the principal investigator: Ummee Saila Pennygengen 10, Lgh 285 (1202) 41482 Gothenburg Mobile +46735945593 Definition of Household A household is a group of houses with mother and children who have experienced with forced internal migration or voluntary migration for natural disasters, loss of assets, and crops. Family members who live together and take food from the “same pot” would be considered. Children below twelve would be considered. B. Weather event adversely affected the household Natural In the last 5 years, have the HH properties and How many times did it In which year was most badly affected? calamities productivity been affected by natural calamities? occur in the five years? Time year Flood Flash Flood Drought Salinity increase Sea level rise Frequent rainfall Temperature rising Soil/ River Erosion Tornado/ cyclone C. Comparison of living condition HH Size of the house Drinking water (code) Sanitation (code) Access to Electricity Access to food (code) Health care (code) member (code) (code) Before After Before After Before After Before After Before After Before After Migration Migration Migration Migration Migration Migration Migration Migration Migration Migration Migration Migration HH Head Other adult members Codes: Size of the house: larger=1, same as before=2, smaller=3. Drinking water: better =1, same as before =2, worse=3 Sanitation: better =1, same as before =2, worse=3 Access to Electricity: better =1, same as before =2, worse=3 Food consumption: better =1, same as before =2, worse=3 Health care: better =1, same as before =2, worse=3 D. Living condition for children Child Access to Distance of Infrastructure of Playground at Surrounding of Playing Number of ren ID school School (code) School (code) school house opportunities at time children (code) (code) (code) home (code) are becoming sick (code) Before After Before After Before After Before After Before After Before After Before After migrat migrat Migrat Migrat Migrat Migrat Migrat Migrat Migrat Migrat Migrat Migrat Migrat Migrat ion ion ion ion ion ion ion ion ion ion ion ion ion ion Child 1 Child 2 Child 3 Child 4 Child 5 Code: better =1, same as before =2, worse=3 E. Physical and mental growth of children Childr Do the children Food intake of Opportunity to Attendance at school Health care Type of diseases en ID work to earn children (code) play (code) (every day- 1, a few facility (code) living (Yes=1, days a week-2, never) No=2) Before After Before After Before After Before After Before After Before After Migrati Migrati Migrati Migrati Migrati Migrati Migrati Migrati Migrati Migrati Migrati Migrati on on on on on on on on on on on on Child 1 Child 2 Child 3 Child 4 Child 5 Code: better =1, same as before =2, worse=3 F. General questions (Open-ended questions) 1. What changes take place in the lives of climate-change migrants when they arrive in Dhaka? [ --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- ] 2. How did their children’s lives change after coming to Dhaka? [ --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- ] 3. How children’s health has changed after having migrated to town? [ --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- ] 4. How this has affected on the children lives in different ways? [ --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- ] 5. Has access to healthcare changed when moving to town? [ --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- ] 6. What type of future do the parents think their children will have? [ --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- ]