acta universitatis gothoburgensis gothenburg studies in conservation 57 From Gone to Gain Exploring the Scope of Historic Environment Compensation in Planning Maitri Dore From Gone to Gain ACTA UNIVERSITATIS GOTHOBURGENSIS GOTHENBURG STUDIES IN CONSERVATION 57 From Gone to Gain Exploring the Scope of Historic Environment Compensation in Planning Maitri Dore ACTA UNIVERSITATIS GOTHOBURGENSIS GOTHENBURG STUDIES IN CONSERVATION 57 From Gone to Gain Exploring the Scope of Historic Environment Compensation in Planning Maitri Dore Abstract Title: From Gone to Gain – Exploring the Scope of Historic Environment Compensation in Planning Author: Maitri Dore Language: English (with summary in Swedish) ISBN: 978-91-7963-151-2 (printed) ISBN: 978-91-7963-152-9 (pdf) ISSN: 0284-6578 Keywords: compensation, planning, conservation, historic environment, loss, infrastructure, West Link, Gothenburg, Mumbai Metro, India Large planning projects inserted in old cities often cause physical loss of the © MAITRI DORE, 2023 historic environments they encounter. Public actors face the challenge of ISBN 978-91-7963-151-2 (printed) conserving these environments, while simultaneously considering planning needs ISBN 978-91-7963-152-9 (pdf) for the future. Departing from an understanding of conservation as the dynamic ISSN 0284-6578 management of change, the thesis explores “compensation” for historic The publication is also available in full text at: environment loss in response to urban planning projects. To do so, it delves into https://hdl.handle.net/2077/79023 law and policy, theory, and practice. The thesis finds that in law and policy, the provision for compensation is Subscriptions to the series and orders for individual copies sent to: Acta severely inadequate, with environments largely being understood from the natural Universitatis Gothoburgensis, PO Box 222, SE-405 30 Göteborg, Sweden or to sciences perspective. This often connotes re-creation and/or relocation of the acta@ub.gu.se affected environments. In theory, historic environment compensation is inadequately researched, misunderstood, and often contested. And in practice, Proofreading support: Bhavya Dore and Olle Håkansson there are hardly any precedents for it. Given this background, the thesis fleshes Translation support: Susanne Fredholm out an understanding of compensation using two cases of large infrastructure projects that affect officially designated historic environments. The primary case Cover illustration: Maitri Dore is the West Link train tunnel in Gothenburg, Sweden, and the secondary one, the The illustration shows Skansen Lejonet, built as reinforcement to the fortified city Mumbai Metro, in Mumbai, India. of Gothenburg in the 17th century. Findings show the presence of compensation in the West Link and preservation in the Mumbai Metro. Compensation is an additive and change- oriented response. It can take the form of conveying stories through signage, design elements, displaying excavated remains, as well as by creating entirely new Author photograph: Linnéa Magnusson public spaces and programmes at the urban scale. This is in contrast to preservation in the Mumbai Metro, which focuses on preserving the physical and Print: Stema Specialtryck AB, Borås, 2023 visual integrity of the affected historic environment. The responses in the cases Abstract Title: From Gone to Gain – Exploring the Scope of Historic Environment Compensation in Planning Author: Maitri Dore Language: English (with summary in Swedish) ISBN: 978-91-7963-151-2 (printed) ISBN: 978-91-7963-152-9 (pdf) ISSN: 0284-6578 Keywords: compensation, planning, conservation, historic environment, loss, infrastructure, West Link, Gothenburg, Mumbai Metro, India Large planning projects inserted in old cities often cause physical loss of the © MAITRI DORE, 2023 historic environments they encounter. Public actors face the challenge of ISBN 978-91-7963-151-2 (printed) conserving these environments, while simultaneously considering planning needs ISBN 978-91-7963-152-9 (pdf) for the future. Departing from an understanding of conservation as the dynamic ISSN 0284-6578 management of change, the thesis explores “compensation” for historic The publication is also available in full text at: environment loss in response to urban planning projects. To do so, it delves into https://hdl.handle.net/2077/79023 law and policy, theory, and practice. The thesis finds that in law and policy, the provision for compensation is Subscriptions to the series and orders for individual copies sent to: Acta severely inadequate, with environments largely being understood from the natural Universitatis Gothoburgensis, PO Box 222, SE-405 30 Göteborg, Sweden or to sciences perspective. This often connotes re-creation and/or relocation of the acta@ub.gu.se affected environments. In theory, historic environment compensation is inadequately researched, misunderstood, and often contested. And in practice, Proofreading support: Bhavya Dore and Olle Håkansson there are hardly any precedents for it. Given this background, the thesis fleshes Translation support: Susanne Fredholm out an understanding of compensation using two cases of large infrastructure projects that affect officially designated historic environments. The primary case Cover illustration: Maitri Dore is the West Link train tunnel in Gothenburg, Sweden, and the secondary one, the The illustration shows Skansen Lejonet, built as reinforcement to the fortified city Mumbai Metro, in Mumbai, India. of Gothenburg in the 17th century. Findings show the presence of compensation in the West Link and preservation in the Mumbai Metro. Compensation is an additive and change- oriented response. It can take the form of conveying stories through signage, design elements, displaying excavated remains, as well as by creating entirely new Author photograph: Linnéa Magnusson public spaces and programmes at the urban scale. This is in contrast to preservation in the Mumbai Metro, which focuses on preserving the physical and Print: Stema Specialtryck AB, Borås, 2023 visual integrity of the affected historic environment. The responses in the cases also reveal authorised views to varying extents, in the selection of certain historic environment values by experts. Contents Further, compensation and preservation are heavily mediated by their planning contexts. They emerge through negotiations, are dependent on various NOTE ON FUNDING ................................................................................................................ 13 institutional and policy frameworks, regulations, multiple actors and their ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS .......................................................................................................... 15 approaches and mandates, and several constraints associated with these. In this context, it is often a challenge to implement more change-oriented approaches to CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION................................................................................................. 17 conservation. Nevertheless, compensation offers a dynamic alternative to Aim and research questions............................................................................................. 19 managing change to historic environments in moments of major urban Definitions of terms .......................................................................................................... 20 transformation. Heritage and historic environment .......................................................................... 20 “Kulturarv” and “kulturmiljö” ................................................................................. 21 Thesis outline...................................................................................................................... 21 CHAPTER 2: LITERATURE REVIEW ....................................................................................... 23 Conservation and values .................................................................................................. 23 History: From material to people ............................................................................ 23 Values of the historic environment ......................................................................... 25 Conservation and planning .............................................................................................. 30 History: From building to site .................................................................................. 30 Integration of conservation and urban planning .................................................. 31 Changing approaches to conservation .................................................................... 35 Conservation as the negotiation of values in planning .............................................. 37 Compensation as an area of exploration ...................................................................... 39 CHAPTER 3: METHODOLOGY ............................................................................................... 43 Object of study and positioning ..................................................................................... 43 Methods and material ....................................................................................................... 44 Question 1: How is compensation understood in law and policy? .................. 44 Question 2: How can compensation be understood in theory?........................ 44 Question 3: How can compensation be understood in practice? ..................... 45 Note on language and translations .......................................................................... 59 CHAPTER 4: CASE OVERVIEWS .............................................................................................. 61 West Link ............................................................................................................................ 61 Historic environment ................................................................................................. 62 Mumbai Metro ................................................................................................................... 67 Historic environment ................................................................................................. 69 CHAPTER 5: COMPENSATION IN LAW AND POLICY ......................................................... 75 also reveal authorised views to varying extents, in the selection of certain historic environment values by experts. Contents Further, compensation and preservation are heavily mediated by their planning contexts. They emerge through negotiations, are dependent on various NOTE ON FUNDING ................................................................................................................ 13 institutional and policy frameworks, regulations, multiple actors and their ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS .......................................................................................................... 15 approaches and mandates, and several constraints associated with these. In this context, it is often a challenge to implement more change-oriented approaches to CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION................................................................................................. 17 conservation. Nevertheless, compensation offers a dynamic alternative to Aim and research questions............................................................................................. 19 managing change to historic environments in moments of major urban Definitions of terms .......................................................................................................... 20 transformation. Heritage and historic environment .......................................................................... 20 “Kulturarv” and “kulturmiljö” ................................................................................. 21 Thesis outline...................................................................................................................... 21 CHAPTER 2: LITERATURE REVIEW ....................................................................................... 23 Conservation and values .................................................................................................. 23 History: From material to people ............................................................................ 23 Values of the historic environment ......................................................................... 25 Conservation and planning .............................................................................................. 30 History: From building to site .................................................................................. 30 Integration of conservation and urban planning .................................................. 31 Changing approaches to conservation .................................................................... 35 Conservation as the negotiation of values in planning .............................................. 37 Compensation as an area of exploration ...................................................................... 39 CHAPTER 3: METHODOLOGY ............................................................................................... 43 Object of study and positioning ..................................................................................... 43 Methods and material ....................................................................................................... 44 Question 1: How is compensation understood in law and policy? .................. 44 Question 2: How can compensation be understood in theory?........................ 44 Question 3: How can compensation be understood in practice? ..................... 45 Note on language and translations .......................................................................... 59 CHAPTER 4: CASE OVERVIEWS .............................................................................................. 61 West Link ............................................................................................................................ 61 Historic environment ................................................................................................. 62 Mumbai Metro ................................................................................................................... 67 Historic environment ................................................................................................. 69 CHAPTER 5: COMPENSATION IN LAW AND POLICY ......................................................... 75 Introduction ........................................................................................................................ 75 Urban development as prioritised ........................................................................ 132 History ........................................................................................................................... 76 Listed heritage as a burden ..................................................................................... 134 Values and site ............................................................................................................. 78 Role of the Heritage Committee ........................................................................... 138 Law and policy ................................................................................................................... 79 Conservation beyond material preservation ....................................................... 140 Balancing principle ...................................................................................................... 79 DN Road and colonial nostalgia ................................................................................. 141 Damage mitigation hierarchy .................................................................................... 80 Preservation outside listed historic environments ................................................... 147 Environmental Code .................................................................................................. 82 Green areas ................................................................................................................ 147 Planning and Building Act ........................................................................................ 84 Houses and workplaces .......................................................................................... 148 Historic Environment Act ........................................................................................ 86 Religious built forms ............................................................................................... 152 Swedish Transport Administration ................................................................................ 87 CHAPTER 9: COMPENSATION THROUGH STORYTELLING AND STORYREADING IN CHAPTER 6: COMPENSATION IN THEORY .......................................................................... 91 THE WEST LINK .................................................................................................................... 155 Values and site .................................................................................................................... 91 Compensation as storytelling ....................................................................................... 155 Matrix of values and site ............................................................................................ 92 Stories as historical information based on lost material .................................. 156 Detailed plans .............................................................................................................. 93 Story selection ........................................................................................................... 157 Beyond the matrix ............................................................................................................. 95 Stories as visible and readable ............................................................................... 160 Beyond planning ................................................................................................................ 97 Scope of storytelling ................................................................................................ 161 Compensation as storyreading ..................................................................................... 166 CHAPTER 7: RESPONSES TO HISTORIC ENVIRONMENT LOSS ......................................... 99 Story as historical plan ............................................................................................ 166 Developing an analytical tool for sorting the actions ................................................ 99 Loss of spatial connections and functionality .................................................... 167 Swedish Transport Administration’s hierarchy .................................................... 99 Scope of storyreading .............................................................................................. 167 Analytical tool ........................................................................................................... 101 Avoid and minimise ....................................................................................................... 104 CHAPTER 10: CONTEXTUALISING THE PRESERVATION AND COMPENSATION West Link ................................................................................................................... 104 RESPONSES .............................................................................................................................. 171 Mumbai Metro .......................................................................................................... 105 Conservation and planning ........................................................................................... 171 Restore .............................................................................................................................. 109 Preservation discourse ............................................................................................ 172 West Link ................................................................................................................... 109 Conservation discourse ........................................................................................... 174 Mumbai Metro .......................................................................................................... 110 Heritage discourse .................................................................................................... 177 Design for visual context .............................................................................................. 111 Authorised views on historic environments ............................................................. 178 West Link ................................................................................................................... 112 Role of experts .......................................................................................................... 178 Mumbai Metro .......................................................................................................... 112 Selection of values.................................................................................................... 179 Compensate by strengthening ...................................................................................... 117 West Link ................................................................................................................... 117 CHAPTER 11: LETTING GO AND BEYOND ....................................................................... 183 Mumbai Metro .......................................................................................................... 121 Letting go ......................................................................................................................... 183 Compensate by creating ................................................................................................ 123 Letting-go as a response to loss ............................................................................ 183 West Link ................................................................................................................... 123 Letting-go as loss itself ............................................................................................ 185 Letting-go as a response to loss in planning ............................................................. 187 CHAPTER 8: PRESERVATION IN THE MUMBAI METRO ................................................ 127 Adaptive release and the analytical tool .............................................................. 187 Institutionalisation of heritage and conservation ..................................................... 127 Domains of application of letting-go ................................................................... 189 Heritage as the Heritage List ................................................................................. 128 A way forward: the “deep cities” approach ........................................................ 191 Introduction ........................................................................................................................ 75 Urban development as prioritised ........................................................................ 132 History ........................................................................................................................... 76 Listed heritage as a burden ..................................................................................... 134 Values and site ............................................................................................................. 78 Role of the Heritage Committee ........................................................................... 138 Law and policy ................................................................................................................... 79 Conservation beyond material preservation ....................................................... 140 Balancing principle ...................................................................................................... 79 DN Road and colonial nostalgia ................................................................................. 141 Damage mitigation hierarchy .................................................................................... 80 Preservation outside listed historic environments ................................................... 147 Environmental Code .................................................................................................. 82 Green areas ................................................................................................................ 147 Planning and Building Act ........................................................................................ 84 Houses and workplaces .......................................................................................... 148 Historic Environment Act ........................................................................................ 86 Religious built forms ............................................................................................... 152 Swedish Transport Administration ................................................................................ 87 CHAPTER 9: COMPENSATION THROUGH STORYTELLING AND STORYREADING IN CHAPTER 6: COMPENSATION IN THEORY .......................................................................... 91 THE WEST LINK .................................................................................................................... 155 Values and site .................................................................................................................... 91 Compensation as storytelling ....................................................................................... 155 Matrix of values and site ............................................................................................ 92 Stories as historical information based on lost material .................................. 156 Detailed plans .............................................................................................................. 93 Story selection ........................................................................................................... 157 Beyond the matrix ............................................................................................................. 95 Stories as visible and readable ............................................................................... 160 Beyond planning ................................................................................................................ 97 Scope of storytelling ................................................................................................ 161 Compensation as storyreading ..................................................................................... 166 CHAPTER 7: RESPONSES TO HISTORIC ENVIRONMENT LOSS ......................................... 99 Story as historical plan ............................................................................................ 166 Developing an analytical tool for sorting the actions ................................................ 99 Loss of spatial connections and functionality .................................................... 167 Swedish Transport Administration’s hierarchy .................................................... 99 Scope of storyreading .............................................................................................. 167 Analytical tool ........................................................................................................... 101 Avoid and minimise ....................................................................................................... 104 CHAPTER 10: CONTEXTUALISING THE PRESERVATION AND COMPENSATION West Link ................................................................................................................... 104 RESPONSES .............................................................................................................................. 171 Mumbai Metro .......................................................................................................... 105 Conservation and planning ........................................................................................... 171 Restore .............................................................................................................................. 109 Preservation discourse ............................................................................................ 172 West Link ................................................................................................................... 109 Conservation discourse ........................................................................................... 174 Mumbai Metro .......................................................................................................... 110 Heritage discourse .................................................................................................... 177 Design for visual context .............................................................................................. 111 Authorised views on historic environments ............................................................. 178 West Link ................................................................................................................... 112 Role of experts .......................................................................................................... 178 Mumbai Metro .......................................................................................................... 112 Selection of values.................................................................................................... 179 Compensate by strengthening ...................................................................................... 117 West Link ................................................................................................................... 117 CHAPTER 11: LETTING GO AND BEYOND ....................................................................... 183 Mumbai Metro .......................................................................................................... 121 Letting go ......................................................................................................................... 183 Compensate by creating ................................................................................................ 123 Letting-go as a response to loss ............................................................................ 183 West Link ................................................................................................................... 123 Letting-go as loss itself ............................................................................................ 185 Letting-go as a response to loss in planning ............................................................. 187 CHAPTER 8: PRESERVATION IN THE MUMBAI METRO ................................................ 127 Adaptive release and the analytical tool .............................................................. 187 Institutionalisation of heritage and conservation ..................................................... 127 Domains of application of letting-go ................................................................... 189 Heritage as the Heritage List ................................................................................. 128 A way forward: the “deep cities” approach ........................................................ 191 Concluding remarks ....................................................................................................... 193 Figure 19: Design-for-visual-context response ............................................................... 111 Figure 20: Compensate-by-strengthening response....................................................... 117 SAMMANFATTNING PÅ SVENSKA....................................................................................... 197 Figure 21: Excavations at Skansen Lejonet ..................................................................... 118 B ...................................................................................................................... 201 Figure 22: Art landscape at Central Station ..................................................................... 119 IBLIOGRAPHY Figure 23: Fortification-related words embedded in the flooring at Haga Station . 120 Academic sources ........................................................................................................... 201 Figure 24: Compensate-by-creating response ................................................................. 123 Legal material ................................................................................................................... 207 Figure 25: Compensation through storytelling about the fortified city ..................... 124 Policy documents, reports, and catalogues ............................................................... 208 Figure 26: Compensation through storytelling by connecting 13 landeris ............... 125 Strategy and architectural documents ......................................................................... 210 Figure 27: Case responses on the analytical tool ............................................................ 126 Meeting minutes .............................................................................................................. 211 Figure 28: Preservation of physical and visual integrity in the Mumbai Metro ....... 127 News media...................................................................................................................... 211 Figure 29: Metro construction on DN Road .................................................................. 142 Websites ............................................................................................................................ 214 Figure 30: Arcade on DN Road ......................................................................................... 143 Figure 31: Representative image of community space in chawls ................................ 150 Figure 32: Compensation in the West Link ..................................................................... 155 List of tables and figures Figure 33: Storytelling mapped on Grahn Danielson et al.’s (2013: 8) matrix ......... 165 Table 1: Interviews, West Link case ..................................................................................... 51 Figure 34: Separation of conservation and urban planning ......................................... 172 Table 2: Official documents, West Link case ..................................................................... 52 Figure 35: “Low impact” to “high impact” management options, leading to adaptive Table 3: Workshops and meetings, West Link case ......................................................... 53 release ...................................................................................................................................... 188 Table 4: Interviews, Mumbai Metro case ............................................................................ 56 Table 5: Official documents, Mumbai Metro case ............................................................ 57 Figure 1: Heritage planning .................................................................................................... 32 Figure 2: Mitigation hierarchy ............................................................................................... 41 Figure 3: Route of the West Link with three new stations .............................................. 61 Figure 4: Affected parts of the national interest mentioned in the P3 ruling ............. 64 Figure 5: Skansen Lejonet tower on Gullberg hill ............................................................ 65 Figure 6: City centre of the former fortified city ............................................................... 65 Figure 7: Kungsparken green area with Nya Allén road .................................................. 66 Figure 8: Johanneberg landeri................................................................................................ 66 Figure 9: Route of the Mumbai Metro showing DN Road stretch ............................... 68 Figure 10: CST railway terminus ........................................................................................... 71 Figure 11: Flora Fountain at the Hutatma Chowk plaza ................................................. 71 Figure 12: Street view of DN Road...................................................................................... 72 Figure 13: Compensation options mapped on the damage mitigation hierarchy....... 81 Figure 14: Matrix of values and site ..................................................................................... 92 Figure 15: Pictorial depiction of the STA’s hierarchy ................................................... 100 Figure 16: Analytical tool developed ................................................................................. 101 Figure 17: Avoid-and-minimise response ........................................................................ 104 Figure 18: Restore response ................................................................................................ 109 Concluding remarks ....................................................................................................... 193 Figure 19: Design-for-visual-context response ............................................................... 111 Figure 20: Compensate-by-strengthening response....................................................... 117 SAMMANFATTNING PÅ SVENSKA....................................................................................... 197 Figure 21: Excavations at Skansen Lejonet ..................................................................... 118 B ...................................................................................................................... 201 Figure 22: Art landscape at Central Station ..................................................................... 119 IBLIOGRAPHY Figure 23: Fortification-related words embedded in the flooring at Haga Station . 120 Academic sources ........................................................................................................... 201 Figure 24: Compensate-by-creating response ................................................................. 123 Legal material ................................................................................................................... 207 Figure 25: Compensation through storytelling about the fortified city ..................... 124 Policy documents, reports, and catalogues ............................................................... 208 Figure 26: Compensation through storytelling by connecting 13 landeris ............... 125 Strategy and architectural documents ......................................................................... 210 Figure 27: Case responses on the analytical tool ............................................................ 126 Meeting minutes .............................................................................................................. 211 Figure 28: Preservation of physical and visual integrity in the Mumbai Metro ....... 127 News media...................................................................................................................... 211 Figure 29: Metro construction on DN Road .................................................................. 142 Websites ............................................................................................................................ 214 Figure 30: Arcade on DN Road ......................................................................................... 143 Figure 31: Representative image of community space in chawls ................................ 150 Figure 32: Compensation in the West Link ..................................................................... 155 List of tables and figures Figure 33: Storytelling mapped on Grahn Danielson et al.’s (2013: 8) matrix ......... 165 Table 1: Interviews, West Link case ..................................................................................... 51 Figure 34: Separation of conservation and urban planning ......................................... 172 Table 2: Official documents, West Link case ..................................................................... 52 Figure 35: “Low impact” to “high impact” management options, leading to adaptive Table 3: Workshops and meetings, West Link case ......................................................... 53 release ...................................................................................................................................... 188 Table 4: Interviews, Mumbai Metro case ............................................................................ 56 Table 5: Official documents, Mumbai Metro case ............................................................ 57 Figure 1: Heritage planning .................................................................................................... 32 Figure 2: Mitigation hierarchy ............................................................................................... 41 Figure 3: Route of the West Link with three new stations .............................................. 61 Figure 4: Affected parts of the national interest mentioned in the P3 ruling ............. 64 Figure 5: Skansen Lejonet tower on Gullberg hill ............................................................ 65 Figure 6: City centre of the former fortified city ............................................................... 65 Figure 7: Kungsparken green area with Nya Allén road .................................................. 66 Figure 8: Johanneberg landeri................................................................................................ 66 Figure 9: Route of the Mumbai Metro showing DN Road stretch ............................... 68 Figure 10: CST railway terminus ........................................................................................... 71 Figure 11: Flora Fountain at the Hutatma Chowk plaza ................................................. 71 Figure 12: Street view of DN Road...................................................................................... 72 Figure 13: Compensation options mapped on the damage mitigation hierarchy....... 81 Figure 14: Matrix of values and site ..................................................................................... 92 Figure 15: Pictorial depiction of the STA’s hierarchy ................................................... 100 Figure 16: Analytical tool developed ................................................................................. 101 Figure 17: Avoid-and-minimise response ........................................................................ 104 Figure 18: Restore response ................................................................................................ 109 Note on funding The cogitations in this thesis were made possible through the generous financial support I received to realise it. The first three years of the PhD research were conducted within the framework of the Heriland consortium. Heriland is a pan- European network on heritage, landscapes, and spatial planning. It is funded by the European Union’s Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under the Marie Skłodowska-Curie grant agreement no. 813883. The final year of the PhD was funded by the University of Gothenburg. Note on funding The cogitations in this thesis were made possible through the generous financial support I received to realise it. The first three years of the PhD research were conducted within the framework of the Heriland consortium. Heriland is a pan- European network on heritage, landscapes, and spatial planning. It is funded by the European Union’s Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under the Marie Skłodowska-Curie grant agreement no. 813883. The final year of the PhD was funded by the University of Gothenburg. Acknowledgements It has taken a minor infantry to propel me over the finish line. My greatest thanks go to my interviewees. They breathed life into this work with their unsparing generosity of knowledge, time, trust, and willingness to share without suspicion or vested interests. I hope that they too, in however small a way, find this research meaningful to their continuing work. I could not have asked for better supervisors to steer me through this journey. My main supervisor, Ola Wetterberg, enriched my work with his wealth of knowledge, incisive feedback, and all manner of encouragement, which only grew as the work reached its culmination. My co-supervisor, Susanne Fredholm, bolstered it with concrete ideas and quickened my interest in the subject with her own enthusiasm for it, constantly including me in various collaborations and projects. The generosity, kindness, and investment of both my supervisors embody everything that academia should be. Gunnar Almevik was an engaged examiner, always ten steps ahead of what needed to be done as regards formal procedure. And Anna Karlström, opponent in my final seminar, gave me the constructive feedback I needed to see me through the final stretch. I would like to thank all my PhD colleagues at the department, especially Rebecca Staats, my PhD Siamese twin who provided close fellowship and solidarity both at and outside work. Thanks also to Moniek Driesse for taking the headwind as we careened towards the finish line, Maria Nyström whose PhD was an abiding reference point and source of inspiration, and Géraldine Brun for enlivening the workplace whenever she parachuted in. Interactions at the department were scarce, so I am especially grateful for the constant, smiling presence of Staffan Lundén – also an impeccable source of lunch walks; Eva Löfgren for the most genuine interest and friendship; and Katarina Saltzman, for academic support, both in and outside her role as chief guardian of the PhD brood. Additional thanks to the team at the Doctoral Education Council (FUR) and other department committees – being part of these lent some semblance of purpose and community to what was at times too limited a pursuit. Acknowledgements It has taken a minor infantry to propel me over the finish line. My greatest thanks go to my interviewees. They breathed life into this work with their unsparing generosity of knowledge, time, trust, and willingness to share without suspicion or vested interests. I hope that they too, in however small a way, find this research meaningful to their continuing work. I could not have asked for better supervisors to steer me through this journey. My main supervisor, Ola Wetterberg, enriched my work with his wealth of knowledge, incisive feedback, and all manner of encouragement, which only grew as the work reached its culmination. My co-supervisor, Susanne Fredholm, bolstered it with concrete ideas and quickened my interest in the subject with her own enthusiasm for it, constantly including me in various collaborations and projects. The generosity, kindness, and investment of both my supervisors embody everything that academia should be. Gunnar Almevik was an engaged examiner, always ten steps ahead of what needed to be done as regards formal procedure. And Anna Karlström, opponent in my final seminar, gave me the constructive feedback I needed to see me through the final stretch. I would like to thank all my PhD colleagues at the department, especially Rebecca Staats, my PhD Siamese twin who provided close fellowship and solidarity both at and outside work. Thanks also to Moniek Driesse for taking the headwind as we careened towards the finish line, Maria Nyström whose PhD was an abiding reference point and source of inspiration, and Géraldine Brun for enlivening the workplace whenever she parachuted in. Interactions at the department were scarce, so I am especially grateful for the constant, smiling presence of Staffan Lundén – also an impeccable source of lunch walks; Eva Löfgren for the most genuine interest and friendship; and Katarina Saltzman, for academic support, both in and outside her role as chief guardian of the PhD brood. Additional thanks to the team at the Doctoral Education Council (FUR) and other department committees – being part of these lent some semblance of purpose and community to what was at times too limited a pursuit. 16 • FROM GONE TO GAIN From Heriland, I would like to thank the management team and my PhD colleagues, especially Komal Potdar who was always a click away for endless confabulation or to demystify some or other aspect of Indian heritage management for me. Chapter 1: Introduction For the Mumbai case, I benefited hugely from the access and leads I got from a number of journalists. I would like to thank Hoshi Jal for unfailingly rising to the occasion with contacts, as also Kunal Purohit, Tanushree Venkatraman, Sanjana “[…] it should never be forgotten that […] our first duty is not to renew [ancient buildings] but to preserve them. When, therefore, repairs are carried Bhalerao, and Swati Deshpande. And for relentlessly dishing out punctuation and out, no effort should be spared to save as many parts of the original as grammar support at a moment’s notice, I would like to thank Nandini Bhaskaran possible, since it is to the authenticity of the old parts that practically all the Jal. interest attaching to the new will owe itself. Broken or half decayed original work is of infinitely more value than the smartest and most perfect new I am immensely grateful to my friends in Gothenburg. John Hörstedt, Julia work.” (Marshall, 1922: 10) Mägi, Lea Poropat, Venki Vaithianathan, Hannah Grün, and Mathieu Cinato made Gothenburg more liveable. Paul Hövring and Isabella Samuelsson trusted me with This was the dictum given by Director General of Archaeology in India, John their homes, thereby improving the texture of my daily life in the most tangible of Marshall, to officers charged with the task of building conservation, in his seminal ways. Conservation Manual in 1922. To Marshall, preservation of historic buildings came My friends in distant places were my firmest crutch, their banter and emotional first. Only if that failed, could reparation in the form of “new work” be embarked nourishment keeping me afloat during these years, and especially during the on. pandemic. Their visits, in addition, constantly spurred me on to discover and Marshall saw the threat of “new work” in the form of a reparative dab of plaster rediscover this city with deepening familiarity and eventual fondness. here or there. But today, hundred years on, “new work” in relation to historic Immeasurable thanks to Navaneeth Krishna Gaddam, Ranjit Gulvady, Vishnu environments can take several different forms. A far cry for Marshall’s concerns, Pasupathy, Vinaya Padmanabhan, Saloni Parekh, Aajwanthi Baradwaj, and a “new work” in the form of urban planning projects, such as roads, railways, and retinue of others, as also my peerless cousin, Aryaman Jal. Pointed thanks to skyscrapers, to name a few, are rapidly mushrooming in cities across the world. Reetika Revathy Subramanian, with whom close communion on all matters and Rapid urban growth is not new. However, the understanding of historic collaboration on other projects made these years ever more rewarding. environments, and the approaches to their conservation are in constant For my final year, I owe much to Olle Håkansson. He illuminated my life with development. Preservation à la Marshall’s precepts were standard practice for comradeship, amusement, and food for thought, unflinchingly serving up support conserving historic environments in Europe, but since the 1960s, this approach in testing times. has increasingly been coming under scrutiny. As the definition of what constitutes And as for my coterie back home, thanks to Jyoti Bait and Vandana Bait for historic environments worth conserving broadens, the “infinitely [greater] value” the endless supply of treats and good humour during fieldwork stints, and to of “old parts” to “new” ones is no longer taken for granted. There has been a Ishtiyaque Sheikh for shepherding me through the bowels of the metro on site growing recognition of integrative ways of approaching the twin goals of visits. For my family, no amount of thanks cuts it: my grandmother, Jaya conservation of historic environments and urban planning projects that affect Bhaskaran, who was an unimpeachable source of mirth and affection, obediently them. And to this end both theory and policy have been evolving. staying alive while I was away; my parents, Gita and Jagdish Dore, whose enduring Conservation is increasingly understood as the dynamic and thoughtful interest and engagement in whatever I do encouraged me to try and make this management of change (Feilden, 1982: 3; Ashworth, 1991; Fairclough, 2008; work accessible; and finally, my sister, Bhavya Dore, who has been a fount of Veldpaus et al, 2013: 11; Kalman, 2014), and “heritage planning”, a theory and intellectual stimulation my entire life. To quote Serena Williams on her sister practice that seeks to conserve change itself (Ashworth, 1991: 26). Heritage Venus, I wouldn’t be me if there wasn’t her, so, thank you, Bhavya. planning involves the communion of old and new spaces, while keeping common 16 • FROM GONE TO GAIN From Heriland, I would like to thank the management team and my PhD colleagues, especially Komal Potdar who was always a click away for endless confabulation or to demystify some or other aspect of Indian heritage management for me. Chapter 1: Introduction For the Mumbai case, I benefited hugely from the access and leads I got from a number of journalists. I would like to thank Hoshi Jal for unfailingly rising to the occasion with contacts, as also Kunal Purohit, Tanushree Venkatraman, Sanjana “[…] it should never be forgotten that […] our first duty is not to renew [ancient buildings] but to preserve them. When, therefore, repairs are carried Bhalerao, and Swati Deshpande. And for relentlessly dishing out punctuation and out, no effort should be spared to save as many parts of the original as grammar support at a moment’s notice, I would like to thank Nandini Bhaskaran possible, since it is to the authenticity of the old parts that practically all the Jal. interest attaching to the new will owe itself. Broken or half decayed original work is of infinitely more value than the smartest and most perfect new I am immensely grateful to my friends in Gothenburg. John Hörstedt, Julia work.” (Marshall, 1922: 10) Mägi, Lea Poropat, Venki Vaithianathan, Hannah Grün, and Mathieu Cinato made Gothenburg more liveable. Paul Hövring and Isabella Samuelsson trusted me with This was the dictum given by Director General of Archaeology in India, John their homes, thereby improving the texture of my daily life in the most tangible of Marshall, to officers charged with the task of building conservation, in his seminal ways. Conservation Manual in 1922. To Marshall, preservation of historic buildings came My friends in distant places were my firmest crutch, their banter and emotional first. Only if that failed, could reparation in the form of “new work” be embarked nourishment keeping me afloat during these years, and especially during the on. pandemic. Their visits, in addition, constantly spurred me on to discover and Marshall saw the threat of “new work” in the form of a reparative dab of plaster rediscover this city with deepening familiarity and eventual fondness. here or there. But today, hundred years on, “new work” in relation to historic Immeasurable thanks to Navaneeth Krishna Gaddam, Ranjit Gulvady, Vishnu environments can take several different forms. A far cry for Marshall’s concerns, Pasupathy, Vinaya Padmanabhan, Saloni Parekh, Aajwanthi Baradwaj, and a “new work” in the form of urban planning projects, such as roads, railways, and retinue of others, as also my peerless cousin, Aryaman Jal. Pointed thanks to skyscrapers, to name a few, are rapidly mushrooming in cities across the world. Reetika Revathy Subramanian, with whom close communion on all matters and Rapid urban growth is not new. However, the understanding of historic collaboration on other projects made these years ever more rewarding. environments, and the approaches to their conservation are in constant For my final year, I owe much to Olle Håkansson. He illuminated my life with development. Preservation à la Marshall’s precepts were standard practice for comradeship, amusement, and food for thought, unflinchingly serving up support conserving historic environments in Europe, but since the 1960s, this approach in testing times. has increasingly been coming under scrutiny. As the definition of what constitutes And as for my coterie back home, thanks to Jyoti Bait and Vandana Bait for historic environments worth conserving broadens, the “infinitely [greater] value” the endless supply of treats and good humour during fieldwork stints, and to of “old parts” to “new” ones is no longer taken for granted. There has been a Ishtiyaque Sheikh for shepherding me through the bowels of the metro on site growing recognition of integrative ways of approaching the twin goals of visits. For my family, no amount of thanks cuts it: my grandmother, Jaya conservation of historic environments and urban planning projects that affect Bhaskaran, who was an unimpeachable source of mirth and affection, obediently them. And to this end both theory and policy have been evolving. staying alive while I was away; my parents, Gita and Jagdish Dore, whose enduring Conservation is increasingly understood as the dynamic and thoughtful interest and engagement in whatever I do encouraged me to try and make this management of change (Feilden, 1982: 3; Ashworth, 1991; Fairclough, 2008; work accessible; and finally, my sister, Bhavya Dore, who has been a fount of Veldpaus et al, 2013: 11; Kalman, 2014), and “heritage planning”, a theory and intellectual stimulation my entire life. To quote Serena Williams on her sister practice that seeks to conserve change itself (Ashworth, 1991: 26). Heritage Venus, I wouldn’t be me if there wasn’t her, so, thank you, Bhavya. planning involves the communion of old and new spaces, while keeping common 18 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 1: INTRODUCTION • 19 people squarely at the centre (Kalman, 2014). Accordingly, “heritage” is being needs” as their biggest challenge (Getty Conservation Institute, 2010: 18). In India defined as more than simply material objects or historic environments designated too, urban planning practice and conservation are still very much worlds apart as valuable by experts (Smith, 2006; Harrison, 2013), and “values” connote the (Menon, 2019). (essentially subjective) meanings that people attach to them (Mason and Avrami, The absorption of theory in policy, and policy in practice is patchy. However, 2002; Muñoz-Viñas, 2005). Consequently, conservation is being defined as an new ways to conserve historic environments, through an understanding of activity that seeks to conserve these values rather than the physical material of the conservation as the management of change rather than resistance to it, continue environments themselves. Values are broad and not strictly defined by material to develop. One such conservation response in the face of planning projects is features. Further, they are in constant flux and negotiated in the process of “compensation”. conservation. Compensation in law, is in spatial terms, largely understood as the re-creation The tectonic shifts in the approaches to conserving the historic environment and/or relocation of the natural values of environmental loss due to planning are part of changing norms in history. As Ashworth (2011) notes, there is a shift projects. Increasingly however, compensation is also being discussed with respect from the “preservation paradigm” to the “conservation paradigm” to the “heritage to planning-driven loss of historic environments. In this arena, it is contested. One paradigm”. In his view, the preservation paradigm seeks to resist change to perspective sees it as an unacceptable response to loss of historic environments individual historic buildings, the conservation paradigm considers larger because it accepts their replaceability (Unesco et al., 2022: 60). Another perspective ensembles and reuse of historic environments in contemporary ways, and the most considers it a creative and dynamic response to inevitable change and a challenge recent, heritage paradigm, acknowledges the socially constructed nature of to material-based preservation (Grahn-Danielson et al., 2013; Axelsson, 2015). heritage, the absence of inherent value in historic environments, and the common The thesis departs from this second understanding of compensation. Seen thus, people who attribute value to them (Ashworth, 2011). The heritage paradigm compensation involves a negotiation of historic environment values in the face of (Ashworth, 2011) and heritage planning (Ashworth, 1991) offer clues for ways out loss. It opens up the possibility for historic environments to play an active, agentic of the constructed impasse between conservation and urban planning, to enable role in planning, thereby flying in the face of any conservation-urban planning sustainable transformations of the environment as a whole. binary. Keeping in step with developments in theory, a number of international policy Marshall in 1922 may have urged us to “never forget”, to preserve at all odds. documents emphasising the need for integrating conservation and urban planning However, over time it has come to be well-established that dogmatic preservation have been produced in the last few decades. Policy, too has shifted from an is both untenable and undesirable, and further, that there are alternatives to such approach that values isolated historic buildings and objects to intangible heritage, thinking. With compensation offering such a direction, the question then is: what wider contexts, and sustainable, holistic development (Veldpaus et al., 2013: 3). To can compensation mean when it comes to managing change to historic borrow from the spirit of Unesco’s (2011) policy on Historic Urban Landscapes, environments in moments of major urban transformation? “when an urban settlement is properly managed, initiatives, opportunities, and development can contribute to both quality of life and conservation of cultural Aim and research questions heritage, while ensuring a social diversity and justness” (Veldpaus et al, 2013: 13). Put simply, it is in the interest of society as a whole for conservation and urban This thesis aims to explore compensation as the spatial negotiation of historic planning to join forces. environment values in the face of loss caused by urban planning projects. It Despite conservation in theory and policy being framed as an alliance between addresses this question from the various angles of law and policy, theory, and old and new, in practice, the wedge between conservation and urban planning practice. With respect to historic environments, the research questions posed are: endures to a significant extent. As research from over 70 countries reveals, • How is compensation understood in law and policy? professionals involved in the conservation and management of historic • How can compensation be understood in theory? environments in cities see “conflicts between heritage needs and development • How can compensation be understood in practice? 18 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 1: INTRODUCTION • 19 people squarely at the centre (Kalman, 2014). Accordingly, “heritage” is being needs” as their biggest challenge (Getty Conservation Institute, 2010: 18). In India defined as more than simply material objects or historic environments designated too, urban planning practice and conservation are still very much worlds apart as valuable by experts (Smith, 2006; Harrison, 2013), and “values” connote the (Menon, 2019). (essentially subjective) meanings that people attach to them (Mason and Avrami, The absorption of theory in policy, and policy in practice is patchy. However, 2002; Muñoz-Viñas, 2005). Consequently, conservation is being defined as an new ways to conserve historic environments, through an understanding of activity that seeks to conserve these values rather than the physical material of the conservation as the management of change rather than resistance to it, continue environments themselves. Values are broad and not strictly defined by material to develop. One such conservation response in the face of planning projects is features. Further, they are in constant flux and negotiated in the process of “compensation”. conservation. Compensation in law, is in spatial terms, largely understood as the re-creation The tectonic shifts in the approaches to conserving the historic environment and/or relocation of the natural values of environmental loss due to planning are part of changing norms in history. As Ashworth (2011) notes, there is a shift projects. Increasingly however, compensation is also being discussed with respect from the “preservation paradigm” to the “conservation paradigm” to the “heritage to planning-driven loss of historic environments. In this arena, it is contested. One paradigm”. In his view, the preservation paradigm seeks to resist change to perspective sees it as an unacceptable response to loss of historic environments individual historic buildings, the conservation paradigm considers larger because it accepts their replaceability (Unesco et al., 2022: 60). Another perspective ensembles and reuse of historic environments in contemporary ways, and the most considers it a creative and dynamic response to inevitable change and a challenge recent, heritage paradigm, acknowledges the socially constructed nature of to material-based preservation (Grahn-Danielson et al., 2013; Axelsson, 2015). heritage, the absence of inherent value in historic environments, and the common The thesis departs from this second understanding of compensation. Seen thus, people who attribute value to them (Ashworth, 2011). The heritage paradigm compensation involves a negotiation of historic environment values in the face of (Ashworth, 2011) and heritage planning (Ashworth, 1991) offer clues for ways out loss. It opens up the possibility for historic environments to play an active, agentic of the constructed impasse between conservation and urban planning, to enable role in planning, thereby flying in the face of any conservation-urban planning sustainable transformations of the environment as a whole. binary. Keeping in step with developments in theory, a number of international policy Marshall in 1922 may have urged us to “never forget”, to preserve at all odds. documents emphasising the need for integrating conservation and urban planning However, over time it has come to be well-established that dogmatic preservation have been produced in the last few decades. Policy, too has shifted from an is both untenable and undesirable, and further, that there are alternatives to such approach that values isolated historic buildings and objects to intangible heritage, thinking. With compensation offering such a direction, the question then is: what wider contexts, and sustainable, holistic development (Veldpaus et al., 2013: 3). To can compensation mean when it comes to managing change to historic borrow from the spirit of Unesco’s (2011) policy on Historic Urban Landscapes, environments in moments of major urban transformation? “when an urban settlement is properly managed, initiatives, opportunities, and development can contribute to both quality of life and conservation of cultural Aim and research questions heritage, while ensuring a social diversity and justness” (Veldpaus et al, 2013: 13). Put simply, it is in the interest of society as a whole for conservation and urban This thesis aims to explore compensation as the spatial negotiation of historic planning to join forces. environment values in the face of loss caused by urban planning projects. It Despite conservation in theory and policy being framed as an alliance between addresses this question from the various angles of law and policy, theory, and old and new, in practice, the wedge between conservation and urban planning practice. With respect to historic environments, the research questions posed are: endures to a significant extent. As research from over 70 countries reveals, • How is compensation understood in law and policy? professionals involved in the conservation and management of historic • How can compensation be understood in theory? environments in cities see “conflicts between heritage needs and development • How can compensation be understood in practice? 20 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 1: INTRODUCTION • 21 The research questions are addressed through both theoretical and empirical “Kulturarv” and “kulturmiljö” explorations. The first question deals with compensation as it is formally understood in (specifically Swedish) law and policy. The second question explores Swedish policy documents use the terms “kulturarv” and “kulturmiljö”. The its theoretical understanding based on how it is characterised by scholars in former translates to “cultural heritage” in English and is an umbrella term for a planning research. The third question fleshes out compensation in planning number of tangible and intangible inheritances, including physical traces, objects, practice by drawing on empirical data from two cases – the West Link train tunnel and customs, to name a few (National Heritage Board, 2021). “Kulturmiljö” in Gothenburg, Sweden, and the Mumbai Metro in Mumbai, India. In moving translates, rather clunkily, in English to “cultural environment”, and encompasses from law and policy to theory to practice, each question attempts to develop the “the entire environment affected by humans, i.e., which has been characterised to understanding of compensation further, finally ending with a discussion on how varying degrees by various human activities and activities” (National Heritage compensation can be further developed. Board, 2021). It is a subset of “kulturarv” and more specifically connected to a place or area, even if not necessarily physical (for example, the place names in an area are part of the “kulturmiljö”) (National Heritage Board, 2021). While defined Definitions of terms broadly as the everyday landscape and environment including intangible aspects, in practice, “kulturmiljö” tends to be interpreted as state-sanctioned environments. Heritage and historic environment In some official government English translations1, “kulturmiljö” translates to This thesis defers to the term “historic environment” instead of “heritage” to refer “historic environment” which further makes the choice of “historic environment” to physical environments, individual buildings, conglomerations, or sites, including in this thesis more valid. It bridges the English and Swedish concepts of the green areas, that contain historic or cultural value. The word “heritage” is avoided physical inheritances from the past, without getting entangled in connotations of when referring to these areas because it is a loaded term, understood differently what is state-sanctioned. This thesis does at times employ “cultural environment” based on its context. It can refer solely to the monumental or grand individual to indicate a literal translation as used in Swedish documents (mostly related to law buildings, to listed buildings, to relics or past traditions, to the process of selection and policy) that have no official English translations. Regardless, “cultural and interpretation of objects, and more. “Historic environment” on the other hand environment” when used is meant synonymously with “historic environment” as is more neutral, and as Pendlebury (2008: 2) states, simply denotes the fabric of understood previously. daily life, whether these spaces are state-sanctioned or not. To avoid misunderstanding, “heritage” is mostly deployed in the literature review and Thesis outline analysis chapters, where its interpretation is clear based on context. Further, when The thesis is structured in four parts. The first part lays out the basis for the used in the context of “heritage buildings” or “heritage precincts”, in quotation research, the second and third parts address the three research questions, and the marks, this is a reference to listed historic environments in the Mumbai Metro fourth part contextualises them within the wider field and offers new directions case. for research. In view of embracing the everyday, in fact, the word “historical” would be more The first part consists of four chapters. Chapter 1 lays out the premise of the suitable than “historic”, as the former simply means older in time, while the latter research, the aims, and questions. Chapter 2 is a review of existing literature in the additionally connotes weighty importance. Yet, “historic” is used in multiple context of conservation of historic environment values in planning, leading to the contexts in relation to the environment, as in “Historic Urban Landscapes” and research gap in the form of compensation. Chapter 3 sets out the methodology the journal, The Historic Environment: Policy & Practice, neither of which are for addressing the three research questions. Chapter 4 provides an overview of the restricted to issues concerning the solely monumental. So, to avoid confusion, this thesis employs “historic environment”. In some cases, “historic object” is used where the scale is smaller, such as with artefacts or excavated remains. 1 The official translation for the Swedish law for cultural heritage, “Kulturmiljölagen”, is “Historic Environment Act”. 20 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 1: INTRODUCTION • 21 The research questions are addressed through both theoretical and empirical “Kulturarv” and “kulturmiljö” explorations. The first question deals with compensation as it is formally understood in (specifically Swedish) law and policy. The second question explores Swedish policy documents use the terms “kulturarv” and “kulturmiljö”. The its theoretical understanding based on how it is characterised by scholars in former translates to “cultural heritage” in English and is an umbrella term for a planning research. The third question fleshes out compensation in planning number of tangible and intangible inheritances, including physical traces, objects, practice by drawing on empirical data from two cases – the West Link train tunnel and customs, to name a few (National Heritage Board, 2021). “Kulturmiljö” in Gothenburg, Sweden, and the Mumbai Metro in Mumbai, India. In moving translates, rather clunkily, in English to “cultural environment”, and encompasses from law and policy to theory to practice, each question attempts to develop the “the entire environment affected by humans, i.e., which has been characterised to understanding of compensation further, finally ending with a discussion on how varying degrees by various human activities and activities” (National Heritage compensation can be further developed. Board, 2021). It is a subset of “kulturarv” and more specifically connected to a place or area, even if not necessarily physical (for example, the place names in an area are part of the “kulturmiljö”) (National Heritage Board, 2021). While defined Definitions of terms broadly as the everyday landscape and environment including intangible aspects, in practice, “kulturmiljö” tends to be interpreted as state-sanctioned environments. Heritage and historic environment In some official government English translations1, “kulturmiljö” translates to This thesis defers to the term “historic environment” instead of “heritage” to refer “historic environment” which further makes the choice of “historic environment” to physical environments, individual buildings, conglomerations, or sites, including in this thesis more valid. It bridges the English and Swedish concepts of the green areas, that contain historic or cultural value. The word “heritage” is avoided physical inheritances from the past, without getting entangled in connotations of when referring to these areas because it is a loaded term, understood differently what is state-sanctioned. This thesis does at times employ “cultural environment” based on its context. It can refer solely to the monumental or grand individual to indicate a literal translation as used in Swedish documents (mostly related to law buildings, to listed buildings, to relics or past traditions, to the process of selection and policy) that have no official English translations. Regardless, “cultural and interpretation of objects, and more. “Historic environment” on the other hand environment” when used is meant synonymously with “historic environment” as is more neutral, and as Pendlebury (2008: 2) states, simply denotes the fabric of understood previously. daily life, whether these spaces are state-sanctioned or not. To avoid misunderstanding, “heritage” is mostly deployed in the literature review and Thesis outline analysis chapters, where its interpretation is clear based on context. Further, when The thesis is structured in four parts. The first part lays out the basis for the used in the context of “heritage buildings” or “heritage precincts”, in quotation research, the second and third parts address the three research questions, and the marks, this is a reference to listed historic environments in the Mumbai Metro fourth part contextualises them within the wider field and offers new directions case. for research. In view of embracing the everyday, in fact, the word “historical” would be more The first part consists of four chapters. Chapter 1 lays out the premise of the suitable than “historic”, as the former simply means older in time, while the latter research, the aims, and questions. Chapter 2 is a review of existing literature in the additionally connotes weighty importance. Yet, “historic” is used in multiple context of conservation of historic environment values in planning, leading to the contexts in relation to the environment, as in “Historic Urban Landscapes” and research gap in the form of compensation. Chapter 3 sets out the methodology the journal, The Historic Environment: Policy & Practice, neither of which are for addressing the three research questions. Chapter 4 provides an overview of the restricted to issues concerning the solely monumental. So, to avoid confusion, this thesis employs “historic environment”. In some cases, “historic object” is used where the scale is smaller, such as with artefacts or excavated remains. 1 The official translation for the Swedish law for cultural heritage, “Kulturmiljölagen”, is “Historic Environment Act”. 22 • FROM GONE TO GAIN cases – the West Link and Mumbai Metro infrastructure projects, highlighting the issues concerning the historic environment. The second part consists of two chapters, Chapters 5 and 6. Chapter 5 addresses the first question about compensation in law and policy. Chapter 6 Chapter 2: Literature review addresses the theoretical interpretation of compensation. The third part consists of three chapters, Chapters 7-10. Chapter 7 jointly analyses the empirical data from the two cases, the West Link and the Mumbai To understand compensation in relation to loss of historic environments, it is Metro. Chapters 8 and 9 analyse the case-specific findings of the Mumbai Metro important to map the context in which it emerges. Accordingly, this literature and West Link, respectively. Chapter 10 is a theoretically driven analysis of the review focuses on conservation of historic environment values in planning. It cases. unpacks these themes from a position of conservation as the potentially dynamic The fourth part of the thesis consists of one chapter. Chapter 11 concludes the management of change, leading up to a case for investigating compensation. thesis with a discussion on compensation through other theoretical lenses, offering The literature review is divided into four sections. The first section discusses future avenues for research on the subject. conservation in the context of values, the second section discusses conservation in the context of planning, the third section looks at these together through conservation as the negotiation of values in planning, and the fourth section identifies compensation as a valid area of exploration to enrich current scholarship. The literature review draws on the work of a number of conservation and planning theorists from the last few decades, from both the European and Indian contexts, notably, Muñoz-Viñas (2005), Mason and Avrami (2002), Pendlebury (2008; 2013), Ashworth (1991; 2011), Menon (2003), Mehrotra (2004; 2007), and Rönn and Grahn Danielson (2020), among others. Conservation and values Conservation of historic environments comes from an implicit or explicit recognition of their values. Over the decades, there has been a widening definition of what constitutes historic environments worth conserving and an interrogation of these values. Accordingly, this section reviews conservation in the context of values in two sub-sections: from a changing historical perspective, and from an investigation of historic environment values. History: From material to people Conservation is a broad umbrella term for various actions and approaches to dealing with historic environments and objects, since the institutionalisation of the activity. It covers preservation, restoration, repair, reuse, conversion, and renewal, to name a few (McGilvray, 1988, in Muñoz-Viñas, 2005: 8). Conservation is deeply entwined with change to historic environments. It is a response to what is 22 • FROM GONE TO GAIN cases – the West Link and Mumbai Metro infrastructure projects, highlighting the issues concerning the historic environment. The second part consists of two chapters, Chapters 5 and 6. Chapter 5 addresses the first question about compensation in law and policy. Chapter 6 Chapter 2: Literature review addresses the theoretical interpretation of compensation. The third part consists of three chapters, Chapters 7-10. Chapter 7 jointly analyses the empirical data from the two cases, the West Link and the Mumbai To understand compensation in relation to loss of historic environments, it is Metro. Chapters 8 and 9 analyse the case-specific findings of the Mumbai Metro important to map the context in which it emerges. Accordingly, this literature and West Link, respectively. Chapter 10 is a theoretically driven analysis of the review focuses on conservation of historic environment values in planning. It cases. unpacks these themes from a position of conservation as the potentially dynamic The fourth part of the thesis consists of one chapter. Chapter 11 concludes the management of change, leading up to a case for investigating compensation. thesis with a discussion on compensation through other theoretical lenses, offering The literature review is divided into four sections. The first section discusses future avenues for research on the subject. conservation in the context of values, the second section discusses conservation in the context of planning, the third section looks at these together through conservation as the negotiation of values in planning, and the fourth section identifies compensation as a valid area of exploration to enrich current scholarship. The literature review draws on the work of a number of conservation and planning theorists from the last few decades, from both the European and Indian contexts, notably, Muñoz-Viñas (2005), Mason and Avrami (2002), Pendlebury (2008; 2013), Ashworth (1991; 2011), Menon (2003), Mehrotra (2004; 2007), and Rönn and Grahn Danielson (2020), among others. Conservation and values Conservation of historic environments comes from an implicit or explicit recognition of their values. Over the decades, there has been a widening definition of what constitutes historic environments worth conserving and an interrogation of these values. Accordingly, this section reviews conservation in the context of values in two sub-sections: from a changing historical perspective, and from an investigation of historic environment values. History: From material to people Conservation is a broad umbrella term for various actions and approaches to dealing with historic environments and objects, since the institutionalisation of the activity. It covers preservation, restoration, repair, reuse, conversion, and renewal, to name a few (McGilvray, 1988, in Muñoz-Viñas, 2005: 8). Conservation is deeply entwined with change to historic environments. It is a response to what is 24 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 2: LITERATURE REVIEW • 25 perceived as their undesirable loss. Framing this loss as damage, Muñoz-Viñas Conservation in turn has been undergoing a dismantling of its solely material (2005: 101) writes that damage is crucial to conservation, since the threat or preservation outlook to a people-centred approach. Accordingly, the relationship perceived threat of damage drives the activity, and without damage there would be between conservation and change to historic environments is no longer a no reason to conserve. Similarly, Hobson (2004: 28) notes that perceptions of straightforward response of resisting change. Instead, there is a shift towards negative change draw our attention to the past, potentially prompting a understanding conservation as the dynamic and thoughtful management of change conservation response. (Feilden, 1982: 3; Ashworth, 1991; Fairclough, 2008; Veldpaus et al, 2013: 11). As In its earliest institutional form, conservation was expressed through Ashworth (1991: 26) asserts, “the capacity to change must itself be preserved”. preservation of material, kicking in mainly as a response to industrialisation and This sub-section reviewed a shift in conservation from a material focus to a urbanisation in late 19th century Europe (Ashworth, 1991: 15-16). Conservation, values focus. The next sub-section takes a closer look at how values can be in the form of preservation, emphasises the historic environment’s physical, understood. material properties. Such conservation is classical conservation (Muñoz-Viñas, 2005), where authenticity of the historic environment or object is seen to lie in its Values of the historic environment materiality. Conservation in its earliest days also focused on historic environments Contemporary conservation, as Muñoz-Viñas (2005) defines it, focues on the that were considered grand, monumental, or of national importance (Lowenthal, meanings and significances attached to the environment or object rather than 2015). necessarily its material. In other words, values ascribed to historic environments Conservation as material preservation travelled from Europe to other parts of are increasingly recognised as the core of conservation. Values are the subjective the world via colonisation (Cleere, 1984). In India, for example, conservation was qualities of the historic environment (Mason and Avrami, 2002: 15) or “opinions instituted as a formal practice by the British with the establishment of the about characteristics” (Mason and Avrami, 2002: 16). Assessing the different Archaeological Survey of India (ASI) in 1861 which undertook the protection of values that people attribute to historic environments is useful for decision-making nationally important monuments. Prior to that, indigenous practices of building and outcomes in relation to conservation (Mason, 2008: 305). Values offer with traditional materials and skills existed. These were not referred to as direction for the purpose of conservation and the goals it seeks to achieve conservation but have persisted in contemporary times alongside formally instated (Pendlebury, 2008: 216-7). Put simply, “societies only attempt to conserve the colonial conservation (Menon, 2003; Menon, 2019). These are “two contradictory things they value” (Pendlebury, 2008: 7). This also means that when value is world views” (Thakur, 2012: 155-6). The colonial conservation paradigm, considered to be absent, conservation can lead to letting go of material, in an according to Menon (2003), sees authenticity as permanent, innate, and based in embrace of impermanence. material. Authenticity, according to the pre-colonial paradigm, is constantly Historic environment values are broadly divided into their quality of being of evolving, as regeneration of historic environments “accommodates ‘authentic’ the past and their current or contemporary significance. The former largely sees contemporary interventions undertaken in the ‘traditional’ way” (Menon, 2003). values to be inherent in material, while the latter is about contemporary uses and The world over, in the last few decades, the definition of historic environments benefits. This distinction is seen as far back as in the work of Riegl (1903, in in theory and policy, and what makes them worth conserving has been broadening. Jokilehto, 2018), as also more recently, in the work of Mason (2008), Ashworth Previously, authenticity of historic environments was seen to lie in their material, (1997), and Pendlebury (2008). physical properties. Now it is seen to lie in the meanings and values that people Riegl (1903, in Jokilehto, 2018: 261) calls the two types of values “memorial attribute to these environments. Historic environments worth conserving are not values” and “present-day values”. Memorial values include age value, historical solely monumental and grand buildings but also seen to be everyday spaces, value and intended memorial value, and present-day values include use value, art landscapes, practices, and traditions. “Heritage” itself has been undergoing a value, newness value and relative art value (Jokilehto, 2018: 261). redefinition as being socially constructed and a process of selection and interpretation of the past, rather than a “thing” (Smith, 2006; Harrison, 2013). 24 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 2: LITERATURE REVIEW • 25 perceived as their undesirable loss. Framing this loss as damage, Muñoz-Viñas Conservation in turn has been undergoing a dismantling of its solely material (2005: 101) writes that damage is crucial to conservation, since the threat or preservation outlook to a people-centred approach. Accordingly, the relationship perceived threat of damage drives the activity, and without damage there would be between conservation and change to historic environments is no longer a no reason to conserve. Similarly, Hobson (2004: 28) notes that perceptions of straightforward response of resisting change. Instead, there is a shift towards negative change draw our attention to the past, potentially prompting a understanding conservation as the dynamic and thoughtful management of change conservation response. (Feilden, 1982: 3; Ashworth, 1991; Fairclough, 2008; Veldpaus et al, 2013: 11). As In its earliest institutional form, conservation was expressed through Ashworth (1991: 26) asserts, “the capacity to change must itself be preserved”. preservation of material, kicking in mainly as a response to industrialisation and This sub-section reviewed a shift in conservation from a material focus to a urbanisation in late 19th century Europe (Ashworth, 1991: 15-16). Conservation, values focus. The next sub-section takes a closer look at how values can be in the form of preservation, emphasises the historic environment’s physical, understood. material properties. Such conservation is classical conservation (Muñoz-Viñas, 2005), where authenticity of the historic environment or object is seen to lie in its Values of the historic environment materiality. Conservation in its earliest days also focused on historic environments Contemporary conservation, as Muñoz-Viñas (2005) defines it, focues on the that were considered grand, monumental, or of national importance (Lowenthal, meanings and significances attached to the environment or object rather than 2015). necessarily its material. In other words, values ascribed to historic environments Conservation as material preservation travelled from Europe to other parts of are increasingly recognised as the core of conservation. Values are the subjective the world via colonisation (Cleere, 1984). In India, for example, conservation was qualities of the historic environment (Mason and Avrami, 2002: 15) or “opinions instituted as a formal practice by the British with the establishment of the about characteristics” (Mason and Avrami, 2002: 16). Assessing the different Archaeological Survey of India (ASI) in 1861 which undertook the protection of values that people attribute to historic environments is useful for decision-making nationally important monuments. Prior to that, indigenous practices of building and outcomes in relation to conservation (Mason, 2008: 305). Values offer with traditional materials and skills existed. These were not referred to as direction for the purpose of conservation and the goals it seeks to achieve conservation but have persisted in contemporary times alongside formally instated (Pendlebury, 2008: 216-7). Put simply, “societies only attempt to conserve the colonial conservation (Menon, 2003; Menon, 2019). These are “two contradictory things they value” (Pendlebury, 2008: 7). This also means that when value is world views” (Thakur, 2012: 155-6). The colonial conservation paradigm, considered to be absent, conservation can lead to letting go of material, in an according to Menon (2003), sees authenticity as permanent, innate, and based in embrace of impermanence. material. Authenticity, according to the pre-colonial paradigm, is constantly Historic environment values are broadly divided into their quality of being of evolving, as regeneration of historic environments “accommodates ‘authentic’ the past and their current or contemporary significance. The former largely sees contemporary interventions undertaken in the ‘traditional’ way” (Menon, 2003). values to be inherent in material, while the latter is about contemporary uses and The world over, in the last few decades, the definition of historic environments benefits. This distinction is seen as far back as in the work of Riegl (1903, in in theory and policy, and what makes them worth conserving has been broadening. Jokilehto, 2018), as also more recently, in the work of Mason (2008), Ashworth Previously, authenticity of historic environments was seen to lie in their material, (1997), and Pendlebury (2008). physical properties. Now it is seen to lie in the meanings and values that people Riegl (1903, in Jokilehto, 2018: 261) calls the two types of values “memorial attribute to these environments. Historic environments worth conserving are not values” and “present-day values”. Memorial values include age value, historical solely monumental and grand buildings but also seen to be everyday spaces, value and intended memorial value, and present-day values include use value, art landscapes, practices, and traditions. “Heritage” itself has been undergoing a value, newness value and relative art value (Jokilehto, 2018: 261). redefinition as being socially constructed and a process of selection and interpretation of the past, rather than a “thing” (Smith, 2006; Harrison, 2013). 26 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 2: LITERATURE REVIEW • 27 Mason (2008: 305) differentiates the two value sets as within “heritage values” “extrinsic” ones prompt conservation of historic environments for what they can and “contemporary values”. Mason’s (2008: 305) categories of values cover values offer in terms of outcomes or benefits, rather than innate material properties as outlined in policy guidelines put forth by the Getty Conservation Institute. (Ashworth, 1997: 98). Mason and Avrami (2002: 16-17) in a Getty Conservation Institute document Benefits of historic environment conservation are also raised by Pendlebury classify values into historical and artistic; social or civic; spiritual or religious; (2008: 216) who refers to their social and economic potential. Benefits reflect the symbolic or identity; research; natural; and economic. In their understanding, practical reasons for conservation, even though values such as architectural, historical values are a testimony to the passage of time, artistic values evoke historic, and archaeological values may have prompted listing of the historic sensory pleasure, social or civic values allow for grouping or collective or social environments in the first place (Pendlebury, 2008: 6). Benefits are often presented action, spiritual or religious values relate to beliefs, symbolic or identity values are as arguments in favour of conservation, as proof of some tangible gain those that develop group identity, research values feed education and historical (Pendlebury, 2008: 216). In some cases, the benefits accrued from the conservation documentation, natural values provide ecological benefits and economic values, of a historic environment may generate values, such values being “incidental”, as economic ones. Their classification, especially the categories of historical, artistic, opposed to “fundamental” values that are independent of the benefits they and research values, is important for the later analysis of the empirical material in engender (Pendlebury, 2008: 216). the thesis. Regardless of the boundaries of the concepts and how they are defined, the Mason’s (2008: 305) categorisation sees “heritage values” as encompassing age emergent theme is that historic environments are important, not only for their value, value from historical association, cultural or symbolic value, aesthetic value, materiality, but for what they offer, whether called values, uses, or benefits. In and others that are “the traditional core of conservation interest”. These keeping with Muñoz-Viñas (2005: 181), these categories are largely fluid and correspond to Mason and Avrami’s (2002: 16-17) historical and artistic values, interchangeable. What is important to take away is that conservation is done for a spiritual or religious values, symbolic or identity values, and research value. They reason. are associated with the materiality of historic environments and translate to Policy in both the Swedish and Indian contexts covers valuation of historic preservation. “Contemporary values”, on the other hand, help in decision-making environments in its own ways. In Swedish policy, the Plattform Kulturhistorisk but have received less attention due to their seeming disconnect from the värdering och urval (Platform for cultural-historical valuation and selection) document ‘pastness’ of the place (Mason, 2008: 305). These values are mentioned by Mason produced by the National Heritage Board (2015) outlines recommendations on (2008: 305) as being economic, social, and environmental values, and correspond valuation. It is influenced by, among others, English Heritage (2008) and the work to Mason and Avrami’s (2002: 16-17) social or civic values, natural values, and of the Getty Conservation Institute (de la Torre, 2002) (National Heritage Board, economic values. Though he sets out the categories of “heritage values” and 2015: 9). “contemporary values”, Mason (2008: 305) asserts that the two can be interrelated. The document refers to values and aspects, among others, in relation to historic The way that Mason (2008: 315) distinguishes between value types covers the environments. “Kulturvärde” or “cultural value” is ascertained by considering a range of reasons for conservation, whether identified as “values” or not. “Heritage number of “aspects” of a place. These are cultural-historical, aesthetic, social, values” (Mason, 2008: 315), “intrinsic” qualities (Ashworth, 1997: 98), and ecological, and economic (National Heritage Board, 2015: 13). While five “cultural values” (Pendlebury, 2008: 216) are largely equivalent to the physical “aspects” are listed, “cultural value” is considered to lie in a balance of three of material of historic environments. “Contemporary values” (Mason, 2008: 315), them: the place’s cultural-historical, aesthetic, and social aspects (National Heritage “extrinsic” qualities (Ashworth, 1997: 98) and socio-economic reasons for Board, 2015: 27). Further, “kulturhistoriskt värde” (“cultural-historical values”) are conservation (Pendlebury, 2008: 215) are largely based on the uses that historic the potential of tangible and intangible aspects of the environment that can environments yield. Ashworth (1997: 98) summarises the distinction in value types contribute knowledge and understanding of people’s lives – past and present in how he describes “intrinsic” and “extrinsic” qualities. “Intrinsic” qualities are (National Heritage Board, 2015: 12). “Cultural-historical value” is therefore akin based on material authenticity and are supposedly self-evident and objective; to research value as defined by Mason and Avrami (2002: 17), in that both are 26 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 2: LITERATURE REVIEW • 27 Mason (2008: 305) differentiates the two value sets as within “heritage values” “extrinsic” ones prompt conservation of historic environments for what they can and “contemporary values”. Mason’s (2008: 305) categories of values cover values offer in terms of outcomes or benefits, rather than innate material properties as outlined in policy guidelines put forth by the Getty Conservation Institute. (Ashworth, 1997: 98). Mason and Avrami (2002: 16-17) in a Getty Conservation Institute document Benefits of historic environment conservation are also raised by Pendlebury classify values into historical and artistic; social or civic; spiritual or religious; (2008: 216) who refers to their social and economic potential. Benefits reflect the symbolic or identity; research; natural; and economic. In their understanding, practical reasons for conservation, even though values such as architectural, historical values are a testimony to the passage of time, artistic values evoke historic, and archaeological values may have prompted listing of the historic sensory pleasure, social or civic values allow for grouping or collective or social environments in the first place (Pendlebury, 2008: 6). Benefits are often presented action, spiritual or religious values relate to beliefs, symbolic or identity values are as arguments in favour of conservation, as proof of some tangible gain those that develop group identity, research values feed education and historical (Pendlebury, 2008: 216). In some cases, the benefits accrued from the conservation documentation, natural values provide ecological benefits and economic values, of a historic environment may generate values, such values being “incidental”, as economic ones. Their classification, especially the categories of historical, artistic, opposed to “fundamental” values that are independent of the benefits they and research values, is important for the later analysis of the empirical material in engender (Pendlebury, 2008: 216). the thesis. Regardless of the boundaries of the concepts and how they are defined, the Mason’s (2008: 305) categorisation sees “heritage values” as encompassing age emergent theme is that historic environments are important, not only for their value, value from historical association, cultural or symbolic value, aesthetic value, materiality, but for what they offer, whether called values, uses, or benefits. In and others that are “the traditional core of conservation interest”. These keeping with Muñoz-Viñas (2005: 181), these categories are largely fluid and correspond to Mason and Avrami’s (2002: 16-17) historical and artistic values, interchangeable. What is important to take away is that conservation is done for a spiritual or religious values, symbolic or identity values, and research value. They reason. are associated with the materiality of historic environments and translate to Policy in both the Swedish and Indian contexts covers valuation of historic preservation. “Contemporary values”, on the other hand, help in decision-making environments in its own ways. In Swedish policy, the Plattform Kulturhistorisk but have received less attention due to their seeming disconnect from the värdering och urval (Platform for cultural-historical valuation and selection) document ‘pastness’ of the place (Mason, 2008: 305). These values are mentioned by Mason produced by the National Heritage Board (2015) outlines recommendations on (2008: 305) as being economic, social, and environmental values, and correspond valuation. It is influenced by, among others, English Heritage (2008) and the work to Mason and Avrami’s (2002: 16-17) social or civic values, natural values, and of the Getty Conservation Institute (de la Torre, 2002) (National Heritage Board, economic values. Though he sets out the categories of “heritage values” and 2015: 9). “contemporary values”, Mason (2008: 305) asserts that the two can be interrelated. The document refers to values and aspects, among others, in relation to historic The way that Mason (2008: 315) distinguishes between value types covers the environments. “Kulturvärde” or “cultural value” is ascertained by considering a range of reasons for conservation, whether identified as “values” or not. “Heritage number of “aspects” of a place. These are cultural-historical, aesthetic, social, values” (Mason, 2008: 315), “intrinsic” qualities (Ashworth, 1997: 98), and ecological, and economic (National Heritage Board, 2015: 13). While five “cultural values” (Pendlebury, 2008: 216) are largely equivalent to the physical “aspects” are listed, “cultural value” is considered to lie in a balance of three of material of historic environments. “Contemporary values” (Mason, 2008: 315), them: the place’s cultural-historical, aesthetic, and social aspects (National Heritage “extrinsic” qualities (Ashworth, 1997: 98) and socio-economic reasons for Board, 2015: 27). Further, “kulturhistoriskt värde” (“cultural-historical values”) are conservation (Pendlebury, 2008: 215) are largely based on the uses that historic the potential of tangible and intangible aspects of the environment that can environments yield. Ashworth (1997: 98) summarises the distinction in value types contribute knowledge and understanding of people’s lives – past and present in how he describes “intrinsic” and “extrinsic” qualities. “Intrinsic” qualities are (National Heritage Board, 2015: 12). “Cultural-historical value” is therefore akin based on material authenticity and are supposedly self-evident and objective; to research value as defined by Mason and Avrami (2002: 17), in that both are 28 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 2: LITERATURE REVIEW • 29 sources of knowledge about the past. Research value is important for the later analysis when he states that UK policy and practice focus on “intrinsic values”, or analysis of the empirical material in the thesis. those that can be deciphered by professionals as objective, particularly In Indian policy, values under the rubric of “criteria” are identified for the architectural features. “Extrinsic values” on the other hand are laypeople’s purposes of listing historic environments. This valuation is within the planning associations with historic environments and are not necessarily in sync with policy system, to guide decisions about urban planning projects. Mumbai’s Development and practice (Hobson, 2004: 254). Loosely, the distinction between “intrinsic” and Control and Promotion Regulations (DCPR, 2018: 448), which regulate “extrinsic” values (Hobson, 2004: 254) overlaps with “heritage values” and construction in the city, list “criteria” as: “contemporary” values, respectively, as defined by Mason (2008: 305). • value for architectural historical or cultural reasons In the Indian context, Jain (2010: 50) critiques the absence of an interrogation • the date and/or design and/or unique use of the building or artefact of values in policy and argues for a values-based approach, as outlined by the Getty • relevance to social or economic history Conservation Institute (Avrami et al., 2000). In her opinion, the values-based • association with well-known persons or events approach must be integrated into conservation guidelines in the charter on tangible • a building or groups of buildings and/or areas of a distinct architectural and intangible heritage conservation by the heritage NGO, Indian National Trust design and/or style historic period or way of life having sociological interest for Art and Cultural Heritage (Intach) (Jain, 2010: 52). She further suggests the and/or community value introduction of “continuity value” to recognise the value of the processual nature • the unique value of a building or architectural features or artefact and/or of traditional building practices that have evolved over time (Jain, 2010: 53). being part of a chain of architectural development that would be broken if While the values-based approach has many proponents, some scholars find it it were lost does not adequately consider heritage as intangible and living. Poulios (2010) and • value as a part of a group of buildings Walter (2014) critique the values-based approach for promoting a separation • representing forms of technological development between the historical object of conservation and the subject, referring to a • vistas of natural/scenic beauty or interest, including water-front areas, deadening of the past (Poulios, 2011: 181) and a “killing off” of what should be distinctive and/or planned lines of sight, street line, skyline or topographical living (Walter, 2014: 645). For Taylor (2015: 66) too, the values-based approach • open spaces sometimes integrally planned with their associated areas having relegates “heritage” to an object-based embodiment of values, rather than values a distinctive way of life and for which are and have the potential to be areas as constitutive of heritage itself. Walter (2014) is additionally critical of the values- of recreation based approach for its lack of theoretical interrogation of the methodology used Nearly identical “criteria” for listing are proposed in the national government’s in identifying values in the first place. “model regulations” (Ministry of Urban Development, 2011: 6) and similar ones Poulios (2010; 2011) considers the values-based approach as inapplicable to in their conservation guide to listing (Central Public Works Department, 2013: 5). “living heritage” sites, i.e., those that emphasise continuity or change to the The latter broadly cover historic buildings’ symbolic associations with people or environment. He further critiques it on the grounds that despite its encouragement events, physical characteristics, and historical importance (Central Public Works of multiple stakeholder perspectives, in practice, it still privileges conservation Department, 2013: 5). professionals and attachment to tangible built environments (Poulios, 2010: 174). In both European and Indian contexts there is critique of how policy considers Intangible elements are seen to be served through the conservation of tangible values. According to Pendlebury (2013: 715), despite the recognition of ones (Poulios, 2010: 174). By this yardstick, historic environments only serve as contemporary values in theory, policy in the English context still focuses on values backdrops to the people of the present rather than being entwined with them. as generated by the materiality of historic environments. He critiques Historic Poulios instead advocates a “living heritage approach” for sites that are based in England’s (2008: 27) document that sets out heritage values of a place as evidential, continuity of function, process of maintenance, and original communities (Poulios, historical, aesthetic, and communal, for not counting “utility and market values” 2010: 175). For him, change and continuity are the hallmarks of “living heritage” as “heritage values” (Pendlebury, 2013: 715). Hobson (2004: 254) makes a similar sites (Poulios, 2010: 178). 28 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 2: LITERATURE REVIEW • 29 sources of knowledge about the past. Research value is important for the later analysis when he states that UK policy and practice focus on “intrinsic values”, or analysis of the empirical material in the thesis. those that can be deciphered by professionals as objective, particularly In Indian policy, values under the rubric of “criteria” are identified for the architectural features. “Extrinsic values” on the other hand are laypeople’s purposes of listing historic environments. This valuation is within the planning associations with historic environments and are not necessarily in sync with policy system, to guide decisions about urban planning projects. Mumbai’s Development and practice (Hobson, 2004: 254). Loosely, the distinction between “intrinsic” and Control and Promotion Regulations (DCPR, 2018: 448), which regulate “extrinsic” values (Hobson, 2004: 254) overlaps with “heritage values” and construction in the city, list “criteria” as: “contemporary” values, respectively, as defined by Mason (2008: 305). • value for architectural historical or cultural reasons In the Indian context, Jain (2010: 50) critiques the absence of an interrogation • the date and/or design and/or unique use of the building or artefact of values in policy and argues for a values-based approach, as outlined by the Getty • relevance to social or economic history Conservation Institute (Avrami et al., 2000). In her opinion, the values-based • association with well-known persons or events approach must be integrated into conservation guidelines in the charter on tangible • a building or groups of buildings and/or areas of a distinct architectural and intangible heritage conservation by the heritage NGO, Indian National Trust design and/or style historic period or way of life having sociological interest for Art and Cultural Heritage (Intach) (Jain, 2010: 52). She further suggests the and/or community value introduction of “continuity value” to recognise the value of the processual nature • the unique value of a building or architectural features or artefact and/or of traditional building practices that have evolved over time (Jain, 2010: 53). being part of a chain of architectural development that would be broken if While the values-based approach has many proponents, some scholars find it it were lost does not adequately consider heritage as intangible and living. Poulios (2010) and • value as a part of a group of buildings Walter (2014) critique the values-based approach for promoting a separation • representing forms of technological development between the historical object of conservation and the subject, referring to a • vistas of natural/scenic beauty or interest, including water-front areas, deadening of the past (Poulios, 2011: 181) and a “killing off” of what should be distinctive and/or planned lines of sight, street line, skyline or topographical living (Walter, 2014: 645). For Taylor (2015: 66) too, the values-based approach • open spaces sometimes integrally planned with their associated areas having relegates “heritage” to an object-based embodiment of values, rather than values a distinctive way of life and for which are and have the potential to be areas as constitutive of heritage itself. Walter (2014) is additionally critical of the values- of recreation based approach for its lack of theoretical interrogation of the methodology used Nearly identical “criteria” for listing are proposed in the national government’s in identifying values in the first place. “model regulations” (Ministry of Urban Development, 2011: 6) and similar ones Poulios (2010; 2011) considers the values-based approach as inapplicable to in their conservation guide to listing (Central Public Works Department, 2013: 5). “living heritage” sites, i.e., those that emphasise continuity or change to the The latter broadly cover historic buildings’ symbolic associations with people or environment. He further critiques it on the grounds that despite its encouragement events, physical characteristics, and historical importance (Central Public Works of multiple stakeholder perspectives, in practice, it still privileges conservation Department, 2013: 5). professionals and attachment to tangible built environments (Poulios, 2010: 174). In both European and Indian contexts there is critique of how policy considers Intangible elements are seen to be served through the conservation of tangible values. According to Pendlebury (2013: 715), despite the recognition of ones (Poulios, 2010: 174). By this yardstick, historic environments only serve as contemporary values in theory, policy in the English context still focuses on values backdrops to the people of the present rather than being entwined with them. as generated by the materiality of historic environments. He critiques Historic Poulios instead advocates a “living heritage approach” for sites that are based in England’s (2008: 27) document that sets out heritage values of a place as evidential, continuity of function, process of maintenance, and original communities (Poulios, historical, aesthetic, and communal, for not counting “utility and market values” 2010: 175). For him, change and continuity are the hallmarks of “living heritage” as “heritage values” (Pendlebury, 2013: 715). Hobson (2004: 254) makes a similar sites (Poulios, 2010: 178). 30 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 2: LITERATURE REVIEW • 31 Despite valid critique of the values-based approach, as McClelland (2018: 4) inclusion of conservation in planning became the norm for most western notes, the alternatives are not adequately fleshed out for use in practical European city centres that came to have some form of conservation designation conservation decision-making. Further, the case studies in the thesis lie within the (Ashworth, 1991: 22). formal planning context outside the ambit of “living heritage” as elaborated by The reverberations of developments in the western world were experienced in Poulios (2010). For this reason, understanding how values are identified and India in the 1980s. There were a number of developments during this period that assessed is a useful starting point for exploring conservation of the affected historic widened the notion of conservation from individual monuments and buildings to environments in relation to their loss. wider ensembles and an expanding understanding of historic environments worth Overall, there is a vast body of literature and policy that considers values (in conserving. The Indian National Trust for Arts and Cultural Heritage (Intach), was whatever form) of the historical environment as a driver in conservation-related established (along the lines of the UK’s National Trust), and sought to work with decision-making. The identification of values is relevant in the conservation of legally unprotected historic environments, beyond the mandate of the colonially historic environments and objects where environments have values, whether established Archaeological Survey of India (ASI) (Menon, 2003). Intach sought to heritage or contemporary, intrinsic or extrinsic. The increasing recognition of fulfil its aims with the help of English experts, one of whom was Bernard Feilden values forms part of contemporary conservation. This has come a long way since (Menon, 2003), an early proponent of conservation as the dynamic management classical conservation, which took the form of material preservation that first of change (Feilden, 1982). Feilden played a key role in the widening view of emerged in 19th century Europe. conservation of India (Menon, 2003; Baig and Mehrotra, 2012: 10; Piplani, 2012: 84). He drafted the conservation guidelines for India in 1989 that were published Conservation and planning by Intach, set up a seminal conservation programme in York that spawned a new generation of Indian conservation architect graduates (some of whom later Conservation of historic environments can be a response to change due to pioneered heritage activism in Mumbai in the 1990s), and also a number of planning projects. It is therefore important to understand conservation from a conservation programmes in India (Baig and Mehrotra, 2012: 11). These planning perspective. Over the decades, there has been a shift in considering developments were a turning point in reorienting the thinking around conservation conservation from the perspective of individual buildings to that of sites, with the of historic environments in India. activity having become embedded in planning. This sub-section reviewed the overall shift in conservation from individual This section reviews conservation’s relationship to planning in three sub- buildings to wider sites and concerns. The next sub-section takes a closer look at sections: first, from a historical perspective of conservation coming to be a part of how conservation and urban planning interact. planning, second, through some of the ways in which the integration between conservation and urban planning can be theorised, and third, through a review of Integration of conservation and urban planning the changing approaches to conservation with respect to planning. Ashworth (1991: 3) theorises the integration of conservation and planning through History: From building to site “heritage planning”. Heritage planning (Ashworth, 1991: 3) lies in the overlap of the built environment (urban form), uses (urban function), and area strategies Conservation began to become entangled with planning policy in Europe in the (urban planning), as seen in Figure 1. “Uses” connotes, “the valuation placed upon 1960s and 70s (Pendlebury, 2008: 168; Ashworth, 1991: 22). This meant a shift survivals from the past”, i.e., the use of the built environment in planning from conserving individual historic monuments in isolation, to incorporating strategies, for example tourism (Ashworth, 1991: 4). Since it lies in the overlap of function into the conservation activity. Historic buildings began to be conserved these three aspects of the urban, heritage planning does not favour any one of in their wider contexts which included consideration of services like traffic them (Ashworth, 1991: 5). management and land-use (Ashworth, 1991: 21). The role of the town planner began to subvert that of the architect and art historian (Ashworth, 1991: 21). This 30 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 2: LITERATURE REVIEW • 31 Despite valid critique of the values-based approach, as McClelland (2018: 4) inclusion of conservation in planning became the norm for most western notes, the alternatives are not adequately fleshed out for use in practical European city centres that came to have some form of conservation designation conservation decision-making. Further, the case studies in the thesis lie within the (Ashworth, 1991: 22). formal planning context outside the ambit of “living heritage” as elaborated by The reverberations of developments in the western world were experienced in Poulios (2010). For this reason, understanding how values are identified and India in the 1980s. There were a number of developments during this period that assessed is a useful starting point for exploring conservation of the affected historic widened the notion of conservation from individual monuments and buildings to environments in relation to their loss. wider ensembles and an expanding understanding of historic environments worth Overall, there is a vast body of literature and policy that considers values (in conserving. The Indian National Trust for Arts and Cultural Heritage (Intach), was whatever form) of the historical environment as a driver in conservation-related established (along the lines of the UK’s National Trust), and sought to work with decision-making. The identification of values is relevant in the conservation of legally unprotected historic environments, beyond the mandate of the colonially historic environments and objects where environments have values, whether established Archaeological Survey of India (ASI) (Menon, 2003). Intach sought to heritage or contemporary, intrinsic or extrinsic. The increasing recognition of fulfil its aims with the help of English experts, one of whom was Bernard Feilden values forms part of contemporary conservation. This has come a long way since (Menon, 2003), an early proponent of conservation as the dynamic management classical conservation, which took the form of material preservation that first of change (Feilden, 1982). Feilden played a key role in the widening view of emerged in 19th century Europe. conservation of India (Menon, 2003; Baig and Mehrotra, 2012: 10; Piplani, 2012: 84). He drafted the conservation guidelines for India in 1989 that were published Conservation and planning by Intach, set up a seminal conservation programme in York that spawned a new generation of Indian conservation architect graduates (some of whom later Conservation of historic environments can be a response to change due to pioneered heritage activism in Mumbai in the 1990s), and also a number of planning projects. It is therefore important to understand conservation from a conservation programmes in India (Baig and Mehrotra, 2012: 11). These planning perspective. Over the decades, there has been a shift in considering developments were a turning point in reorienting the thinking around conservation conservation from the perspective of individual buildings to that of sites, with the of historic environments in India. activity having become embedded in planning. This sub-section reviewed the overall shift in conservation from individual This section reviews conservation’s relationship to planning in three sub- buildings to wider sites and concerns. The next sub-section takes a closer look at sections: first, from a historical perspective of conservation coming to be a part of how conservation and urban planning interact. planning, second, through some of the ways in which the integration between conservation and urban planning can be theorised, and third, through a review of Integration of conservation and urban planning the changing approaches to conservation with respect to planning. Ashworth (1991: 3) theorises the integration of conservation and planning through History: From building to site “heritage planning”. Heritage planning (Ashworth, 1991: 3) lies in the overlap of the built environment (urban form), uses (urban function), and area strategies Conservation began to become entangled with planning policy in Europe in the (urban planning), as seen in Figure 1. “Uses” connotes, “the valuation placed upon 1960s and 70s (Pendlebury, 2008: 168; Ashworth, 1991: 22). This meant a shift survivals from the past”, i.e., the use of the built environment in planning from conserving individual historic monuments in isolation, to incorporating strategies, for example tourism (Ashworth, 1991: 4). Since it lies in the overlap of function into the conservation activity. Historic buildings began to be conserved these three aspects of the urban, heritage planning does not favour any one of in their wider contexts which included consideration of services like traffic them (Ashworth, 1991: 5). management and land-use (Ashworth, 1991: 21). The role of the town planner began to subvert that of the architect and art historian (Ashworth, 1991: 21). This 32 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 2: LITERATURE REVIEW • 33 Change-oriented conservation takes on additional dimensions and challenges in the Indian context, where hybridity exists in both conservation practices (Menon, 2003; Thakur, 2012) and urbanism (Mehrotra, 2004; Mehrotra, 2007). The authors argue for embracing change in both the individual disciplines of conservation and planning, as well as their coming together in a way that is suitable to both their dualities. This scholarship also has its basis in resisting wholesale consumption of received colonial and western norms of both conservation and planning while also considering ways for them to coexist with local practices (Menon, 2017b). At the same time there is acknowledgement of the “culturally Janus-faced”, hybrid identity of many Indian professionals who straddle Eurocentric and Indian sensibilities (Menon, 2008). Menon (2019: 44) suggests the application of Bhabha’s (1994, in Menon, 2019: Figure 1: Heritage planning 44) “hybrid modernity” to both conservation and urban planning, conceptualising Source: Ashworth (1991: 3) this as a blend of contemporary and traditional approaches that needs to be recognised and adopted by policy-makers and practitioners of various stripes. He Heritage planning (Ashworth, 1991) ties into “conservation planning” argues for conservation to embrace pre-colonial building traditions that allow for (Pendlebury, 2013; Pendlebury et al., 2014). This is another variation of theorising rebuilding and regeneration in addition to colonially-inherited monument the interaction between historic built environments and urban planning projects. preservation (Menon, 2003). These aspirations for conservation were crystallised Conservation planning largely emerges from the embedding of architectural in the Intach charter (2004) that he helped draft (Menon, 2008). The charter conservation within urban planning processes (Pendlebury et al, 2014: 44). advances guidelines that bring together the conservation of monumental as well as Conservation planning is a move from resistance to change and conservation of everyday historic environments, as also traditional building practices. individual pieces of architecture, to considering conservation as an intrinsic part Conservation further holds clues for an urban planning that can adequately of planning, with all the other changes and processes, policies, and institutional respond to the plurality and complexity of Indian cities (Menon, 1997: 2935). frameworks that come with urban planning (Pendlebury, 2013: 710). Conservation Menon (1997: 2935) pushes for “conservation-oriented development” wherein planning works with change as opposed to against it (Pendlebury, 2013: 710). urban planning is embedded in the local context rather than in an imposition of Arguments for change-oriented ways of thinking about historic environments western models. According to him, the objective should broadly be “improved in the broader context of urban transformations are advanced more conceptually, quality of life at the local level, sustainable development at the level of society, and in relation to urban sustainability as well. This is seen in the “deep cities” approach ‘people-first’ approaches to problem-solving in general” (Menon, 1997: 2935). He (Fouseki et al., 2020). “Deep” connotes dealing with multiple temporal layers of a cites Intach’s “heritage zone” policy as a good example of how conservation and city to enable sustainable transformations that speak not only to green urban planning can work together in practice (Menon, 1997; Menon, 2017b). It environments but also socio-economic issues. For Fouseki et al. (2020: 6) works within urban planning policy, is amenable to change of historic transformation itself can be a “heritage value”, regarded as less of a threat and environments (while retaining what makes them valuable), and is oriented towards more as a prompt for considering sustainable development in theory and practice. their improvement (Menon, 2003). According to Menon (2003), the “heritage The deep cities approach considers all the elements that go into making cities – zone” – developed based on the case at hand – is a positive shift from regulations cultural, natural, past, contemporary, tangible, and intangible (Fouseki et al., 2020: like those of the Archaeological Survey of India (ASI) that forbid planning projects 261). within a 100m radius of protected monuments. 32 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 2: LITERATURE REVIEW • 33 Change-oriented conservation takes on additional dimensions and challenges in the Indian context, where hybridity exists in both conservation practices (Menon, 2003; Thakur, 2012) and urbanism (Mehrotra, 2004; Mehrotra, 2007). The authors argue for embracing change in both the individual disciplines of conservation and planning, as well as their coming together in a way that is suitable to both their dualities. This scholarship also has its basis in resisting wholesale consumption of received colonial and western norms of both conservation and planning while also considering ways for them to coexist with local practices (Menon, 2017b). At the same time there is acknowledgement of the “culturally Janus-faced”, hybrid identity of many Indian professionals who straddle Eurocentric and Indian sensibilities (Menon, 2008). Menon (2019: 44) suggests the application of Bhabha’s (1994, in Menon, 2019: Figure 1: Heritage planning 44) “hybrid modernity” to both conservation and urban planning, conceptualising Source: Ashworth (1991: 3) this as a blend of contemporary and traditional approaches that needs to be recognised and adopted by policy-makers and practitioners of various stripes. He Heritage planning (Ashworth, 1991) ties into “conservation planning” argues for conservation to embrace pre-colonial building traditions that allow for (Pendlebury, 2013; Pendlebury et al., 2014). This is another variation of theorising rebuilding and regeneration in addition to colonially-inherited monument the interaction between historic built environments and urban planning projects. preservation (Menon, 2003). These aspirations for conservation were crystallised Conservation planning largely emerges from the embedding of architectural in the Intach charter (2004) that he helped draft (Menon, 2008). The charter conservation within urban planning processes (Pendlebury et al, 2014: 44). advances guidelines that bring together the conservation of monumental as well as Conservation planning is a move from resistance to change and conservation of everyday historic environments, as also traditional building practices. individual pieces of architecture, to considering conservation as an intrinsic part Conservation further holds clues for an urban planning that can adequately of planning, with all the other changes and processes, policies, and institutional respond to the plurality and complexity of Indian cities (Menon, 1997: 2935). frameworks that come with urban planning (Pendlebury, 2013: 710). Conservation Menon (1997: 2935) pushes for “conservation-oriented development” wherein planning works with change as opposed to against it (Pendlebury, 2013: 710). urban planning is embedded in the local context rather than in an imposition of Arguments for change-oriented ways of thinking about historic environments western models. According to him, the objective should broadly be “improved in the broader context of urban transformations are advanced more conceptually, quality of life at the local level, sustainable development at the level of society, and in relation to urban sustainability as well. This is seen in the “deep cities” approach ‘people-first’ approaches to problem-solving in general” (Menon, 1997: 2935). He (Fouseki et al., 2020). “Deep” connotes dealing with multiple temporal layers of a cites Intach’s “heritage zone” policy as a good example of how conservation and city to enable sustainable transformations that speak not only to green urban planning can work together in practice (Menon, 1997; Menon, 2017b). It environments but also socio-economic issues. For Fouseki et al. (2020: 6) works within urban planning policy, is amenable to change of historic transformation itself can be a “heritage value”, regarded as less of a threat and environments (while retaining what makes them valuable), and is oriented towards more as a prompt for considering sustainable development in theory and practice. their improvement (Menon, 2003). According to Menon (2003), the “heritage The deep cities approach considers all the elements that go into making cities – zone” – developed based on the case at hand – is a positive shift from regulations cultural, natural, past, contemporary, tangible, and intangible (Fouseki et al., 2020: like those of the Archaeological Survey of India (ASI) that forbid planning projects 261). within a 100m radius of protected monuments. 34 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 2: LITERATURE REVIEW • 35 There is further a push for conservation and urban planning to meet in ways The views on conservation emerging from the Indian context, while they may be that are sensitive to the complexity of urbanism itself. In such cases, urban different in their particularities, echo similar goals for working with change to planning is fluid, and embraces the informal, the historic, and the constantly historic environments as elsewhere in the world. fluctuating nature of cities, in what Mehrotra and Felipe Vera (2016) call the This sub-section reviewed the calls for the integration of conservation and “urbanism of detachment”. The urbanism of detachment mediates and negotiates urban planning. The next sub-section expands on how the approaches to the various forces in a city (Mehrotra and Filipe Vera, 2016: 19). conservation with respect to planning have changed over time. Mehrotra (2004; 2007) theorises the dual nature of Indian cities. He characterises this as the “static” or formal city and the “kinetic” or informal, Changing approaches to conservation temporal one (Mehrotra, 2004; Mehrotra, 2007). The former is its grand and fixed The various and changing approaches to conservation of historic environments in architecture and is associated with formal urban planning. The latter is planning are theorised by Ashworth (2011) as being within three “paradigms”: the spontaneous and arises in the interstices – the street vendors, hawkers, pop-up preservation, conservation, and heritage paradigms. This classification forms an festivities, and so on (Mehrotra, 2007: 343). According to Mehrotra (2007: 346), important part of the analysis, later in the thesis. the static city must bend to accommodate the increasingly dominant kinetic city. The preservation paradigm is based on protection of existing historic He advocates their simultaneous legitimacy, and for them to coexist so that environments and attempts to mitigate their damage or loss. Change is viewed as diversity of urban life and contemporary uses can thrive (Mehrotra, 2007: 354). As anathema because exercising change will diminish the value of the historic he writes, urban planning must recognise the changing nature of urban space and environment by way of material fabric (Ashworth, 2011). The result is “spatial design needs to be flexible (Mehrotra, 2020: 135). fossilisation”, which entails the spatial separation of planning projects from For Mehrotra (2007: 346) conservation as an embrace of change is deeply preserved historic environments for risk of the latter being harmed (Ashworth, connected to the motions of the kinetic city, wherein cultural significance, 2011: 8). understood as historic environment values, is not static but in constant flux. This The conservation paradigm is a shift away from material preservation for its poses a challenge to material-focused conservation (Mehrotra, 2007: 346). For own sake to the incorporation of function, as well as the consideration of him, recognising the changing nature of cultural significance (and its ensembles rather than individual elements of the built environment (Ashworth, representation in processes) is a means to reframe conservation as the 2011). Looking at a larger scale makes functionality hard to ignore, and this way of management or facilitation of change, and the conservator as an active agent in the dealing with historic environments draws in a larger number of professionals into process (Mehrotra, 2004: 31; Mehrotra, 2007: 352-3). Change, by way of the their conservation (Ashworth, 2011: 9). fluctuations of the kinetic city, is inevitable and embracing it, the only way forward The heritage paradigm entails active and dynamic use of the past in the present, (Mehrotra, 2004: 30). He argues for moving beyond thinking of conservation while acknowledging a potentially different future (Ashworth, 2011). This through the lens of loss but in terms of opportunity, despairing at current paradigm is rooted in contemporary needs and recognises that these are constantly conservation efforts responding “to any sort of new condition as worse than some changing in an ever-changing society (Ashworth, 2011). The heritage paradigm ‘magic moment’ in the past” (Mehrotra, 2004: 26; 2007: 347). Change has the emphasises creativity over the use of an already preserved resource (Ashworth, potential to become a resource in conservation efforts (Mehrotra, 2004: 29). 2011). With historic environment value being considered socially constructed, the “Essentially, conservation efforts around the world, however they might be heritage paradigm opens up the field for liberating them from their listings, in the disguised, are about making our transition into the future more gentle, for spirit of enabling the future “to make its own choices rather than to be imprisoned change is inevitable, and cultural significance always evolving.” (Mehrotra, 2004: 30) in the choices of the past” (Ashworth, 2011: 11). The conservation and heritage paradigms characterise the integration of conservation and urban planning in ways discussed in the previous sub-section. 34 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 2: LITERATURE REVIEW • 35 There is further a push for conservation and urban planning to meet in ways The views on conservation emerging from the Indian context, while they may be that are sensitive to the complexity of urbanism itself. In such cases, urban different in their particularities, echo similar goals for working with change to planning is fluid, and embraces the informal, the historic, and the constantly historic environments as elsewhere in the world. fluctuating nature of cities, in what Mehrotra and Felipe Vera (2016) call the This sub-section reviewed the calls for the integration of conservation and “urbanism of detachment”. The urbanism of detachment mediates and negotiates urban planning. The next sub-section expands on how the approaches to the various forces in a city (Mehrotra and Filipe Vera, 2016: 19). conservation with respect to planning have changed over time. Mehrotra (2004; 2007) theorises the dual nature of Indian cities. He characterises this as the “static” or formal city and the “kinetic” or informal, Changing approaches to conservation temporal one (Mehrotra, 2004; Mehrotra, 2007). The former is its grand and fixed The various and changing approaches to conservation of historic environments in architecture and is associated with formal urban planning. The latter is planning are theorised by Ashworth (2011) as being within three “paradigms”: the spontaneous and arises in the interstices – the street vendors, hawkers, pop-up preservation, conservation, and heritage paradigms. This classification forms an festivities, and so on (Mehrotra, 2007: 343). According to Mehrotra (2007: 346), important part of the analysis, later in the thesis. the static city must bend to accommodate the increasingly dominant kinetic city. The preservation paradigm is based on protection of existing historic He advocates their simultaneous legitimacy, and for them to coexist so that environments and attempts to mitigate their damage or loss. Change is viewed as diversity of urban life and contemporary uses can thrive (Mehrotra, 2007: 354). As anathema because exercising change will diminish the value of the historic he writes, urban planning must recognise the changing nature of urban space and environment by way of material fabric (Ashworth, 2011). The result is “spatial design needs to be flexible (Mehrotra, 2020: 135). fossilisation”, which entails the spatial separation of planning projects from For Mehrotra (2007: 346) conservation as an embrace of change is deeply preserved historic environments for risk of the latter being harmed (Ashworth, connected to the motions of the kinetic city, wherein cultural significance, 2011: 8). understood as historic environment values, is not static but in constant flux. This The conservation paradigm is a shift away from material preservation for its poses a challenge to material-focused conservation (Mehrotra, 2007: 346). For own sake to the incorporation of function, as well as the consideration of him, recognising the changing nature of cultural significance (and its ensembles rather than individual elements of the built environment (Ashworth, representation in processes) is a means to reframe conservation as the 2011). Looking at a larger scale makes functionality hard to ignore, and this way of management or facilitation of change, and the conservator as an active agent in the dealing with historic environments draws in a larger number of professionals into process (Mehrotra, 2004: 31; Mehrotra, 2007: 352-3). Change, by way of the their conservation (Ashworth, 2011: 9). fluctuations of the kinetic city, is inevitable and embracing it, the only way forward The heritage paradigm entails active and dynamic use of the past in the present, (Mehrotra, 2004: 30). He argues for moving beyond thinking of conservation while acknowledging a potentially different future (Ashworth, 2011). This through the lens of loss but in terms of opportunity, despairing at current paradigm is rooted in contemporary needs and recognises that these are constantly conservation efforts responding “to any sort of new condition as worse than some changing in an ever-changing society (Ashworth, 2011). The heritage paradigm ‘magic moment’ in the past” (Mehrotra, 2004: 26; 2007: 347). Change has the emphasises creativity over the use of an already preserved resource (Ashworth, potential to become a resource in conservation efforts (Mehrotra, 2004: 29). 2011). With historic environment value being considered socially constructed, the “Essentially, conservation efforts around the world, however they might be heritage paradigm opens up the field for liberating them from their listings, in the disguised, are about making our transition into the future more gentle, for spirit of enabling the future “to make its own choices rather than to be imprisoned change is inevitable, and cultural significance always evolving.” (Mehrotra, 2004: 30) in the choices of the past” (Ashworth, 2011: 11). The conservation and heritage paradigms characterise the integration of conservation and urban planning in ways discussed in the previous sub-section. 36 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 2: LITERATURE REVIEW • 37 Ashworth’s (2011) preservation, conservation, and heritage paradigms overlap Conservation as the negotiation of values in with Janssen et al.’s (2017) “heritage as a sector”, “heritage as a factor”, and “heritage as a vector” conceptualisations. These are three ways in which they planning conceptualise the intersections of the historic environment with planning in the Previous sections discussed conservation in the context of historic environment Dutch context. Heritage as a sector considers socio-economic and social change values and planning. This section looks at the three themes collectively, through as a threat to the historic environment (Janssen et al., 2017: 1660). In this situation, conservation as the negotiation of values triggered by urban planning projects. The conservation is change-averse, and the monument becomes a familiar crutch in a section focuses on the subjectivity of values and the way they are implicated in rapidly changing world (Janssen et al., 2017: 1660). Heritage as a factor considers planning, with cases from practice. the historic environment as one of many factors that go into determining the Values attached to historic environments are essentially subjective and change quality of a place. Here, the historic environment is seen in the context of other over time and with changing attitudes. According to Pendlebury (2008: 215), where considerations like contemporary needs and funding (Janssen et al., 2017: 1662). previously, values were linked to the past and of being special, in contemporary In this view, integration of the historic environment and urban planning is tenable, times, they are of the ordinary and everyday, the latter offering “continuity and with the former having the ability to enrich the latter (Janssen et al., 2017: 1661). familiarity in the built environment”. Further, conservation itself casts value on an Heritage as a vector considers the historic environment in the widest of terms, environment (Pendlebury, 2008: 7), making the relationship between value and with its intangible aspects and embedded stories, which can drive and contribute conservation non-linear. This is linked to the notion of “heritage creation” where to the co-creation of new spaces (Janssen et al., 2017: 1663). This approach is the assigning values and identifying an object or environment as heritage renders it broadest of the three in scope, with the fragmentation of the conservation activity valuable (Pendlebury, 2008: 7). Ashworth (1997: 98) too notes that “extrinsic” and inclusion of the wider public in dealing with historic environments (Janssen et qualities of the built environment are based on various social, political, or al., 2017: 1664-5). Here the historic environment plugs into other fields, like economic benefits and are in constant flux (Ashworth, 1997: 98). economics, safety, and sustainability (Janssen et al., 2017: 1665). The authors Conflicts in value judgement have been the hallmark of conservation since its characterise the shift in approaches as moving from a position of viewing historic institutionalisation (Jokilehto, 2018: 30). Where decisions must be made, environments through the lens of loss to one of gain (Janssen et al., 2017: 1658). evaluating heritage objects is tricky due to their mutating nature, people holding According to both Ashworth (2011) and Janssen et al. (2017) the development often opposing values towards them, and the difficulty in evaluating them on a of these approaches has been chronological, however, old modes of conceiving of single scale. In the values-based assessment, values are acknowledged as being hard the historic environment endure, even as new ones emerge. Ashworth (2011) to quantify (Mason and Avrami, 2002: 16). Assessment is followed by negotiation terms this an “incomplete paradigm shift” and Janssen et al. (2017: 1656) argue which involves questions of how these various values are prioritised and balanced that the approaches have been adopted by different actors despite evolving in between the various people and institutions concerned with the environment or consecutive order. They argue that a mixed bag of approaches is both present and object in question (Mason and Avrami, 2002: 23-4). It is about optimising and necessary in contemporary heritage planning (Janssen et al., 2017: 1656). finding an equilibrium among values (Mason and Avrami, 2002). As the authors Overall, this section has shown that there has been a shift in conservation from stress, “balancing” the values is the core of such an approach (Mason and Avrami, a focus on individual buildings to wider environments and contemporary 2002: 23-4). This part of the process raises issues of inconsistency in the unit of concerns. Further, conservation has come to be embedded in planning processes measurement of these values (such as in monetary currency, in symbolics terms, and interacts with urban planning in less and more change-oriented ways. etc.), as well as conflicts arising from the prioritisation of some values leading to a diminishing of others (Mason and Avrami, 2002: 24). While the process is clearly set out, the values-based approach lacks the tools and methods for its operationalisation, and empirical data to inform its implementation (Mason and Avrami, 2002: 19). 36 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 2: LITERATURE REVIEW • 37 Ashworth’s (2011) preservation, conservation, and heritage paradigms overlap Conservation as the negotiation of values in with Janssen et al.’s (2017) “heritage as a sector”, “heritage as a factor”, and “heritage as a vector” conceptualisations. These are three ways in which they planning conceptualise the intersections of the historic environment with planning in the Previous sections discussed conservation in the context of historic environment Dutch context. Heritage as a sector considers socio-economic and social change values and planning. This section looks at the three themes collectively, through as a threat to the historic environment (Janssen et al., 2017: 1660). In this situation, conservation as the negotiation of values triggered by urban planning projects. The conservation is change-averse, and the monument becomes a familiar crutch in a section focuses on the subjectivity of values and the way they are implicated in rapidly changing world (Janssen et al., 2017: 1660). Heritage as a factor considers planning, with cases from practice. the historic environment as one of many factors that go into determining the Values attached to historic environments are essentially subjective and change quality of a place. Here, the historic environment is seen in the context of other over time and with changing attitudes. According to Pendlebury (2008: 215), where considerations like contemporary needs and funding (Janssen et al., 2017: 1662). previously, values were linked to the past and of being special, in contemporary In this view, integration of the historic environment and urban planning is tenable, times, they are of the ordinary and everyday, the latter offering “continuity and with the former having the ability to enrich the latter (Janssen et al., 2017: 1661). familiarity in the built environment”. Further, conservation itself casts value on an Heritage as a vector considers the historic environment in the widest of terms, environment (Pendlebury, 2008: 7), making the relationship between value and with its intangible aspects and embedded stories, which can drive and contribute conservation non-linear. This is linked to the notion of “heritage creation” where to the co-creation of new spaces (Janssen et al., 2017: 1663). This approach is the assigning values and identifying an object or environment as heritage renders it broadest of the three in scope, with the fragmentation of the conservation activity valuable (Pendlebury, 2008: 7). Ashworth (1997: 98) too notes that “extrinsic” and inclusion of the wider public in dealing with historic environments (Janssen et qualities of the built environment are based on various social, political, or al., 2017: 1664-5). Here the historic environment plugs into other fields, like economic benefits and are in constant flux (Ashworth, 1997: 98). economics, safety, and sustainability (Janssen et al., 2017: 1665). The authors Conflicts in value judgement have been the hallmark of conservation since its characterise the shift in approaches as moving from a position of viewing historic institutionalisation (Jokilehto, 2018: 30). Where decisions must be made, environments through the lens of loss to one of gain (Janssen et al., 2017: 1658). evaluating heritage objects is tricky due to their mutating nature, people holding According to both Ashworth (2011) and Janssen et al. (2017) the development often opposing values towards them, and the difficulty in evaluating them on a of these approaches has been chronological, however, old modes of conceiving of single scale. In the values-based assessment, values are acknowledged as being hard the historic environment endure, even as new ones emerge. Ashworth (2011) to quantify (Mason and Avrami, 2002: 16). Assessment is followed by negotiation terms this an “incomplete paradigm shift” and Janssen et al. (2017: 1656) argue which involves questions of how these various values are prioritised and balanced that the approaches have been adopted by different actors despite evolving in between the various people and institutions concerned with the environment or consecutive order. They argue that a mixed bag of approaches is both present and object in question (Mason and Avrami, 2002: 23-4). It is about optimising and necessary in contemporary heritage planning (Janssen et al., 2017: 1656). finding an equilibrium among values (Mason and Avrami, 2002). As the authors Overall, this section has shown that there has been a shift in conservation from stress, “balancing” the values is the core of such an approach (Mason and Avrami, a focus on individual buildings to wider environments and contemporary 2002: 23-4). This part of the process raises issues of inconsistency in the unit of concerns. Further, conservation has come to be embedded in planning processes measurement of these values (such as in monetary currency, in symbolics terms, and interacts with urban planning in less and more change-oriented ways. etc.), as well as conflicts arising from the prioritisation of some values leading to a diminishing of others (Mason and Avrami, 2002: 24). While the process is clearly set out, the values-based approach lacks the tools and methods for its operationalisation, and empirical data to inform its implementation (Mason and Avrami, 2002: 19). 38 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 2: LITERATURE REVIEW • 39 The assessment and ascription of values are further entangled with those doing planning, is a wicked problem due to the inherent dissonance and complexity of the assessment (Mason and Avrami, 2002: 16), and it remains a challenge to the activity, and the impossibility of a definitive resolution. incorporate a wide range of participants in the process (Mason and Avrami, 2002: The simultaneous changing approaches to historic environments and their 23). For Muñoz-Viñas (2005: 204), the conservator – as the expert – has a moral conservation, as well as the integration of conservation in planning is accompanied responsibility to negotiate conflict between various values. However, this can be by difficulties in negotiating values during planning. Building on the ideas untenable because of the expert’s own authoritative role. As Hobson (2004: 254) discussed so far, the next section raises compensation as relevant to further notes, interpretations of values in planning by professionals or experts differ from exploring the negotiation of values in response to urban planning projects. those of laypeople. Professionals too differ in their interpretations. However, they consider their judgement as objective in comparison to those of laypeople, and Compensation as an area of exploration collectively agree on their expertise, in what Hobson (2004: 257) calls a “rolling consensus”. Compensation as a response to planning projects implicitly or explicitly involves In practice, planning projects set in motion an explicit or implicit negotiation the recognition of the values of the environment. In this way the study of of values, and further reveal the fluid, often conflicting nature of values. compensation builds on existing literature on conservation of historic Pendlebury et al. (2014) note the presence of a conflict in values where climate environment values in planning, reviewed in previous sections. Compensation is change mitigation goals encounter conservation goals in planning. In two cases, therefore a legitimate area of exploration. This section introduces compensation retrofitting buildings with photovoltaics is weighed against the potential threat they and prepares the ground for the focus of the rest of the thesis. pose to the aesthetic value of the historic environment (Pendlebury et al., 2014: Compensation, in linguistic terms, means to “counterbalance, make up for, 49). There is a further conflict in the two policies for each of the goals, resulting make amends for” (Oxford English Dictionary, 1989). There is a strong element in an awkward decision-making process in planning where different authorities of making equal in some or other way. Compensation is found in law and policy accord value differently (Pendlebury et al., 2014: 49). in relation to the spatial re-creation/relocation of lost or damaged environments Conflicting values are also seen in the urban transformation of the town of having natural values. Though considered the least preferred action in case of such Kiruna in northern Sweden. The town is a listed historic environment and also a loss, it is seen in a positive light, as a way to counter the negative effects of damage rich source of iron ore. Here, mining has been ongoing for over a hundred years. from planning. The European Commission believes that of the 100,000 hectares In this context, government authorities took a decision to move the town so of land lost to planning projects every year, 50-100,000 hectares should be mining could continue beneath it unabated. Sjöholm’s (2016: 16) doctoral thesis compensated (GHK Consulting Ltd, 2013, in Persson, 2014: 8). shows how the plans to uproot the entire town spurred a re-evaluation of its In the case of historic environments, however, compensation is severely under- historic environments in the planning process. What ensued was that some parts researched and is still a topic of exploration in theory and planning practice. To of the historic environment continued to be considered officially valuable, while some extent it is discussed in monetary terms, as in the “compensation for others lost their officially designated value, in what she characterises as elimination” metric that measures how much money people would accept for total heritagisation, re-heritagisation, and de-heritagisation. elimination of a historical site (Ben-Malka and Poria, 2019). And more generally in Overall, the conservation of historic environments in planning is complex and the cultural heritage domain, it is present in claims to restoring justice in the realm multifaceted, and involves the negotiation of a number of factors, actors, and of repatriation of material culture, through recognition, economic reparation, and interests. It has blurry boundaries involving several fields, including law, tourism, return (Joy, 2020: 2). and politics, to name a few (Muñoz-Viñas, 2005, 10-11) and mobilises various The little available research on spatial compensation for historic environment discourses (Oevermann and Mieg, 2014: 4; Nyström, 2021). As Fredholm (2017) loss comes from Magnus Rönn, Benjamin Grahn Danielson and Stig Swedberg, characterises it, heritage planning, by way of dealing with historic environments in who study the Swedish planning system. They attempt to reframe compensation as a valid and positive response to managing inevitable historic environment loss. 38 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 2: LITERATURE REVIEW • 39 The assessment and ascription of values are further entangled with those doing planning, is a wicked problem due to the inherent dissonance and complexity of the assessment (Mason and Avrami, 2002: 16), and it remains a challenge to the activity, and the impossibility of a definitive resolution. incorporate a wide range of participants in the process (Mason and Avrami, 2002: The simultaneous changing approaches to historic environments and their 23). For Muñoz-Viñas (2005: 204), the conservator – as the expert – has a moral conservation, as well as the integration of conservation in planning is accompanied responsibility to negotiate conflict between various values. However, this can be by difficulties in negotiating values during planning. Building on the ideas untenable because of the expert’s own authoritative role. As Hobson (2004: 254) discussed so far, the next section raises compensation as relevant to further notes, interpretations of values in planning by professionals or experts differ from exploring the negotiation of values in response to urban planning projects. those of laypeople. Professionals too differ in their interpretations. However, they consider their judgement as objective in comparison to those of laypeople, and Compensation as an area of exploration collectively agree on their expertise, in what Hobson (2004: 257) calls a “rolling consensus”. Compensation as a response to planning projects implicitly or explicitly involves In practice, planning projects set in motion an explicit or implicit negotiation the recognition of the values of the environment. In this way the study of of values, and further reveal the fluid, often conflicting nature of values. compensation builds on existing literature on conservation of historic Pendlebury et al. (2014) note the presence of a conflict in values where climate environment values in planning, reviewed in previous sections. Compensation is change mitigation goals encounter conservation goals in planning. In two cases, therefore a legitimate area of exploration. This section introduces compensation retrofitting buildings with photovoltaics is weighed against the potential threat they and prepares the ground for the focus of the rest of the thesis. pose to the aesthetic value of the historic environment (Pendlebury et al., 2014: Compensation, in linguistic terms, means to “counterbalance, make up for, 49). There is a further conflict in the two policies for each of the goals, resulting make amends for” (Oxford English Dictionary, 1989). There is a strong element in an awkward decision-making process in planning where different authorities of making equal in some or other way. Compensation is found in law and policy accord value differently (Pendlebury et al., 2014: 49). in relation to the spatial re-creation/relocation of lost or damaged environments Conflicting values are also seen in the urban transformation of the town of having natural values. Though considered the least preferred action in case of such Kiruna in northern Sweden. The town is a listed historic environment and also a loss, it is seen in a positive light, as a way to counter the negative effects of damage rich source of iron ore. Here, mining has been ongoing for over a hundred years. from planning. The European Commission believes that of the 100,000 hectares In this context, government authorities took a decision to move the town so of land lost to planning projects every year, 50-100,000 hectares should be mining could continue beneath it unabated. Sjöholm’s (2016: 16) doctoral thesis compensated (GHK Consulting Ltd, 2013, in Persson, 2014: 8). shows how the plans to uproot the entire town spurred a re-evaluation of its In the case of historic environments, however, compensation is severely under- historic environments in the planning process. What ensued was that some parts researched and is still a topic of exploration in theory and planning practice. To of the historic environment continued to be considered officially valuable, while some extent it is discussed in monetary terms, as in the “compensation for others lost their officially designated value, in what she characterises as elimination” metric that measures how much money people would accept for total heritagisation, re-heritagisation, and de-heritagisation. elimination of a historical site (Ben-Malka and Poria, 2019). And more generally in Overall, the conservation of historic environments in planning is complex and the cultural heritage domain, it is present in claims to restoring justice in the realm multifaceted, and involves the negotiation of a number of factors, actors, and of repatriation of material culture, through recognition, economic reparation, and interests. It has blurry boundaries involving several fields, including law, tourism, return (Joy, 2020: 2). and politics, to name a few (Muñoz-Viñas, 2005, 10-11) and mobilises various The little available research on spatial compensation for historic environment discourses (Oevermann and Mieg, 2014: 4; Nyström, 2021). As Fredholm (2017) loss comes from Magnus Rönn, Benjamin Grahn Danielson and Stig Swedberg, characterises it, heritage planning, by way of dealing with historic environments in who study the Swedish planning system. They attempt to reframe compensation as a valid and positive response to managing inevitable historic environment loss. 40 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 2: LITERATURE REVIEW • 41 The authors take from the conceptual understanding of the term as “indemnifying, balancing, settling, restoring and reaching a balance” (Rönn and Grahn Danielson, 2020: 7). As they characterise it, compensation in formal planning can kick in as a response to undesirable change or loss of historic environments (Rönn and Grahn Danielson, 2020: 7). Compensation measures can “aim to redress insufficiencies in spatial planning, to re-create lost heritage values and/or repair damages on listed buildings with architectural qualities” (Rönn and Grahn Danielson, 2020: 7). The authors further characterise compensation as an “essentially contested concept” based on the absence of consistent interpretations of its meaning and application in the Swedish planning system (Rönn and Grahn Danielson, 2020: 10). This is seen in that it is an “open concept” that acquires meaning through “critical dialogue among stakeholders” (Rönn and Grahn Danielson, 2020: 11). It also raises uncertainty because of questions that accompany it that ask how historic environment values can be conserved in positive ways (Rönn and Grahn Figure 2: Mitigation hierarchy Danielson, 2020: 13). Further, it promotes debate among decision-makers on the Source: Unesco et al. (2022: 45) possibility of restoring values in planning (Rönn and Grahn Danielson, 2020: 13). It is also ethically fraught because it casts judgement on the historic environment, Offsetting is understood as replacing the affected historic environment that lies in and either meets with approval or is criticised (Rönn and Grahn Danielson, 2020: the crosshairs of the planning project, and is unacceptable (Unesco et al., 2022: 14-16). Further, there are power struggles involved in balancing various interests, 45). Avoidance and minimisation are the only two acceptable options for World and negotiations among key actors (Rönn and Grahn Danielson, 2020: 18). As Heritage (Unesco et al., 2022: 60). This approach considers value as innate in these understandings show, compensation involves significant negotiation and is physical historic environments. The lost value of these sites is considered far from straightforward. impossible to compensate for, and the environments, irreplaceable (Fredholm et Compensation is not only considered contested within Swedish planning but al., 2019: 67). From another perspective, compensation can also be seen as an also challenged in other quarters. For one, historic environment loss is considered unreasonable fixation on physical historic environments, and, while not spelt out, impossible to compensate for, when compensation is understood as relocation or based in “loss aversion” (Holtorf, 2015). Holtorf (2015: 412) considers the replacement of the environments. This is seen in Unesco et al.’s (2022) diagram in possibility of compensating for the loss of one object with another, while a joint document by Unesco, Iccrom, Icomos, and IUCN. The mitigation maintaining the former’s value. In this thinking, the object itself is secondary to hierarchy, in their handbook on impact assessments for impacts to World the value it offers. Heritage, is seen in Figure 2. Compensation for historic environment loss is variously undefined, misunderstood, and unwelcome. Above all, it is under-researched. Yet, it circles the realm of negotiation of values and productive ways of dealing with historic environments in response to planning projects. It therefore presents as a fruitful area for exploration of conservation as the dynamic management of change. From this perspective, compensation is viewed through the lens of gain in moments of historic environment loss. Exploring compensation further addresses some of the gaps in scholarship in conservation and planning policy and practice as highlighted by other academics. 40 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 2: LITERATURE REVIEW • 41 The authors take from the conceptual understanding of the term as “indemnifying, balancing, settling, restoring and reaching a balance” (Rönn and Grahn Danielson, 2020: 7). As they characterise it, compensation in formal planning can kick in as a response to undesirable change or loss of historic environments (Rönn and Grahn Danielson, 2020: 7). Compensation measures can “aim to redress insufficiencies in spatial planning, to re-create lost heritage values and/or repair damages on listed buildings with architectural qualities” (Rönn and Grahn Danielson, 2020: 7). The authors further characterise compensation as an “essentially contested concept” based on the absence of consistent interpretations of its meaning and application in the Swedish planning system (Rönn and Grahn Danielson, 2020: 10). This is seen in that it is an “open concept” that acquires meaning through “critical dialogue among stakeholders” (Rönn and Grahn Danielson, 2020: 11). It also raises uncertainty because of questions that accompany it that ask how historic environment values can be conserved in positive ways (Rönn and Grahn Figure 2: Mitigation hierarchy Danielson, 2020: 13). Further, it promotes debate among decision-makers on the Source: Unesco et al. (2022: 45) possibility of restoring values in planning (Rönn and Grahn Danielson, 2020: 13). It is also ethically fraught because it casts judgement on the historic environment, Offsetting is understood as replacing the affected historic environment that lies in and either meets with approval or is criticised (Rönn and Grahn Danielson, 2020: the crosshairs of the planning project, and is unacceptable (Unesco et al., 2022: 14-16). Further, there are power struggles involved in balancing various interests, 45). Avoidance and minimisation are the only two acceptable options for World and negotiations among key actors (Rönn and Grahn Danielson, 2020: 18). As Heritage (Unesco et al., 2022: 60). This approach considers value as innate in these understandings show, compensation involves significant negotiation and is physical historic environments. The lost value of these sites is considered far from straightforward. impossible to compensate for, and the environments, irreplaceable (Fredholm et Compensation is not only considered contested within Swedish planning but al., 2019: 67). From another perspective, compensation can also be seen as an also challenged in other quarters. For one, historic environment loss is considered unreasonable fixation on physical historic environments, and, while not spelt out, impossible to compensate for, when compensation is understood as relocation or based in “loss aversion” (Holtorf, 2015). Holtorf (2015: 412) considers the replacement of the environments. This is seen in Unesco et al.’s (2022) diagram in possibility of compensating for the loss of one object with another, while a joint document by Unesco, Iccrom, Icomos, and IUCN. The mitigation maintaining the former’s value. In this thinking, the object itself is secondary to hierarchy, in their handbook on impact assessments for impacts to World the value it offers. Heritage, is seen in Figure 2. Compensation for historic environment loss is variously undefined, misunderstood, and unwelcome. Above all, it is under-researched. Yet, it circles the realm of negotiation of values and productive ways of dealing with historic environments in response to planning projects. It therefore presents as a fruitful area for exploration of conservation as the dynamic management of change. From this perspective, compensation is viewed through the lens of gain in moments of historic environment loss. Exploring compensation further addresses some of the gaps in scholarship in conservation and planning policy and practice as highlighted by other academics. 42 • FROM GONE TO GAIN Planning policy lacks direction on how to mediate conflicting values as laid out in clashing policies, with decisions that are often left to the discretion of individual decision-makers (Pendlebury et al., 2014: 46). Though both goals are identified as being of the “utmost importance”, they rarely enter into dialogue and may end up Chapter 3: Methodology being resolved arbitrarily (Pendlebury et al., 2014: 46). As Pendlebury et al. (2014: 53) write, the planning system is where values are negotiated and where conflict can engender creative solutions. Compensation for historic environment loss in planning is addressed through In practice, compensation deals with the ‘how’ question of dealing with values, three research questions. The questions examine compensation in law and policy, and bridging conservation and urban planning. This is in keeping with the gaps theory, and practice. The bulk of the research is centred around the third question, identified by authors. As Pendlebury (2008: 13) writes, while values have in recent with the first two serving as preliminary inquiries to build up to the third. Each decades undergone a shift in understanding in theory, from innate in material to question contributes to a deeper understanding of compensation, progressively socially constructed, the absorption of this thinking in practice has been limited. enhancing the overall comprehension of the topic. For Holtorf (2015: 418), the challenge lies in identifying new objects that can be This chapter on methodology describes how the questions are addressed. The bearers of the desirable values. He argues for the need in heritage studies to discuss chapter is divided into two sections. The first section outlines my object of study the modalities of valuation of constantly changing historic objects (Holtorf, 2015: and epistemological positioning. The second section details the methods and 418). Further, even though integration of historic environment conservation and material used to address each question, as well as provides a final note on language urban planning projects is advocated in policy, it has not broken adequate ground and translations. The second section forms the bulk of the chapter. in practice (Veldpaus et al., 2013: 13). Veldpaus et al. (2013: 13) urge the assessment and development of tools to bring the two together. Object of study and positioning The background to studying compensation is its resemblance to conservation of values, a firm position in planning, and overall inadequate theory and tools to The object of study of this thesis is compensation for loss of officially designated operationalise it. Using these as starting points, the thesis embarks on exploring historic environments due to urban planning. I primarily focus on the Swedish compensation for historic environment loss in response to urban planning perspective of compensation due to its relevance in Swedish planning across law, projects. policy, theory, and practice. Since I research perspectives of actors in the planning process, I employ a social constructionist epistemology and conduct qualitative research. This is fitting because social constructionism contends that there is no universal truth, only interpretations of reality by individuals (Galbin, 2014: 82). It is based on the premise that scientific knowledge is socially constructed. Qualitative research is suitable for the enquiry into the actors’ perspectives because it is a means to discover attitudes and practices, among other social phenomena (Kelle, 2014: 556). Further, it is a means to interpret these phenomena and is generally done in a “natural setting” (Denzin and Lincoln, 2018). These starting points form the orientation for addressing the research questions. 42 • FROM GONE TO GAIN Planning policy lacks direction on how to mediate conflicting values as laid out in clashing policies, with decisions that are often left to the discretion of individual decision-makers (Pendlebury et al., 2014: 46). Though both goals are identified as being of the “utmost importance”, they rarely enter into dialogue and may end up Chapter 3: Methodology being resolved arbitrarily (Pendlebury et al., 2014: 46). As Pendlebury et al. (2014: 53) write, the planning system is where values are negotiated and where conflict can engender creative solutions. Compensation for historic environment loss in planning is addressed through In practice, compensation deals with the ‘how’ question of dealing with values, three research questions. The questions examine compensation in law and policy, and bridging conservation and urban planning. This is in keeping with the gaps theory, and practice. The bulk of the research is centred around the third question, identified by authors. As Pendlebury (2008: 13) writes, while values have in recent with the first two serving as preliminary inquiries to build up to the third. Each decades undergone a shift in understanding in theory, from innate in material to question contributes to a deeper understanding of compensation, progressively socially constructed, the absorption of this thinking in practice has been limited. enhancing the overall comprehension of the topic. For Holtorf (2015: 418), the challenge lies in identifying new objects that can be This chapter on methodology describes how the questions are addressed. The bearers of the desirable values. He argues for the need in heritage studies to discuss chapter is divided into two sections. The first section outlines my object of study the modalities of valuation of constantly changing historic objects (Holtorf, 2015: and epistemological positioning. The second section details the methods and 418). Further, even though integration of historic environment conservation and material used to address each question, as well as provides a final note on language urban planning projects is advocated in policy, it has not broken adequate ground and translations. The second section forms the bulk of the chapter. in practice (Veldpaus et al., 2013: 13). Veldpaus et al. (2013: 13) urge the assessment and development of tools to bring the two together. Object of study and positioning The background to studying compensation is its resemblance to conservation of values, a firm position in planning, and overall inadequate theory and tools to The object of study of this thesis is compensation for loss of officially designated operationalise it. Using these as starting points, the thesis embarks on exploring historic environments due to urban planning. I primarily focus on the Swedish compensation for historic environment loss in response to urban planning perspective of compensation due to its relevance in Swedish planning across law, projects. policy, theory, and practice. Since I research perspectives of actors in the planning process, I employ a social constructionist epistemology and conduct qualitative research. This is fitting because social constructionism contends that there is no universal truth, only interpretations of reality by individuals (Galbin, 2014: 82). It is based on the premise that scientific knowledge is socially constructed. Qualitative research is suitable for the enquiry into the actors’ perspectives because it is a means to discover attitudes and practices, among other social phenomena (Kelle, 2014: 556). Further, it is a means to interpret these phenomena and is generally done in a “natural setting” (Denzin and Lincoln, 2018). These starting points form the orientation for addressing the research questions. 44 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 3: METHODOLOGY • 45 Methods and material historic environment compensation in Sweden, and has spawned further research on the topic since For the first two questions, I rely mostly on textual sources such as academic I analyse their characterisations of compensation intuitively, using the views of papers and law and policy documents. For the third, I employ a case study scholars advanced in the literature review. These scholars contend that approach, using two cases, the West Link in Gothenburg, Sweden, and the conservation is a people-centred, rather than a material-centred activity, and values Mumbai Metro in Mumbai, India. This section is divided into three sub-sections are ascribed, rather than innate in material. to elaborate on the methods and material used to address each of the research questions. Question 3: How can compensation be understood in Question 1: How is compensation understood in law and practice? policy? This research question is the most central of the three and is addressed in Chapters 7-10. Here, I interpret compensation based on empirical findings of how public This research question is addressed in Chapter 5. I study compensation according actors interpret compensation in practice. Accordingly, I employ a case study to its legal and policy definitions using textual sources in the form of the relevant approach to address the question. Swedish laws, policy documents by authorities such as the National Board of The rest of this section describes the methods and material used in four parts. Housing, Building and Planning and the City of Gothenburg, and reports by the The first part outlines the use of the case study approach, the second part outlines Swedish Transport Administration (STA). the case selection and its validity, the third part describes the methods used to I interpret the laws and guidelines mainly through the work of Persson (2011). gather material in the cases, and the fourth part explains the analytical method. His book, Att förstå miljökompensation (Understanding environmental compensation) is a comprehensive monograph on environmental compensation in Swedish law and Case study approach policy. His work is frequently cited in the context of environmental compensation I interpret compensation using two case studies. The primary case is the West Link in general and has also been cited by a Swedish Government (2017) investigation in Gothenburg, Sweden, which offers the main lens through which to explore on ecological compensation. compensation. The secondary case is the Mumbai Metro in Mumbai, India, which helps bring compensation in the West Link into sharper focus. In line with social Question 2: How can compensation be understood in constructionism, the cases act as interpretive cases. I use them to attempt to theory? capture multiple perspectives on a single issue, i.e., conservation of historic This research question is addressed in Chapter 6. I study compensation according environments in the face of physical loss due to urban planning projects. These to its interpretation in theory, using textual sources in the form of academic papers perspectives are based on the views of public actors in planning practice. and other publications by Magnus Rönn, Benjamin Grahn Danielson, and Stig The case study approach is suitable for addressing the research question. It Swedberg, affiliated to the organisation, Rio Kulturkooperativ. Their work springs springs from the social constructionist epistemology, and embodies a relativist from research conducted within the scope of a grant from the Swedish National perspective that is in line with capturing different perspectives (Yin, 2018: 16). It Heritage Board in 2013 for the research project Styrmedel och kompensationsåtgärder is further pertinent for dealing with ‘how’ questions (Yin, 2018: 2). Case studies inom kulturmiljöområdet (Means of Control and Compensation Measures within Cultural are also particularly suited for practice-oriented research fields like architecture and Heritage Management). They study compensation through planning agreements in planning (Johansson, 2007: 49; Rönn, 2020: 117). They are rich in information and various cases. Their research is based on planning practices that they characterise have utility in practice (Rönn, 2020: 117). More generally, case studies help access as compensation. Their work forms a large proportion of the little research on context-dependent knowledge and are a window into the complexity of reality 44 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 3: METHODOLOGY • 45 Methods and material historic environment compensation in Sweden, and has spawned further research on the topic since For the first two questions, I rely mostly on textual sources such as academic I analyse their characterisations of compensation intuitively, using the views of papers and law and policy documents. For the third, I employ a case study scholars advanced in the literature review. These scholars contend that approach, using two cases, the West Link in Gothenburg, Sweden, and the conservation is a people-centred, rather than a material-centred activity, and values Mumbai Metro in Mumbai, India. This section is divided into three sub-sections are ascribed, rather than innate in material. to elaborate on the methods and material used to address each of the research questions. Question 3: How can compensation be understood in Question 1: How is compensation understood in law and practice? policy? This research question is the most central of the three and is addressed in Chapters 7-10. Here, I interpret compensation based on empirical findings of how public This research question is addressed in Chapter 5. I study compensation according actors interpret compensation in practice. Accordingly, I employ a case study to its legal and policy definitions using textual sources in the form of the relevant approach to address the question. Swedish laws, policy documents by authorities such as the National Board of The rest of this section describes the methods and material used in four parts. Housing, Building and Planning and the City of Gothenburg, and reports by the The first part outlines the use of the case study approach, the second part outlines Swedish Transport Administration (STA). the case selection and its validity, the third part describes the methods used to I interpret the laws and guidelines mainly through the work of Persson (2011). gather material in the cases, and the fourth part explains the analytical method. His book, Att förstå miljökompensation (Understanding environmental compensation) is a comprehensive monograph on environmental compensation in Swedish law and Case study approach policy. His work is frequently cited in the context of environmental compensation I interpret compensation using two case studies. The primary case is the West Link in general and has also been cited by a Swedish Government (2017) investigation in Gothenburg, Sweden, which offers the main lens through which to explore on ecological compensation. compensation. The secondary case is the Mumbai Metro in Mumbai, India, which helps bring compensation in the West Link into sharper focus. In line with social Question 2: How can compensation be understood in constructionism, the cases act as interpretive cases. I use them to attempt to theory? capture multiple perspectives on a single issue, i.e., conservation of historic This research question is addressed in Chapter 6. I study compensation according environments in the face of physical loss due to urban planning projects. These to its interpretation in theory, using textual sources in the form of academic papers perspectives are based on the views of public actors in planning practice. and other publications by Magnus Rönn, Benjamin Grahn Danielson, and Stig The case study approach is suitable for addressing the research question. It Swedberg, affiliated to the organisation, Rio Kulturkooperativ. Their work springs springs from the social constructionist epistemology, and embodies a relativist from research conducted within the scope of a grant from the Swedish National perspective that is in line with capturing different perspectives (Yin, 2018: 16). It Heritage Board in 2013 for the research project Styrmedel och kompensationsåtgärder is further pertinent for dealing with ‘how’ questions (Yin, 2018: 2). Case studies inom kulturmiljöområdet (Means of Control and Compensation Measures within Cultural are also particularly suited for practice-oriented research fields like architecture and Heritage Management). They study compensation through planning agreements in planning (Johansson, 2007: 49; Rönn, 2020: 117). They are rich in information and various cases. Their research is based on planning practices that they characterise have utility in practice (Rönn, 2020: 117). More generally, case studies help access as compensation. Their work forms a large proportion of the little research on context-dependent knowledge and are a window into the complexity of reality 46 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 3: METHODOLOGY • 47 (Flyvberg, 2006: 223). Such knowledge is a cornerstone of social sciences research West Link was also a way of deepening the exploration of compensation, which (Flyvberg, 2006: 223). had not been done in previous collaborations between the university and public partners. Case study selection The Mumbai Metro was chosen based on its similarity to the West Link. It is The cases were selected based on certain clear criteria, which arise from the object contemporaneous with the West Link, and further, fulfils two of the three criteria of study. Since the thesis explores compensation for the loss of officially designated for case selection previously laid out. It too is a massive infrastructure project historic environments due to urban planning, the three ingredients of the chosen case (urban planning criterion) that tunnels under parts of the city’s listed “heritage needed to be compensation, historic environments, and urban planning projects. buildings and precincts” (officially designated historic environment criterion). The The West Link fulfils the criteria set out. It is a massive infrastructure project (urban compensation criterion is lacking, as there are no legal requirements to compensate – planning criterion), that tunnels through parts of the city’s officially designated in those or other words – for historic environment loss. “kulturmiljöer” or “cultural environments” (officially designated historic environments The conservation responses in the Mumbai Metro help develop an criterion), and whose planning is governed by legal instruments that call for actions understanding of the gamut of ways to deal with the historic environment loss in that they refer to as compensation or strengthening (compensation criterion). Given planning in general. The Mumbai Metro provides a reference point for the this background, I selected the case based on certain expectations of the compensation response in the West Link, making it possible to understand it in knowledge it would offer. This is what Flyvberg (2006: 230) calls “information- relation to other responses. So, despite the absence of formal compensation, the oriented selection”. Further, there are no precedents for compensation at this scale Mumbai Metro brings compensation in the West Link into sharper relief, making in Sweden. This also makes the West Link a “critical case” (Yin, 2018). Such cases it possible to scrutinise its role in planning. The Mumbai Metro further helps can make a significant contribution to developing or extending theory (Yin, 2018: illuminate how conservation is embedded in planning in a non-western, post- 49). colonial context, and offers a window into the views of public actors. Additionally, The selection of the West Link was within the wider context of the Heriland the findings, as well as the case context, are crucial for the discussion on research school. It was when the doctoral project itself was formulated, and before compensation and its boundaries in the final chapter. my employment. The original call-out for the doctoral position titled the project Heritage development in large scale infrastructural project – a collaborative and trans-disciplinary Case study material approach, mentioning the West Link as one of the empirical components. The The research is limited to the material gathered during the fieldwork period of the project came under the overarching theme of “changing environments”. Its PhD. The West Link and Mumbai Metro are both ongoing projects, whose description was limited to mentioning a focus on “the integration of heritage timelines stretch before and after the research period. The scheduled construction aspects in large infrastructural urban projects” (Gothenburg University, 2019) and timeline of the West Link is 2014-2030, and of the Mumbai Metro, 2013-2023 it acknowledged the challenges of dealing with historic environments in the (partial). The duration of the PhD has been October 2019 to November 2023, context of urbanisation (Heriland, 2020a). Apart from these very broad outlines, with the bulk of the fieldwork done in 2020-2022. So, the fieldwork period forms there were no further requirements of the research, making the project largely a small window within the projects’ overall timelines. Consequently, many of the flexible from the start. So, while the West Link was determined as research material findings are based on the status of proposed actions at the time of fieldwork. from before my employment, its specific criteria (compensation, officially I gathered primary source material in both cases, mainly through interviews. designated historic environments, and urban planning projects) were not. I Interviews are commonly used in social sciences research, in research of cities in developed these in the course of the research, building on existing work done at particular (Cochrane, 2014: 38), as well as in the field of conservation or the department, such as the report, Professionella aktörer och gränsöverskridande “kulturvård” and critical heritage studies (Nyström, 2021: 26). Interviewing, as a kulturmiljöarbete. Fallstudie: Västlänken (Professional actors and cross-sectoral negotiations on method, is in keeping with the qualitative social constructivist epistemology. built heritage. Case study: The West Link) by Fredholm et al. (2019). The choice of the 46 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 3: METHODOLOGY • 47 (Flyvberg, 2006: 223). Such knowledge is a cornerstone of social sciences research West Link was also a way of deepening the exploration of compensation, which (Flyvberg, 2006: 223). had not been done in previous collaborations between the university and public partners. Case study selection The Mumbai Metro was chosen based on its similarity to the West Link. It is The cases were selected based on certain clear criteria, which arise from the object contemporaneous with the West Link, and further, fulfils two of the three criteria of study. Since the thesis explores compensation for the loss of officially designated for case selection previously laid out. It too is a massive infrastructure project historic environments due to urban planning, the three ingredients of the chosen case (urban planning criterion) that tunnels under parts of the city’s listed “heritage needed to be compensation, historic environments, and urban planning projects. buildings and precincts” (officially designated historic environment criterion). The The West Link fulfils the criteria set out. It is a massive infrastructure project (urban compensation criterion is lacking, as there are no legal requirements to compensate – planning criterion), that tunnels through parts of the city’s officially designated in those or other words – for historic environment loss. “kulturmiljöer” or “cultural environments” (officially designated historic environments The conservation responses in the Mumbai Metro help develop an criterion), and whose planning is governed by legal instruments that call for actions understanding of the gamut of ways to deal with the historic environment loss in that they refer to as compensation or strengthening (compensation criterion). Given planning in general. The Mumbai Metro provides a reference point for the this background, I selected the case based on certain expectations of the compensation response in the West Link, making it possible to understand it in knowledge it would offer. This is what Flyvberg (2006: 230) calls “information- relation to other responses. So, despite the absence of formal compensation, the oriented selection”. Further, there are no precedents for compensation at this scale Mumbai Metro brings compensation in the West Link into sharper relief, making in Sweden. This also makes the West Link a “critical case” (Yin, 2018). Such cases it possible to scrutinise its role in planning. The Mumbai Metro further helps can make a significant contribution to developing or extending theory (Yin, 2018: illuminate how conservation is embedded in planning in a non-western, post- 49). colonial context, and offers a window into the views of public actors. Additionally, The selection of the West Link was within the wider context of the Heriland the findings, as well as the case context, are crucial for the discussion on research school. It was when the doctoral project itself was formulated, and before compensation and its boundaries in the final chapter. my employment. The original call-out for the doctoral position titled the project Heritage development in large scale infrastructural project – a collaborative and trans-disciplinary Case study material approach, mentioning the West Link as one of the empirical components. The The research is limited to the material gathered during the fieldwork period of the project came under the overarching theme of “changing environments”. Its PhD. The West Link and Mumbai Metro are both ongoing projects, whose description was limited to mentioning a focus on “the integration of heritage timelines stretch before and after the research period. The scheduled construction aspects in large infrastructural urban projects” (Gothenburg University, 2019) and timeline of the West Link is 2014-2030, and of the Mumbai Metro, 2013-2023 it acknowledged the challenges of dealing with historic environments in the (partial). The duration of the PhD has been October 2019 to November 2023, context of urbanisation (Heriland, 2020a). Apart from these very broad outlines, with the bulk of the fieldwork done in 2020-2022. So, the fieldwork period forms there were no further requirements of the research, making the project largely a small window within the projects’ overall timelines. Consequently, many of the flexible from the start. So, while the West Link was determined as research material findings are based on the status of proposed actions at the time of fieldwork. from before my employment, its specific criteria (compensation, officially I gathered primary source material in both cases, mainly through interviews. designated historic environments, and urban planning projects) were not. I Interviews are commonly used in social sciences research, in research of cities in developed these in the course of the research, building on existing work done at particular (Cochrane, 2014: 38), as well as in the field of conservation or the department, such as the report, Professionella aktörer och gränsöverskridande “kulturvård” and critical heritage studies (Nyström, 2021: 26). Interviewing, as a kulturmiljöarbete. Fallstudie: Västlänken (Professional actors and cross-sectoral negotiations on method, is in keeping with the qualitative social constructivist epistemology. built heritage. Case study: The West Link) by Fredholm et al. (2019). The choice of the 48 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 3: METHODOLOGY • 49 Nevertheless, the purpose of the interviews was to gather content, while environment group consists of members from the City’s “Kulturförvaltning” acknowledging that this is mediated in the interview process. (Culture Administration), “Stadbyggnadskontor” (Town Planning Office) and The interviews in the cases were semi-structured. A set of questions formed “Fastighetskontor” (Real Estate Office). The culture administration includes the the scaffolding for each interview. This also provided flexibility for interviewees City Museum, which has produced action plans relevant to the West Link. Where to elaborate on issues as the interview progressed or for me to develop new the action plans are cited, they mention affiliation to the City Museum. The other questions in the interview process. Semi-structured interviews are frequently used relevant actors in the case are consultant architects on the project. in urban research (Cochrane, 2014: 44). They are also a good form of interviewing I focused on the two main actors in compensation-related negotiations, i.e., the “elite professionals” or those in positions of authority, for the structure they STA and the City’s historic environment group. The STA has the mandate to fulfil provide the conversation (Cochrane, 2014: 44). the legal requirement of compensation and their proposed actions emerge through I conducted interviews with public actors and professionals involved in the discussions with primarily the City’s historic environment group. To a lesser degree conservation-related decisions. These took place between November 2020 and I focused on material gathered from some of the architects contracted by the STA November 2023, and all of them were in English. They were either in-person, or their construction consultants. online, or on the phone and lasted between 30 minutes and 2 hours 10 minutes. The starting point for gathering material in the West Link case was planned However, some clarificatory follow-up ‘interviews’ were as short as 5 minutes. The secondments at the STA and Gothenburg City Museum. These stints were baked constraints on in-person interviews in both cases largely resulted from pandemic- into the project description (Heriland, 2020b). The secondments were scheduled related restrictions and at times conducting the interviews at a distance. They were for October-December 2020 and December 2020-May 2021. The idea was to recorded after seeking consent, except for two interviewees, in keeping with their establish close interaction with people working on the project at the two wishes. In all cases, notes were taken simultaneously. organisations and gain access to interviewees, documents, and project resources. The interviews were transcribed for content. I did preliminary transcription The original purpose was also to contribute to the organisations’ work with the using a software, followed by refinements and standardisation. In some cases, I historic environment in some way. Due to the Covid-19 pandemic, the transcribed only relevant content. All the interviewees have been anonymised, with secondments went largely online and only took the form of interviews, access to only their professional affiliations mentioned. project material, and attendance at workshops and meetings between the actors. I supplemented interviewing and document analysis with workshops and This impacted the thesis by way of fewer spontaneous interactions with project meetings I attended, and conversations with journalists and media reports. The partners and made understanding the intricacies of the project more challenging. rest of this section details the actors, starting points, and the methods deployed in The overall impact was however fairly limited. each case study. A further starting point for studying the West Link was the previously mentioned report on negotiation in the West Link by Fredholm et al. (2019). The report followed the actors between 2014 and 2019 tracing their communication Case study: West Link with respect to historic environment issues. It provided orientation for where to The relevant actors in the case are the Swedish Transport Administration (STA), begin exploring the object of study. Using the report as a starting point, I later co- City of Gothenburg, County Administrative Board of Västra Götaland, and authored an academic paper titled Strategic Responses to Wicked Problems of Heritage National Heritage Board. All of them are public authorities at either national, Management: Experiences from the West Link Infrastructure Project in Gothenburg, Sweden regional, or local levels. Within the City of Gothenburg, the relevant group (Fredholm et al., 2021). I also used some of the findings from the West Link case working on historic environment conservation in the West Link is the “sakområde: in a presentation and paper titled Heritage compensation in changing environments: The kulturmiljö” or the group in charge of the historic environment subject area. I refer case of the West Link infrastructure project, Gothenburg. This was presented in the session, to this group in the thesis as the “City’s historic environment group” and in in-text “Compensation in Architecture in Archaeology” at the annual meeting of citations attributed to interviewees, abbreviated to “CHEG”. The City’s historic European Association of Archaeologists (EAA) in Kiel, held virtually in 48 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 3: METHODOLOGY • 49 Nevertheless, the purpose of the interviews was to gather content, while environment group consists of members from the City’s “Kulturförvaltning” acknowledging that this is mediated in the interview process. (Culture Administration), “Stadbyggnadskontor” (Town Planning Office) and The interviews in the cases were semi-structured. A set of questions formed “Fastighetskontor” (Real Estate Office). The culture administration includes the the scaffolding for each interview. This also provided flexibility for interviewees City Museum, which has produced action plans relevant to the West Link. Where to elaborate on issues as the interview progressed or for me to develop new the action plans are cited, they mention affiliation to the City Museum. The other questions in the interview process. Semi-structured interviews are frequently used relevant actors in the case are consultant architects on the project. in urban research (Cochrane, 2014: 44). They are also a good form of interviewing I focused on the two main actors in compensation-related negotiations, i.e., the “elite professionals” or those in positions of authority, for the structure they STA and the City’s historic environment group. The STA has the mandate to fulfil provide the conversation (Cochrane, 2014: 44). the legal requirement of compensation and their proposed actions emerge through I conducted interviews with public actors and professionals involved in the discussions with primarily the City’s historic environment group. To a lesser degree conservation-related decisions. These took place between November 2020 and I focused on material gathered from some of the architects contracted by the STA November 2023, and all of them were in English. They were either in-person, or their construction consultants. online, or on the phone and lasted between 30 minutes and 2 hours 10 minutes. The starting point for gathering material in the West Link case was planned However, some clarificatory follow-up ‘interviews’ were as short as 5 minutes. The secondments at the STA and Gothenburg City Museum. These stints were baked constraints on in-person interviews in both cases largely resulted from pandemic- into the project description (Heriland, 2020b). The secondments were scheduled related restrictions and at times conducting the interviews at a distance. They were for October-December 2020 and December 2020-May 2021. The idea was to recorded after seeking consent, except for two interviewees, in keeping with their establish close interaction with people working on the project at the two wishes. In all cases, notes were taken simultaneously. organisations and gain access to interviewees, documents, and project resources. The interviews were transcribed for content. I did preliminary transcription The original purpose was also to contribute to the organisations’ work with the using a software, followed by refinements and standardisation. In some cases, I historic environment in some way. Due to the Covid-19 pandemic, the transcribed only relevant content. All the interviewees have been anonymised, with secondments went largely online and only took the form of interviews, access to only their professional affiliations mentioned. project material, and attendance at workshops and meetings between the actors. I supplemented interviewing and document analysis with workshops and This impacted the thesis by way of fewer spontaneous interactions with project meetings I attended, and conversations with journalists and media reports. The partners and made understanding the intricacies of the project more challenging. rest of this section details the actors, starting points, and the methods deployed in The overall impact was however fairly limited. each case study. A further starting point for studying the West Link was the previously mentioned report on negotiation in the West Link by Fredholm et al. (2019). The report followed the actors between 2014 and 2019 tracing their communication Case study: West Link with respect to historic environment issues. It provided orientation for where to The relevant actors in the case are the Swedish Transport Administration (STA), begin exploring the object of study. Using the report as a starting point, I later co- City of Gothenburg, County Administrative Board of Västra Götaland, and authored an academic paper titled Strategic Responses to Wicked Problems of Heritage National Heritage Board. All of them are public authorities at either national, Management: Experiences from the West Link Infrastructure Project in Gothenburg, Sweden regional, or local levels. Within the City of Gothenburg, the relevant group (Fredholm et al., 2021). I also used some of the findings from the West Link case working on historic environment conservation in the West Link is the “sakområde: in a presentation and paper titled Heritage compensation in changing environments: The kulturmiljö” or the group in charge of the historic environment subject area. I refer case of the West Link infrastructure project, Gothenburg. This was presented in the session, to this group in the thesis as the “City’s historic environment group” and in in-text “Compensation in Architecture in Archaeology” at the annual meeting of citations attributed to interviewees, abbreviated to “CHEG”. The City’s historic European Association of Archaeologists (EAA) in Kiel, held virtually in 50 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 3: METHODOLOGY • 51 September 2021. The paper was published in Kouzelis et al.’s (2022) edited volume Table 1: Interviews, West Link case by the same name. Name Affiliation/Role Date Mode Below is a description of the material gathered through interviews, official Interviewee 1a Swedish Transport November 2020- Audio call, in-person Administration (STA) November 2023 documents, and workshops and meetings. Interviewee 2a Swedish Transport December 2020 Audio call Administration (STA) Interviews Interviewee 3a Swedish Transport September 2022 In-person Administration (STA) I mainly conducted interviews with representatives of the Swedish Transport Interviewee 4a Architect consulting November 2022 In-person Administration (STA), the City’s historic environment group, and consultant on the project architects. I made initial contact with key actors in the STA and City Museum Interviewee 5a Architect consulting October 2021 Video call on the project through my supervisor since the organisations had already been established as Interviewee 6a Architect consulting October 2022 In-person secondment partners. In the initial stage, interviews largely centred on the actors’ on the project proposals for compensation, whilst also circling other topics such as their Interviewee 7a City’s historic November 2020- Video call, in-person environment group September 2021 mandates, professional roles, and constraints. These key interviews snowballed Interviewee 8a City’s historic September 2021 Video call into interviews with other relevant actors in the STA and City’s historic environment group environment group, as well as with the architects consulting on the project. Interviewee 9a City’s historic April 2021 Audio call environment group Some interviews were conducted with actors outside the immediate scope of Interviewee 10a and City’s historic September 2022 In-person the project as well. The interview with Interviewee 13a, an academic, helped orient Interviewee 11a environment group (joint) me with regard to compensation in Swedish law and policy. The interview with Interviewee 12a City’s historic October 2022 Video call Interviewee 14a, an employee of the County Administrative Board of a different environment group region, helped with understanding compensation and its challenges at the regional Interviewee 13a Academic November 2020 Video call Interviewee 14a County December 2022 Video call scale. While these interviewees have not been cited, they helped in either clarifying Administrative Board doubts or understanding the West Link and compensation in their wider contexts. of Uppsala County I interviewed a total of 14 people, some of them multiple times. One interview Interviews with public actors, architects, and others in the West Link case was conducted jointly. Table 1 shows the details of the interviews conducted. I have listed everyone who was interviewed, even if they have not been cited in the Official documents text. Action plans, vision documents, and initial proposals form the bulk of official documents that I referred to. These were produced by both the STA and City Museum, as well as consultant architects. I obtained these documents either from the websites of the respective authorities or from the interviewees. Some of the initial proposals I referred to were later built on by the actors and included as part of their action plans. I have nevertheless included them in the list of documents referred to. Table 2 summarises the main documents referred to. 50 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 3: METHODOLOGY • 51 September 2021. The paper was published in Kouzelis et al.’s (2022) edited volume Table 1: Interviews, West Link case by the same name. Name Affiliation/Role Date Mode Below is a description of the material gathered through interviews, official Interviewee 1a Swedish Transport November 2020- Audio call, in-person Administration (STA) November 2023 documents, and workshops and meetings. Interviewee 2a Swedish Transport December 2020 Audio call Administration (STA) Interviews Interviewee 3a Swedish Transport September 2022 In-person Administration (STA) I mainly conducted interviews with representatives of the Swedish Transport Interviewee 4a Architect consulting November 2022 In-person Administration (STA), the City’s historic environment group, and consultant on the project architects. I made initial contact with key actors in the STA and City Museum Interviewee 5a Architect consulting October 2021 Video call on the project through my supervisor since the organisations had already been established as Interviewee 6a Architect consulting October 2022 In-person secondment partners. In the initial stage, interviews largely centred on the actors’ on the project proposals for compensation, whilst also circling other topics such as their Interviewee 7a City’s historic November 2020- Video call, in-person environment group September 2021 mandates, professional roles, and constraints. These key interviews snowballed Interviewee 8a City’s historic September 2021 Video call into interviews with other relevant actors in the STA and City’s historic environment group environment group, as well as with the architects consulting on the project. Interviewee 9a City’s historic April 2021 Audio call environment group Some interviews were conducted with actors outside the immediate scope of Interviewee 10a and City’s historic September 2022 In-person the project as well. The interview with Interviewee 13a, an academic, helped orient Interviewee 11a environment group (joint) me with regard to compensation in Swedish law and policy. The interview with Interviewee 12a City’s historic October 2022 Video call Interviewee 14a, an employee of the County Administrative Board of a different environment group region, helped with understanding compensation and its challenges at the regional Interviewee 13a Academic November 2020 Video call Interviewee 14a County December 2022 Video call scale. While these interviewees have not been cited, they helped in either clarifying Administrative Board doubts or understanding the West Link and compensation in their wider contexts. of Uppsala County I interviewed a total of 14 people, some of them multiple times. One interview Interviews with public actors, architects, and others in the West Link case was conducted jointly. Table 1 shows the details of the interviews conducted. I have listed everyone who was interviewed, even if they have not been cited in the Official documents text. Action plans, vision documents, and initial proposals form the bulk of official documents that I referred to. These were produced by both the STA and City Museum, as well as consultant architects. I obtained these documents either from the websites of the respective authorities or from the interviewees. Some of the initial proposals I referred to were later built on by the actors and included as part of their action plans. I have nevertheless included them in the list of documents referred to. Table 2 summarises the main documents referred to. 52 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 3: METHODOLOGY • 53 Table 2: Official documents, West Link case Table 3: Workshops and meetings, West Link case Author Year Type of document Number of Type of meeting Date documents Meeting between STA and City (various September 2020 Swedish Transport 2016-2023 Action plan 6 departments) Administration (STA) Meeting between STA and architects September 2020 Swedish Transport 2015 Vision document 1 Meeting between STA and architects September 2020 Administration (STA) Meeting between STA and City (various September 2020 City Museum 2017-2018 Vision document 2 departments) City Museum 2014 Initial proposal 1 Meeting between STA, City (various October 2020 Architects 2020-2022 Initial proposal 5 departments), County Administrative Board, Official documents produced by public actors and architects in the West Link case and National Heritage Board Meeting between STA and architects October 2020 Meeting between STA and City (various November 2020 Workshops and meetings departments) Meeting between STA, City (various December 2020 The Swedish Transport Administration (STA), City’s historic environment group, departments), County Administrative Board, and other actors participated in workshops and meetings to discuss the issues National Heritage Board, architects, and around compensation and the historic environment. Some of these were between commissioned archaeologists, to discuss Skansen Lejonet/Gullberg the STA and consulting architects, some between the STA and the City of Meeting between STA and City (various December 2020 Gothenburg, and others between the STA, City, and additionally the County departments) Administrative Board of Västra Götaland, and the National Heritage Board. The Meeting between STA, City (various May 2021 departments), and commissioned workshops and meetings took place both online and in-person. I attended some archaeologists, to discuss Haga/Rosenlund of these, took notes, and recorded some of them. Nearly all were in Swedish. I Meeting between STA, City (various May 2021 departments), County Administrative Board, used these interactions to familiarise myself with the actors, get a sense of the National Heritage Board, architects, and process and issues involved, determine whom to interview and which documents commissioned archaeologists, to discuss to refer to, and to formulate sharper questions for one-on-one interviews. Table 3 Skansen Lejonet/Gullberg Workshop between STA, City (various October 2022 summarises the workshops and meetings attended. departments), architects, and commissioned archaeologists, to discuss Johanneberg landeri Workshop between STA, City (various November 2022 departments), architects, and commissioned archaeologists, to discuss Johanneberg landeri Workshops and meetings between public actors in the West Link case Case study: Mumbai Metro I have called the case in focus the Mumbai Metro; though this is not its official name. It is Line III of the 14 lines under construction in the city. However, since this metro line is in focus, I refer to it as the Mumbai Metro for convenience. The relevant actors in the Mumbai Metro case are the Mumbai Heritage Conservation Committee (MHCC), the developers of the metro, represented by the Mumbai Metro Rail Corporation Limited (MMRCL) and the Mumbai 52 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 3: METHODOLOGY • 53 Table 2: Official documents, West Link case Table 3: Workshops and meetings, West Link case Author Year Type of document Number of Type of meeting Date documents Meeting between STA and City (various September 2020 Swedish Transport 2016-2023 Action plan 6 departments) Administration (STA) Meeting between STA and architects September 2020 Swedish Transport 2015 Vision document 1 Meeting between STA and architects September 2020 Administration (STA) Meeting between STA and City (various September 2020 City Museum 2017-2018 Vision document 2 departments) City Museum 2014 Initial proposal 1 Meeting between STA, City (various October 2020 Architects 2020-2022 Initial proposal 5 departments), County Administrative Board, Official documents produced by public actors and architects in the West Link case and National Heritage Board Meeting between STA and architects October 2020 Meeting between STA and City (various November 2020 Workshops and meetings departments) Meeting between STA, City (various December 2020 The Swedish Transport Administration (STA), City’s historic environment group, departments), County Administrative Board, and other actors participated in workshops and meetings to discuss the issues National Heritage Board, architects, and around compensation and the historic environment. Some of these were between commissioned archaeologists, to discuss Skansen Lejonet/Gullberg the STA and consulting architects, some between the STA and the City of Meeting between STA and City (various December 2020 Gothenburg, and others between the STA, City, and additionally the County departments) Administrative Board of Västra Götaland, and the National Heritage Board. The Meeting between STA, City (various May 2021 departments), and commissioned workshops and meetings took place both online and in-person. I attended some archaeologists, to discuss Haga/Rosenlund of these, took notes, and recorded some of them. Nearly all were in Swedish. I Meeting between STA, City (various May 2021 departments), County Administrative Board, used these interactions to familiarise myself with the actors, get a sense of the National Heritage Board, architects, and process and issues involved, determine whom to interview and which documents commissioned archaeologists, to discuss to refer to, and to formulate sharper questions for one-on-one interviews. Table 3 Skansen Lejonet/Gullberg Workshop between STA, City (various October 2022 summarises the workshops and meetings attended. departments), architects, and commissioned archaeologists, to discuss Johanneberg landeri Workshop between STA, City (various November 2022 departments), architects, and commissioned archaeologists, to discuss Johanneberg landeri Workshops and meetings between public actors in the West Link case Case study: Mumbai Metro I have called the case in focus the Mumbai Metro; though this is not its official name. It is Line III of the 14 lines under construction in the city. However, since this metro line is in focus, I refer to it as the Mumbai Metro for convenience. The relevant actors in the Mumbai Metro case are the Mumbai Heritage Conservation Committee (MHCC), the developers of the metro, represented by the Mumbai Metro Rail Corporation Limited (MMRCL) and the Mumbai 54 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 3: METHODOLOGY • 55 Metropolitan Region Development Authority (MMRDA), and architects The second set of key interviews were with current and former representatives consulting on the project. of the Metro Rail Company and Regional Development Authority. These The MHCC is notified by the Urban Development Department of the state of interviews were supplemented with interviews with an architect consulting on the Maharashtra and administered by the Municipal Corporation of Greater Mumbai project, academics, and other individuals not directly connected to the official (MCGM). The committee is usually chaired by a retired bureaucrat and consists of historic environment but relevant for understanding the other issues surrounding members, both appointed (by the Urban Development Department) and the metro or conservation practice in Mumbai. One interview was with a member nominated. Members have other professional roles as well – as private architects, of the Tree Authority, which is part of the Municipality’s Garden Department, and structural engineers, academics, historians, representatives of the MCGM, and so deals with conservation and plantation of individual trees in the city. Some of the on. For the sake of readability, the Mumbai Heritage Conservation Committee interviews snowballed into interviews with other actors. Where the interviews were (MHCC) is referred to as the “Heritage Committee” and the Municipal helpful in providing a more general understanding of issues, the interviewees have Corporation of Greater Mumbai (MCGM) is referred to as the “Municipality”. not been cited in the text. The developers of the metro are represented in the research by both the It was not always straightforward to access some of the interviewees and set Mumbai Metro Rail Corporation Limited (MMRCL) and the Mumbai up interview appointments, variously due to frequent rescheduling and Metropolitan Region Development Authority (MMRDA). MMRCL is responsible unavailability. Some of the identified actors opted out of being interviewed and for building the metro, and MMRDA is the regional planning body under the some did not respond, despite repeated requests. Some interviewees representing Government of Maharashtra. In this research, the MMRCL and MMRDA the metro developers were less forthcoming or did not have time. Two collectively represent the developers of the metro. For the sake of readability, the interviewees (Interviewees 3b and 8b) did not want the interviews recorded, so Mumbai Metro Rail Corporation Limited (MMRCL) is referred to as the “Metro they have not been cited. Due to these constraints, the research does not cover the Rail Company”, and the Mumbai Metropolitan Region Development Authority entire breadth of relevant actors in the case, and potential material from these (MMRDA) is referred to as the “Regional Development Authority”. In-text sources has been gathered using other methods instead. citations for all the documents however refer to the authorities by their original In total, 26 interviews inform this study. Two dedicated rounds of interviews acronyms. were conducted, one in January-May 2021 and the second, in January-March 2022, Key individual actors were identified through news reports of the metro, online however fresh interviews and follow-ups continued until November 2023. searches, and conversations with journalists who had been covering the project, as Table 4 shows the details of the interviews in the Mumbai Metro case. well as covering historic environment issues in general. I made initial contact with Everyone who was interviewed has been listed, even if they have not been cited in the interviewees to request interviews primarily through Whatsapp and otherwise the text. via email. Below is a description of the material gathered through interviews, official documents, and conversations with journalists and media reports. Interviews Former and current Heritage Committee members were the primary source of interview material. This was partially due to relatively easier access to them. Some of the members have been part of the discussions about the metro, which have come up at various points since 2013. Some were on the committee before that. All the interviewees helped understand the workings of the committee in general, both currently and historically, as well as historic environment issues in general. 54 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 3: METHODOLOGY • 55 Metropolitan Region Development Authority (MMRDA), and architects The second set of key interviews were with current and former representatives consulting on the project. of the Metro Rail Company and Regional Development Authority. These The MHCC is notified by the Urban Development Department of the state of interviews were supplemented with interviews with an architect consulting on the Maharashtra and administered by the Municipal Corporation of Greater Mumbai project, academics, and other individuals not directly connected to the official (MCGM). The committee is usually chaired by a retired bureaucrat and consists of historic environment but relevant for understanding the other issues surrounding members, both appointed (by the Urban Development Department) and the metro or conservation practice in Mumbai. One interview was with a member nominated. Members have other professional roles as well – as private architects, of the Tree Authority, which is part of the Municipality’s Garden Department, and structural engineers, academics, historians, representatives of the MCGM, and so deals with conservation and plantation of individual trees in the city. Some of the on. For the sake of readability, the Mumbai Heritage Conservation Committee interviews snowballed into interviews with other actors. Where the interviews were (MHCC) is referred to as the “Heritage Committee” and the Municipal helpful in providing a more general understanding of issues, the interviewees have Corporation of Greater Mumbai (MCGM) is referred to as the “Municipality”. not been cited in the text. The developers of the metro are represented in the research by both the It was not always straightforward to access some of the interviewees and set Mumbai Metro Rail Corporation Limited (MMRCL) and the Mumbai up interview appointments, variously due to frequent rescheduling and Metropolitan Region Development Authority (MMRDA). MMRCL is responsible unavailability. Some of the identified actors opted out of being interviewed and for building the metro, and MMRDA is the regional planning body under the some did not respond, despite repeated requests. Some interviewees representing Government of Maharashtra. In this research, the MMRCL and MMRDA the metro developers were less forthcoming or did not have time. Two collectively represent the developers of the metro. For the sake of readability, the interviewees (Interviewees 3b and 8b) did not want the interviews recorded, so Mumbai Metro Rail Corporation Limited (MMRCL) is referred to as the “Metro they have not been cited. Due to these constraints, the research does not cover the Rail Company”, and the Mumbai Metropolitan Region Development Authority entire breadth of relevant actors in the case, and potential material from these (MMRDA) is referred to as the “Regional Development Authority”. In-text sources has been gathered using other methods instead. citations for all the documents however refer to the authorities by their original In total, 26 interviews inform this study. Two dedicated rounds of interviews acronyms. were conducted, one in January-May 2021 and the second, in January-March 2022, Key individual actors were identified through news reports of the metro, online however fresh interviews and follow-ups continued until November 2023. searches, and conversations with journalists who had been covering the project, as Table 4 shows the details of the interviews in the Mumbai Metro case. well as covering historic environment issues in general. I made initial contact with Everyone who was interviewed has been listed, even if they have not been cited in the interviewees to request interviews primarily through Whatsapp and otherwise the text. via email. Below is a description of the material gathered through interviews, official documents, and conversations with journalists and media reports. Interviews Former and current Heritage Committee members were the primary source of interview material. This was partially due to relatively easier access to them. Some of the members have been part of the discussions about the metro, which have come up at various points since 2013. Some were on the committee before that. All the interviewees helped understand the workings of the committee in general, both currently and historically, as well as historic environment issues in general. 56 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 3: METHODOLOGY • 57 Table 4: Interviews, Mumbai Metro case Official documents Name Affiliation/Role Date Mode The minutes of the Heritage Committee meetings form a major source of material Interviewee 1b Heritage Committee February 2021 In-person Interviewee 2b Heritage Committee January 2022- Audio call about the historic environment discussions in the case. They are available in the October 2023 public domain on the Municipality’s website. Other official documents are those Interviewee 3b Heritage Committee March 2021 In-person (not recorded) produced by the Metro Rail Company, and were available on their website. Table Interviewee 4b Heritage Committee February 2021 In-person 5 summarises the main official documents referred to. Interviewee 5b Heritage Committee March 2021 Audio call Interviewee 6b Heritage Committee May 2021 Audio call Table 5: Official documents, Mumbai Metro case Interviewee 7b Heritage Committee January 2022 Audio call Author Year Type of document Number of Interviewee 8b Heritage Committee February 2021 Audio call (not documents recorded) Heritage Committee 2013-2019 Meeting minutes 9 Interviewee 9b Metro Rail Company March 2022 Audio call Metro Rail Company 2011 Report 1 Interviewee 10b Metro Rail Company January 2022- Audio call Metro Rail Company 2020 Assessment 1 October 2023 Interviewee 11b Metro Rail Company January 2022 Audio call Official documents produced by public actors in the Mumbai Metro case Interviewee 12b Regional January 2022 Audio call Development There are other documents that might have been useful, such as the Standard Authority Interviewee 13b Heritage Committee February 2021 Audio call Operating Procedure for dealing with excavated archaeological objects during Interviewee 14b Heritage Committee January 2022 Audio call construction, the Building Condition Survey, and some internal communications Interviewee 15b Municipality January 2022 Audio call between the authorities. I tried to get a hold of these but was not granted access Interviewee 16b Regional January 2022 Audio call Development by the Metro Rail Company. As with the interview material, in the case of official Authority documents as well, the case largely relies on material from the documents of the Interviewee 17b Heritage Committee March 2021-October In-person, audio call 2023 Heritage Committee. However, the views of representatives of the Metro Rail Interviewee 18b Tree Authority of the March 2022 Audio call Company/Regional Development Authority are apparent to the extent of their Municipality attendance at the Heritage Committee meetings, and reflect in the meeting Interviewee 19b Conservation January 2022 Audio call architect minutes. Interviewee 20b Conservation January 2022 Video call architect Conversations with journalists and media reports Interviewee 21b Academic March 2021 Audio call Interviewee 22b Academic May 2021 Audio call Conversations with journalists covering the project helped with access to Interviewee 23b Conservation May 2021 Audio call interviewees and project documents, clarification of specific factual questions, and architect, academic orientation with respect to the legal lay of the land in the national, regional, and Interviewee 24b Bombay Catholic February 2022 Audio call Sabha (Council) local contexts in which the project is embedded. They also helped orient me with Interviewee 25b Advocate for July 2023 Audio call respect to the issues surrounding the project. These conversations took place petitioners in the between January 2021 and November 2023, whenever the need arose. Most of the Parsi fire temples case conservations were on the phone, others via text or email. Some of the phone Interviewee 26b Architect consulting July 2023 Audio call conversations were recorded and notes were taken. on the project Media reports were similarly crucial for understanding the background and Interviews with public actors, professionals, academics, and others in the Mumbai Metro case progress of the project, along with its various controversies. The extent of documentation and ease of access to official material was limited, so media 56 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 3: METHODOLOGY • 57 Table 4: Interviews, Mumbai Metro case Official documents Name Affiliation/Role Date Mode The minutes of the Heritage Committee meetings form a major source of material Interviewee 1b Heritage Committee February 2021 In-person Interviewee 2b Heritage Committee January 2022- Audio call about the historic environment discussions in the case. They are available in the October 2023 public domain on the Municipality’s website. Other official documents are those Interviewee 3b Heritage Committee March 2021 In-person (not recorded) produced by the Metro Rail Company, and were available on their website. Table Interviewee 4b Heritage Committee February 2021 In-person 5 summarises the main official documents referred to. Interviewee 5b Heritage Committee March 2021 Audio call Interviewee 6b Heritage Committee May 2021 Audio call Table 5: Official documents, Mumbai Metro case Interviewee 7b Heritage Committee January 2022 Audio call Author Year Type of document Number of Interviewee 8b Heritage Committee February 2021 Audio call (not documents recorded) Heritage Committee 2013-2019 Meeting minutes 9 Interviewee 9b Metro Rail Company March 2022 Audio call Metro Rail Company 2011 Report 1 Interviewee 10b Metro Rail Company January 2022- Audio call Metro Rail Company 2020 Assessment 1 October 2023 Interviewee 11b Metro Rail Company January 2022 Audio call Official documents produced by public actors in the Mumbai Metro case Interviewee 12b Regional January 2022 Audio call Development There are other documents that might have been useful, such as the Standard Authority Interviewee 13b Heritage Committee February 2021 Audio call Operating Procedure for dealing with excavated archaeological objects during Interviewee 14b Heritage Committee January 2022 Audio call construction, the Building Condition Survey, and some internal communications Interviewee 15b Municipality January 2022 Audio call between the authorities. I tried to get a hold of these but was not granted access Interviewee 16b Regional January 2022 Audio call Development by the Metro Rail Company. As with the interview material, in the case of official Authority documents as well, the case largely relies on material from the documents of the Interviewee 17b Heritage Committee March 2021-October In-person, audio call 2023 Heritage Committee. However, the views of representatives of the Metro Rail Interviewee 18b Tree Authority of the March 2022 Audio call Company/Regional Development Authority are apparent to the extent of their Municipality attendance at the Heritage Committee meetings, and reflect in the meeting Interviewee 19b Conservation January 2022 Audio call architect minutes. Interviewee 20b Conservation January 2022 Video call architect Conversations with journalists and media reports Interviewee 21b Academic March 2021 Audio call Interviewee 22b Academic May 2021 Audio call Conversations with journalists covering the project helped with access to Interviewee 23b Conservation May 2021 Audio call interviewees and project documents, clarification of specific factual questions, and architect, academic orientation with respect to the legal lay of the land in the national, regional, and Interviewee 24b Bombay Catholic February 2022 Audio call Sabha (Council) local contexts in which the project is embedded. They also helped orient me with Interviewee 25b Advocate for July 2023 Audio call respect to the issues surrounding the project. These conversations took place petitioners in the between January 2021 and November 2023, whenever the need arose. Most of the Parsi fire temples case conservations were on the phone, others via text or email. Some of the phone Interviewee 26b Architect consulting July 2023 Audio call conversations were recorded and notes were taken. on the project Media reports were similarly crucial for understanding the background and Interviews with public actors, professionals, academics, and others in the Mumbai Metro case progress of the project, along with its various controversies. The extent of documentation and ease of access to official material was limited, so media 58 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 3: METHODOLOGY • 59 coverage helped plug these holes. I have largely used media reports in the analysis experts and the selection of values to bring out the extent to which authorised in Chapter 9, with respect to the discussion on the effects of the metro outside of views on historic environments are reflected in the two cases. the officially designated historic environments. Overall, the analytical approach of content analysis through the frameworks set out is in line with the reasoning habit of “abduction”, as defined by Reichertz Analytical method (2014). Abduction involves the decontextualising of data followed by its The source material gathered from both the cases to address the research question recontextualisation (Reichertz, 2014), in order to arrive at new ideas. Abductive is analysed by means of qualitative content analysis. This analytical method is based reasoning is applied by removing the actors’ ideas from their contexts and on the epistemological positioning of the research, in qualitative social recontextualising them within theoretical discourses. Giving a new perspective to constructionism. Content analysis is a form of qualitative data analysis, which the data and rearranging it thus, is a way of restoring a sense of security to the involves the interpretation of linguistic material to draw meaning from it (Flick, surprise and uncertainty about phenomena, which are what drive research 2014: 5). It involves deconstructing the data and making sense of it, as a means to (Reichertz, 2014). For Reichertz (2014: 126), “[a]bduction begins when the human derive meaning from it (Ballinger, 2008: 121). Content analysis is widely used for actor is taken by surprise, and it ends when the surprise is replaced by textual data including interview transcripts (Ballinger, 2008: 121). It recognises the understanding and the ability to make predictions”. Abduction involves matching subjectivity of the text to multiple interpretations and its dependence on the observations to theory (Peirce, CP, 7.218-, 1903, in Reichertz, 2014: 126). context and discourse it is part of (Ballinger, 2008: 121). The analysis increasingly shifts from an empirical focus to a theoretical focus Note on language and translations as the thesis moves from Chapter 7 to Chapter 10. The cases are first discussed As part of the research, I refer to a significant volume of texts in Swedish, which jointly in Chapter 7. In this chapter, I sort the physical conservation proposals, is not my native language. This, however, has not affected the findings, due to a called “actions”, into more conceptual categories, called “responses”. I thus combination of adequate grasp of the language, translation support, and frequent develop an analytical tool of responses that covers the actions in both the cases. clarifications where required. This level of analysis in Chapter 7 considers only the actions as put forth by the actors in the cases, and not their (subjective) viewpoints. The next level of analysis is of the responses in the cases more broadly. This is done independently for each case, in Chapter 8 for the Mumbai Metro, and Chapter 9 for the West Link. The analysis draws inferences on the nature of the conservation responses in the two cases. The analyses in Chapters 8 and 9 stay close to the cases and their immediate contexts and draw on the source material itself. They also include the opinions of the actors, with some references to legal frameworks and context-specific literature. The analysis of the cases is done jointly again in Chapter 10. This is the most generalised level of analysis. It draws on wider theory, raised in the literature review, as well as findings from the first two research questions. Based on the theoretical positioning and literature review, two analytical frameworks are used: conservation and planning discourses, and authorised views on heritage. The first framework uses the lens of Ashworth’s (2011) three paradigms – preservation, conservation, and heritage – that have been renamed “discourses” (see Fredholm et al., 2019: 17). The second analytical framework uses the lenses of the role of 58 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 3: METHODOLOGY • 59 coverage helped plug these holes. I have largely used media reports in the analysis experts and the selection of values to bring out the extent to which authorised in Chapter 9, with respect to the discussion on the effects of the metro outside of views on historic environments are reflected in the two cases. the officially designated historic environments. Overall, the analytical approach of content analysis through the frameworks set out is in line with the reasoning habit of “abduction”, as defined by Reichertz Analytical method (2014). Abduction involves the decontextualising of data followed by its The source material gathered from both the cases to address the research question recontextualisation (Reichertz, 2014), in order to arrive at new ideas. Abductive is analysed by means of qualitative content analysis. This analytical method is based reasoning is applied by removing the actors’ ideas from their contexts and on the epistemological positioning of the research, in qualitative social recontextualising them within theoretical discourses. Giving a new perspective to constructionism. Content analysis is a form of qualitative data analysis, which the data and rearranging it thus, is a way of restoring a sense of security to the involves the interpretation of linguistic material to draw meaning from it (Flick, surprise and uncertainty about phenomena, which are what drive research 2014: 5). It involves deconstructing the data and making sense of it, as a means to (Reichertz, 2014). For Reichertz (2014: 126), “[a]bduction begins when the human derive meaning from it (Ballinger, 2008: 121). Content analysis is widely used for actor is taken by surprise, and it ends when the surprise is replaced by textual data including interview transcripts (Ballinger, 2008: 121). It recognises the understanding and the ability to make predictions”. Abduction involves matching subjectivity of the text to multiple interpretations and its dependence on the observations to theory (Peirce, CP, 7.218-, 1903, in Reichertz, 2014: 126). context and discourse it is part of (Ballinger, 2008: 121). The analysis increasingly shifts from an empirical focus to a theoretical focus Note on language and translations as the thesis moves from Chapter 7 to Chapter 10. The cases are first discussed As part of the research, I refer to a significant volume of texts in Swedish, which jointly in Chapter 7. In this chapter, I sort the physical conservation proposals, is not my native language. This, however, has not affected the findings, due to a called “actions”, into more conceptual categories, called “responses”. I thus combination of adequate grasp of the language, translation support, and frequent develop an analytical tool of responses that covers the actions in both the cases. clarifications where required. This level of analysis in Chapter 7 considers only the actions as put forth by the actors in the cases, and not their (subjective) viewpoints. The next level of analysis is of the responses in the cases more broadly. This is done independently for each case, in Chapter 8 for the Mumbai Metro, and Chapter 9 for the West Link. The analysis draws inferences on the nature of the conservation responses in the two cases. The analyses in Chapters 8 and 9 stay close to the cases and their immediate contexts and draw on the source material itself. They also include the opinions of the actors, with some references to legal frameworks and context-specific literature. The analysis of the cases is done jointly again in Chapter 10. This is the most generalised level of analysis. It draws on wider theory, raised in the literature review, as well as findings from the first two research questions. Based on the theoretical positioning and literature review, two analytical frameworks are used: conservation and planning discourses, and authorised views on heritage. The first framework uses the lens of Ashworth’s (2011) three paradigms – preservation, conservation, and heritage – that have been renamed “discourses” (see Fredholm et al., 2019: 17). The second analytical framework uses the lenses of the role of Chapter 4: Case overviews The West Link and Mumbai Metro are both cases of massive infrastructure projects. They make significant alterations to the historic environment and encounter several challenges in the process. This chapter provides a background to the cases, with a specific focus on the issues related to the historic environment. West Link The West Link train tunnel is an ongoing railway extension project including three new stations, in Gothenburg, Sweden. Construction began in 2016 and is scheduled to be completed by 2030. The Swedish Transport Administration (STA) is responsible for its planning and implementation. It is 8km long, of which 6.6km pass through central Gothenburg. The route of the West Link and its three new stations – Central, Haga, and Korsvägen – is shown in Figure 3. Figure 3: Route of the West Link with three new stations Source: STA (2021b) Chapter 4: Case overviews The West Link and Mumbai Metro are both cases of massive infrastructure projects. They make significant alterations to the historic environment and encounter several challenges in the process. This chapter provides a background to the cases, with a specific focus on the issues related to the historic environment. West Link The West Link train tunnel is an ongoing railway extension project including three new stations, in Gothenburg, Sweden. Construction began in 2016 and is scheduled to be completed by 2030. The Swedish Transport Administration (STA) is responsible for its planning and implementation. It is 8km long, of which 6.6km pass through central Gothenburg. The route of the West Link and its three new stations – Central, Haga, and Korsvägen – is shown in Figure 3. Figure 3: Route of the West Link with three new stations Source: STA (2021b) 62 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 4: CASE OVERVIEWS • 63 The West Link is part of Sweden’s West Sweden packet, a financial instrument Apart from the national interest areas, the West Link also touches other officially directed towards a bouquet of road and rail infrastructure projects intended for valuable areas and buildings. These include underground and overground ancient the region’s development (STA, 2022b). Investments in rail works are considered remains, various types of listed and ecclesiastical buildings, and other buildings necessary to meet the city’s growing demands in a sustainable fashion (STA, that are part of the City of Gothenburg’s preservation programme (2016a: 15-17). 2021b). Gothenburg is the most urbanised hub of the Västra Götaland region, Some of these environments are also what the STA calls “especially valuable Sweden’s second largest city by population, and one of Northern Europe’s fastest environments” (STA, 2016a: 18, author’s translation). growing regions (STA, 2021b). The West Link aims to improve connectivity, Since the affected area has a high official value, the Swedish national reduce transit times, and increase rail traffic capacity in the region which is growing government instituted conditions for permissibility of the West Link construction. in population and in economic terms (STA, 2021b). Condition 1, which is relevant for the historic environment, mandates that the The following section introduces the historic environment issues in the context West Link minimise physical loss of the historic environment and incorporate it of the West Link. into the new project. Condition 1 reads: “The location and design of the West Link within the corridor shall, after Historic environment consultation with the National Heritage Board, the County Administrative The West Link snakes through parts of the old city. Both the West Link and the Board of Västra Götaland County, and the City of Gothenburg, be planned and executed so that negative consequences for the cultural environment and historic environment through which it travels are “riksintresse” or “national the urban environment in general, including parks and green areas, are interests”. As national interests, both have “nationally important values and limited. Affected ancient remains must, as far as possible, be preserved, made qualities” (NBHBP, 2022, author’s translation) as designated under the visible and incorporated into the new facility.” (Admissibility condition for the West Link by government decision 2014, author’s translation) Environmental Code (1998). The national interest listing of the West Link is based on its importance for transportation. For the historic environment, the basis is The STA was mandated to engage with various other municipal, regional, and “kulturmiljövärden” or “cultural environment values”. Formally labelled O 2: 1-5, national authorities during planning. The main consultative parties, as specified by these national interest areas include the city’s 17th century fortifications, “landeris” Condition 1, are the STA, City of Gothenburg, County Administrative Board, and and historical parks. Landeris2 are parcels of former agricultural land that the National Heritage Board. Condition 1 forms the basis of negotiations around the Crown leased out to the city after Gothenburg was laid out in 1621. They were historic environment between the parties. responsible for the city’s food supply and are today part of the city limits. The area In addition to Condition 1, the Land and Environment Court issued another is designated as a national interest based on the following motivation: condition to the STA, called “P3: Frågan om påverkan på kulturmiljön” or “The “Metropolitan environment, shaped by the function as “Sweden's gate to the issue of the impact on the “cultural environment”. P3 specifies the need for west” and the strategic location for shipping, trade, and defence at the mouth concrete proposals for compensation in specific locations: of the Göta River water system. The kingdom's foremost shipping city and city of residence, cathedral, and university city, characterised by three “The Swedish Transport Administration shall investigate whether national centuries of trade aristocracy. One of the foremost examples of 17th century interests in cultural environmental care or other cultural environmental values urban planning and fortification art, and of urban planning during the 19th have been affected by the licensed activities and how this impact should be and 20th centuries. The Gothenburg building tradition with its compensated. The inquiry shall include concrete proposals for measures neighbourhoods having various characters. (National interests for cultural aimed at strengthening cultural environmental values. The investigation must environment values in Västra Götaland County 2022, author’s translation) also report on the distribution of responsibility between the parties concerned. The proposals must be drawn up in consultation with the County Administrative Board, the National Heritage Board, and the City of Gothenburg. The investigation will primarily focus on measures for the cultural environments Gullberg/Skansen Lejonet, the fortified city of 2 Since landeris are a specific typology of historical agricultural area and a recurring term, the thesis employs the Swedish word without quotations. 62 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 4: CASE OVERVIEWS • 63 The West Link is part of Sweden’s West Sweden packet, a financial instrument Apart from the national interest areas, the West Link also touches other officially directed towards a bouquet of road and rail infrastructure projects intended for valuable areas and buildings. These include underground and overground ancient the region’s development (STA, 2022b). Investments in rail works are considered remains, various types of listed and ecclesiastical buildings, and other buildings necessary to meet the city’s growing demands in a sustainable fashion (STA, that are part of the City of Gothenburg’s preservation programme (2016a: 15-17). 2021b). Gothenburg is the most urbanised hub of the Västra Götaland region, Some of these environments are also what the STA calls “especially valuable Sweden’s second largest city by population, and one of Northern Europe’s fastest environments” (STA, 2016a: 18, author’s translation). growing regions (STA, 2021b). The West Link aims to improve connectivity, Since the affected area has a high official value, the Swedish national reduce transit times, and increase rail traffic capacity in the region which is growing government instituted conditions for permissibility of the West Link construction. in population and in economic terms (STA, 2021b). Condition 1, which is relevant for the historic environment, mandates that the The following section introduces the historic environment issues in the context West Link minimise physical loss of the historic environment and incorporate it of the West Link. into the new project. Condition 1 reads: “The location and design of the West Link within the corridor shall, after Historic environment consultation with the National Heritage Board, the County Administrative The West Link snakes through parts of the old city. Both the West Link and the Board of Västra Götaland County, and the City of Gothenburg, be planned and executed so that negative consequences for the cultural environment and historic environment through which it travels are “riksintresse” or “national the urban environment in general, including parks and green areas, are interests”. As national interests, both have “nationally important values and limited. Affected ancient remains must, as far as possible, be preserved, made qualities” (NBHBP, 2022, author’s translation) as designated under the visible and incorporated into the new facility.” (Admissibility condition for the West Link by government decision 2014, author’s translation) Environmental Code (1998). The national interest listing of the West Link is based on its importance for transportation. For the historic environment, the basis is The STA was mandated to engage with various other municipal, regional, and “kulturmiljövärden” or “cultural environment values”. Formally labelled O 2: 1-5, national authorities during planning. The main consultative parties, as specified by these national interest areas include the city’s 17th century fortifications, “landeris” Condition 1, are the STA, City of Gothenburg, County Administrative Board, and and historical parks. Landeris2 are parcels of former agricultural land that the National Heritage Board. Condition 1 forms the basis of negotiations around the Crown leased out to the city after Gothenburg was laid out in 1621. They were historic environment between the parties. responsible for the city’s food supply and are today part of the city limits. The area In addition to Condition 1, the Land and Environment Court issued another is designated as a national interest based on the following motivation: condition to the STA, called “P3: Frågan om påverkan på kulturmiljön” or “The “Metropolitan environment, shaped by the function as “Sweden's gate to the issue of the impact on the “cultural environment”. P3 specifies the need for west” and the strategic location for shipping, trade, and defence at the mouth concrete proposals for compensation in specific locations: of the Göta River water system. The kingdom's foremost shipping city and city of residence, cathedral, and university city, characterised by three “The Swedish Transport Administration shall investigate whether national centuries of trade aristocracy. One of the foremost examples of 17th century interests in cultural environmental care or other cultural environmental values urban planning and fortification art, and of urban planning during the 19th have been affected by the licensed activities and how this impact should be and 20th centuries. The Gothenburg building tradition with its compensated. The inquiry shall include concrete proposals for measures neighbourhoods having various characters. (National interests for cultural aimed at strengthening cultural environmental values. The investigation must environment values in Västra Götaland County 2022, author’s translation) also report on the distribution of responsibility between the parties concerned. The proposals must be drawn up in consultation with the County Administrative Board, the National Heritage Board, and the City of Gothenburg. The investigation will primarily focus on measures for the cultural environments Gullberg/Skansen Lejonet, the fortified city of 2 Since landeris are a specific typology of historical agricultural area and a recurring term, the thesis employs the Swedish word without quotations. 64 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 4: CASE OVERVIEWS • 65 Gothenburg, Kungsparken Nya Allén, and Johanneberg landeri.” (Judgement of the Land and environment court 2018, author’s translation) P3 defined the areas of the national interest expected to be most affected. These areas mentioned are mapped out in Figure 4. Figure 5: Skansen Lejonet tower on Gullberg hill Photograph: Pål-Nils Nilsson/National Heritage Board, CC BY 2.5, via Wikimedia Commons Figure 4: Affected parts of the national interest mentioned in the P3 ruling Base image source: STA (2021b) The individual areas that the P3 ruling called out are shown in Figures 5-8. Figure 6: City centre of the former fortified city Photograph: Bengt A. Lundberg/National Heritage Board, CC BY 2.5, via Wikimedia Commons 64 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 4: CASE OVERVIEWS • 65 Gothenburg, Kungsparken Nya Allén, and Johanneberg landeri.” (Judgement of the Land and environment court 2018, author’s translation) P3 defined the areas of the national interest expected to be most affected. These areas mentioned are mapped out in Figure 4. Figure 5: Skansen Lejonet tower on Gullberg hill Photograph: Pål-Nils Nilsson/National Heritage Board, CC BY 2.5, via Wikimedia Commons Figure 4: Affected parts of the national interest mentioned in the P3 ruling Base image source: STA (2021b) The individual areas that the P3 ruling called out are shown in Figures 5-8. Figure 6: City centre of the former fortified city Photograph: Bengt A. Lundberg/National Heritage Board, CC BY 2.5, via Wikimedia Commons 66 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 4: CASE OVERVIEWS • 67 The STA and City of Gothenburg entered into a further agreement with respect to the historic environment. The Implementation Agreement tasked the STA with not only minimising physical loss to the national interest but further, strengthening it. The Agreement introduced the need for the “stories” of the old city to be conveyed. It stipulated: “- essential characteristics of the various parts of the national interest should be perceived as stronger after the implementation of the railway project. - stories about parts of the national interest for the cultural environment should become clearer in the city and the cityscape after the implementation of the railway project.” (Implementation agreement for the West Link between STA and City of Gothenburg 2016, author’s translation) The STA’s work with compensation lies against this background of legislative instruments for dealing with the historic environment in response to the West Link. Figure 7: Kungsparken green area with Nya Allén road Mumbai Metro Photograph: Alankrita Srivastava (2021) The Mumbai Metro is one of 14 metro lines in various stages of planning and implementation (MMRDA, 2023). An initial masterplan covering all of the lines was approved by the Regional Development Authority in 2004 (MMRDA, 2023). The implementation of the masterplan was planned in three phases (MMRDA Archive, 2012). Construction of the first line began in 2006 and the aim is to complete all the lines by 2024-26 (MMRDA, 2023). The 14 metro lines are being constructed through various partnerships between the Government of India, Government of Maharashtra state, and private parties, both national and international. The metros are expected to carry 10 million people daily and to decongest the city’s chronic traffic for the next four to five decades (MMRDA, 2023). The metro in focus, named in this thesis as the Mumbai Metro, has a 33.5km long corridor, consisting of 27 stations. It will be fully underground. It runs in the north-south direction, as shown in Figure 9. It is being constructed by the Mumbai Metro Rail Corporation Limited (MMRCL), a 50:50 joint venture between the Government of India and Government of Maharashtra. The metro got approval for construction in June 2013, construction began in 2014, and as it currently Figure 8: Johanneberg landeri stands, the first phase is scheduled to be completed at the end of 2023 or early Photograph: Hesekiel, CC BY 4.0, via Wikimedia Commons 2024. In general, the project has been plagued by several delays. 66 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 4: CASE OVERVIEWS • 67 The STA and City of Gothenburg entered into a further agreement with respect to the historic environment. The Implementation Agreement tasked the STA with not only minimising physical loss to the national interest but further, strengthening it. The Agreement introduced the need for the “stories” of the old city to be conveyed. It stipulated: “- essential characteristics of the various parts of the national interest should be perceived as stronger after the implementation of the railway project. - stories about parts of the national interest for the cultural environment should become clearer in the city and the cityscape after the implementation of the railway project.” (Implementation agreement for the West Link between STA and City of Gothenburg 2016, author’s translation) The STA’s work with compensation lies against this background of legislative instruments for dealing with the historic environment in response to the West Link. Figure 7: Kungsparken green area with Nya Allén road Mumbai Metro Photograph: Alankrita Srivastava (2021) The Mumbai Metro is one of 14 metro lines in various stages of planning and implementation (MMRDA, 2023). An initial masterplan covering all of the lines was approved by the Regional Development Authority in 2004 (MMRDA, 2023). The implementation of the masterplan was planned in three phases (MMRDA Archive, 2012). Construction of the first line began in 2006 and the aim is to complete all the lines by 2024-26 (MMRDA, 2023). The 14 metro lines are being constructed through various partnerships between the Government of India, Government of Maharashtra state, and private parties, both national and international. The metros are expected to carry 10 million people daily and to decongest the city’s chronic traffic for the next four to five decades (MMRDA, 2023). The metro in focus, named in this thesis as the Mumbai Metro, has a 33.5km long corridor, consisting of 27 stations. It will be fully underground. It runs in the north-south direction, as shown in Figure 9. It is being constructed by the Mumbai Metro Rail Corporation Limited (MMRCL), a 50:50 joint venture between the Government of India and Government of Maharashtra. The metro got approval for construction in June 2013, construction began in 2014, and as it currently Figure 8: Johanneberg landeri stands, the first phase is scheduled to be completed at the end of 2023 or early Photograph: Hesekiel, CC BY 4.0, via Wikimedia Commons 2024. In general, the project has been plagued by several delays. 68 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 4: CASE OVERVIEWS • 69 Historic environment The Mumbai Metro tunnels under several areas which are officially listed historic environments. These are called “heritage buildings and precincts”, defined as such by the Maharashtra Regional and Town Planning (MR&TP) Act 1966 (updated in 1994). “Heritage buildings and precincts” come on the “heritage list”, a list issued by the Municipality. The metro passes under over 55 “heritage buildings” and four “heritage sub-precincts” (Rites and MMRCL, 2011: 4-65). Of the buildings, six are Grade I buildings, and the rest are Grades II and III (Rites and MMRCL, 2011: 4- 61-64). The official value of the “heritage buildings” is reflected in the criteria for their listing and “special features” as summarised by the Metro Rail Company (Rites and MMRCL, 2011: 4-61-64). The criteria mentioned by the Metro Rail Company correspond to descriptions in Mumbai’s Development Control and Promotion Regulations (DPCR), which regulate construction in the city. Accordingly, the criteria for the affected buildings are collectively: • Value for architectural reasons • Value for historical reasons • Value for cultural reasons • The date (time period) of the building or artefact • The design of the building or artefact • Relevance to social or economic history • Association with well-known persons or events • A building or groups of buildings and/or areas of a distinct architectural design and/or style historic period or way of life having sociological interest and/or community value • The unique value of a building or architectural features or artefact and/or being part of a chain of architectural development that would be broken if it were lost Figure 9: Route of the Mumbai Metro showing DN Road stretch • Value as a part of a group of buildings Base image source: MMRCL (2023b) • Representing forms of technological development • Vistas of natural/scenic beauty or interest, including water-front areas, The Mumbai Metro aims to relieve pressure on the existing overground suburban Distinctive and/or planned lines of sight, street line, skyline or railway lines. It also aims to improve connectivity within the wider Mumbai region topographical and overall provide an efficient, fast, and sustainable means of transport (MMRCL, • Open spaces sometimes integrally planned with their associated areas 2023a). having a distinctive way of life and for which are and have the potential to The rest of the section introduces the historic environment issues in the be areas of recreation (DPCR, 2018: 448) context of the Mumbai Metro. 68 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 4: CASE OVERVIEWS • 69 Historic environment The Mumbai Metro tunnels under several areas which are officially listed historic environments. These are called “heritage buildings and precincts”, defined as such by the Maharashtra Regional and Town Planning (MR&TP) Act 1966 (updated in 1994). “Heritage buildings and precincts” come on the “heritage list”, a list issued by the Municipality. The metro passes under over 55 “heritage buildings” and four “heritage sub-precincts” (Rites and MMRCL, 2011: 4-65). Of the buildings, six are Grade I buildings, and the rest are Grades II and III (Rites and MMRCL, 2011: 4- 61-64). The official value of the “heritage buildings” is reflected in the criteria for their listing and “special features” as summarised by the Metro Rail Company (Rites and MMRCL, 2011: 4-61-64). The criteria mentioned by the Metro Rail Company correspond to descriptions in Mumbai’s Development Control and Promotion Regulations (DPCR), which regulate construction in the city. Accordingly, the criteria for the affected buildings are collectively: • Value for architectural reasons • Value for historical reasons • Value for cultural reasons • The date (time period) of the building or artefact • The design of the building or artefact • Relevance to social or economic history • Association with well-known persons or events • A building or groups of buildings and/or areas of a distinct architectural design and/or style historic period or way of life having sociological interest and/or community value • The unique value of a building or architectural features or artefact and/or being part of a chain of architectural development that would be broken if it were lost Figure 9: Route of the Mumbai Metro showing DN Road stretch • Value as a part of a group of buildings Base image source: MMRCL (2023b) • Representing forms of technological development • Vistas of natural/scenic beauty or interest, including water-front areas, The Mumbai Metro aims to relieve pressure on the existing overground suburban Distinctive and/or planned lines of sight, street line, skyline or railway lines. It also aims to improve connectivity within the wider Mumbai region topographical and overall provide an efficient, fast, and sustainable means of transport (MMRCL, • Open spaces sometimes integrally planned with their associated areas 2023a). having a distinctive way of life and for which are and have the potential to The rest of the section introduces the historic environment issues in the be areas of recreation (DPCR, 2018: 448) context of the Mumbai Metro. 70 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 4: CASE OVERVIEWS • 71 The Metro Rail Company also summarises the “special features” of the buildings (Rites and MMRCL, 2011: 4-61-64). These feed into the criteria mentioned above. For the buildings affected by the metro, the “special features” can be grouped into categories of architectural “style”, design elements, material, physical relation to the wider area, and relation to historical figures. Some examples of the features, as mentioned by the Metro Rail Company (Rites and MMRCL, 2011: 4-61-64) are listed below: • Architectural “style”: Gothic, Neo-gothic, Oriental gothic, Italian Gothic, Indo-saracenic, Renaissance revival, colonial, vernacular, haveli • Design elements: Multiple domes, pointed window arches, cantilevered window shades, • Material: Blue basalt stone, grey stone, cast iron structure, glazed tiling Figure 10: CST railway terminus engraved glass, Assyrian stone façade, Photograph: Dr. Raju Kasambe, CC BY-SA 4.0, via Wikimedia Commons • Physical relation to the wider area: Part of arcaded street front, buffer between two architectural period styles • Relation to historical figures: Sir Bartle Frere, Sir Jamsetjee Jeejeebhoy The area also holds value from the point of view of Unesco World Heritage. One of the Grade I buildings, the CST railway terminus shown in Figure 10, is a Unesco World Heritage Site, as acknowledged by the Metro Rail Company (Rites and MMRCL, 2011: 4-61; Maple and MMRCL, 2020: 30; 190). The majority of the affected buildings and both the affected sub-precincts also lie in the “Victorian and Art Deco Ensemble” World Heritage Site. This is not mentioned by the Metro Rail Company in either of their two relevant documents, possibly due to the site being inscribed only later, in 2018. The main issues with the historic environment in the Mumbai Metro concern Dadabhai Naoroji Road, popularly called DN Road, and the two officially valuable locations that it connects. The road lies between Hutatma Chowk at its southern end and the CST railway terminus at its northern one. Hutatma Chowk is a plaza Figure 11: Flora Fountain at the Hutatma Chowk plaza and currently holds the Grade I-listed fountain called Flora Fountain, shown in Photograph: Rangan Datta Wiki, CC BY-SA 4.0, via Wikimedia Commons Figure 11. CST railway terminus, as previously mentioned, too is Grade I-listed and a World Heritage Site. There are upcoming metro stations at both the CST railway terminus and the Hutatma Chowk plaza. As the Metro Rail Company states, permission for the metro’s overground building elements was required from the Heritage Committee: “The proposed Corridor is fully underground and does not affect any Listed Heritage Structure so as to seek approval for the execution and operation of Metro Corridor. However, as the Corridor is passing through/along the Heritage Precincts and Hutatma Chowk and CST Metro stations are located 70 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 4: CASE OVERVIEWS • 71 The Metro Rail Company also summarises the “special features” of the buildings (Rites and MMRCL, 2011: 4-61-64). These feed into the criteria mentioned above. For the buildings affected by the metro, the “special features” can be grouped into categories of architectural “style”, design elements, material, physical relation to the wider area, and relation to historical figures. Some examples of the features, as mentioned by the Metro Rail Company (Rites and MMRCL, 2011: 4-61-64) are listed below: • Architectural “style”: Gothic, Neo-gothic, Oriental gothic, Italian Gothic, Indo-saracenic, Renaissance revival, colonial, vernacular, haveli • Design elements: Multiple domes, pointed window arches, cantilevered window shades, • Material: Blue basalt stone, grey stone, cast iron structure, glazed tiling Figure 10: CST railway terminus engraved glass, Assyrian stone façade, Photograph: Dr. Raju Kasambe, CC BY-SA 4.0, via Wikimedia Commons • Physical relation to the wider area: Part of arcaded street front, buffer between two architectural period styles • Relation to historical figures: Sir Bartle Frere, Sir Jamsetjee Jeejeebhoy The area also holds value from the point of view of Unesco World Heritage. One of the Grade I buildings, the CST railway terminus shown in Figure 10, is a Unesco World Heritage Site, as acknowledged by the Metro Rail Company (Rites and MMRCL, 2011: 4-61; Maple and MMRCL, 2020: 30; 190). The majority of the affected buildings and both the affected sub-precincts also lie in the “Victorian and Art Deco Ensemble” World Heritage Site. This is not mentioned by the Metro Rail Company in either of their two relevant documents, possibly due to the site being inscribed only later, in 2018. The main issues with the historic environment in the Mumbai Metro concern Dadabhai Naoroji Road, popularly called DN Road, and the two officially valuable locations that it connects. The road lies between Hutatma Chowk at its southern end and the CST railway terminus at its northern one. Hutatma Chowk is a plaza Figure 11: Flora Fountain at the Hutatma Chowk plaza and currently holds the Grade I-listed fountain called Flora Fountain, shown in Photograph: Rangan Datta Wiki, CC BY-SA 4.0, via Wikimedia Commons Figure 11. CST railway terminus, as previously mentioned, too is Grade I-listed and a World Heritage Site. There are upcoming metro stations at both the CST railway terminus and the Hutatma Chowk plaza. As the Metro Rail Company states, permission for the metro’s overground building elements was required from the Heritage Committee: “The proposed Corridor is fully underground and does not affect any Listed Heritage Structure so as to seek approval for the execution and operation of Metro Corridor. However, as the Corridor is passing through/along the Heritage Precincts and Hutatma Chowk and CST Metro stations are located 72 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 4: CASE OVERVIEWS • 73 in these Precincts, approval of Commissioner, [Municipality] through MHCC costs, to name a few (Fredholm et al., 2019: 21). In the Mumbai Metro, there was (Maharashtra Heritage Conservation Committee) will have to be obtained.” (Rites and MMRCL, 2011: 0-xii) a range of issues, including tree felling, displacement of people, and others (Karkaria, 2017; Borpujari, 2019). These are mentioned here to provide broader The metro tunnel runs under DN Road, mentioned by the Metro Rail Company context of the issues in the project. The thesis, however, focuses on the officially as a “historic and heritage street” and a “site characteristic” of the upcoming designated historic environments. Hutatma Chowk metro station (Maple and MMRCL, 2020: 64). All the buildings on DN Road are listed and all of them are mentioned as being affected by the Mumbai Metro (Rites and MMRCL, 2011: 4-62). At around 36 in number, they form the bulk of affected “heritage buildings”. These buildings have all the above- mentioned criteria for listing, barring the last one related to open space. The road also borders two of the affected sub-precincts. A street view of DN Road is seen in Figure 12. Figure 12: Street view of DN Road Photograph: Udaykumar PR, CC BY 3.0, via Wikimedia Commons The discussions between the Heritage Committee and the metro developers are against this background of the area’s officially value. Overall, in the two cases, the thesis focuses on the official historic environment issues that came up in planning, as discussed by actors in the process. However, in both the West Link and Mumbai Metro, there were mobilisations around other issues and by non-official actors as well. In the West Link, there were protests against the felling of trees, the congestion tax for the building of the project, and 72 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 4: CASE OVERVIEWS • 73 in these Precincts, approval of Commissioner, [Municipality] through MHCC costs, to name a few (Fredholm et al., 2019: 21). In the Mumbai Metro, there was (Maharashtra Heritage Conservation Committee) will have to be obtained.” (Rites and MMRCL, 2011: 0-xii) a range of issues, including tree felling, displacement of people, and others (Karkaria, 2017; Borpujari, 2019). These are mentioned here to provide broader The metro tunnel runs under DN Road, mentioned by the Metro Rail Company context of the issues in the project. The thesis, however, focuses on the officially as a “historic and heritage street” and a “site characteristic” of the upcoming designated historic environments. Hutatma Chowk metro station (Maple and MMRCL, 2020: 64). All the buildings on DN Road are listed and all of them are mentioned as being affected by the Mumbai Metro (Rites and MMRCL, 2011: 4-62). At around 36 in number, they form the bulk of affected “heritage buildings”. These buildings have all the above- mentioned criteria for listing, barring the last one related to open space. The road also borders two of the affected sub-precincts. A street view of DN Road is seen in Figure 12. Figure 12: Street view of DN Road Photograph: Udaykumar PR, CC BY 3.0, via Wikimedia Commons The discussions between the Heritage Committee and the metro developers are against this background of the area’s officially value. Overall, in the two cases, the thesis focuses on the official historic environment issues that came up in planning, as discussed by actors in the process. However, in both the West Link and Mumbai Metro, there were mobilisations around other issues and by non-official actors as well. In the West Link, there were protests against the felling of trees, the congestion tax for the building of the project, and Chapter 5: Compensation in law and policy Compensation is a response to environmental loss caused by planning projects. It’s provision in law and policy is based on the premise that environments have certain values that are lost due to the construction of these projects. In order to understand compensation for loss of historic environments, it is essential to study how compensation is understood in law and policy. This chapter outlines and analyses compensation in Swedish law and policy. The chapter is divided into three sections. The first section is an introduction to compensation, the second section discusses various laws and policies; and the third section discusses the specific approach of the Swedish Transport Administration (STA) with respect to compensation. The discussion in the chapter borrows from various official documents, and also heavily from Persson (2011), a civil engineer and landscape planner who has written extensively about environmental compensation. Throughout the chapter, the word compensation is used according to its usage in the documents. Introduction Environmental compensation is a response to specific loss or damage of the environment, caused by human activity (Persson, 2011: 16). Such activity results in loss of an “environmental value” or “miljövärde” (Persson, 2011: 16). Environmental compensation in planning, based on prevailing definitions as understood by Persson (2011: 13-14), stems from seeing planning projects as a threat, and causing negative consequences to important aspects of the environment. Accordingly, compensation is a response that must be connected to the specific loss in some way (Persson, 2011: 16). Compensation kicks in when environmental loss cannot be prevented. It counterbalances the loss by adding positives which either level out the loss or add additional value to the environment. The definitions that Persson (2011: 13-14) borrows from to flesh out an understanding of compensation stress newness, additions, or improvements: “positive development of environmental quality” Chapter 5: Compensation in law and policy Compensation is a response to environmental loss caused by planning projects. It’s provision in law and policy is based on the premise that environments have certain values that are lost due to the construction of these projects. In order to understand compensation for loss of historic environments, it is essential to study how compensation is understood in law and policy. This chapter outlines and analyses compensation in Swedish law and policy. The chapter is divided into three sections. The first section is an introduction to compensation, the second section discusses various laws and policies; and the third section discusses the specific approach of the Swedish Transport Administration (STA) with respect to compensation. The discussion in the chapter borrows from various official documents, and also heavily from Persson (2011), a civil engineer and landscape planner who has written extensively about environmental compensation. Throughout the chapter, the word compensation is used according to its usage in the documents. Introduction Environmental compensation is a response to specific loss or damage of the environment, caused by human activity (Persson, 2011: 16). Such activity results in loss of an “environmental value” or “miljövärde” (Persson, 2011: 16). Environmental compensation in planning, based on prevailing definitions as understood by Persson (2011: 13-14), stems from seeing planning projects as a threat, and causing negative consequences to important aspects of the environment. Accordingly, compensation is a response that must be connected to the specific loss in some way (Persson, 2011: 16). Compensation kicks in when environmental loss cannot be prevented. It counterbalances the loss by adding positives which either level out the loss or add additional value to the environment. The definitions that Persson (2011: 13-14) borrows from to flesh out an understanding of compensation stress newness, additions, or improvements: “positive development of environmental quality” 76 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 5: COMPENSATION IN LAW AND POLICY • 77 (Swedish Road Administration, 2002: 62, author’s translation), “positive Compensation, in the investigation, was framed in terms of re-creation of environmental measures” (Cowell, 2000), “equalising the loss or increasing the “natural values” when their protection was not possible (Persson, 2011: 12). The environmental values” (Pettersson, 2004: 3), “upgrading” (Skärbäck 1997: 30, proposed prioritisation was in order of: author’s translation), “net neutral or beneficial outcome” (McKenney 2005: i), and 1. Re-creation of the “natural values” on the same site “improvement of the ecological quality” (Cuperus, 2004: 10-11, in Persson, 2011: 2. Re-creation of the “natural values” on a different site 13-14). These positives are seen as neutralising forces to the negative effects of the 3. Funding the protection and care of another threatened area development, in some cases even improving upon what was earlier there. This schema separates the values of the environment from the physical site of loss. Söderqvist et al. (2021: 2) also write about understanding compensation beyond Despite the distinction, these are however often conflated, given that the re- the lens of “no net loss”, instead expanding that to “net gain”. creation of a biotope can be linked to the re-creation of the values it yields. Overall, the loss of environments is considered undesirable and environments The investigation discussed compensation, not only for biotopes, but for are considered through two metrics: their values and the site itself. The rest of this certain other types of environments as well (Persson, 2011: 11). It mentioned section discusses how compensation came to be a tool for dealing with compensation for damage to “culture reserves” among other forms of environmental loss, as well its relation to values and site. environments, including “nature reserves” (especially valuable forests, mountains and the like), wetlands, and “naturminne” (especially valuable forms of nature), History among others (Persson, 2011: 12). “Culture reserves” are areas that can have both From its inception, compensation was seen as a way to mediate the twin goals of “natural” and “cultural” values, and can have buildings, remains, physical spaces, planning projects and environmental conservation. Compensation as a tool in traditions, practices, knowledge, etc. (National Heritage Board website, n.d.). Even policy began to take shape in Sweden in 1995 when the National Board of though the investigation acknowledged environments from a social sciences Housing, Building and Planning was tasked by the national government to come perspective, it did so in a limited way; only through “culture reserves”. It further up with an action plan for “conservation and sustainable use of biological diversity stated that the re-creation of “kulturhistoriska miljöer” or “cultural-historical within the built environment sector” (Persson, 2011: 9, author’s translation). The environments” was “impossible” (Swedish Government, 1997). In this way, action plan mentioned biotope compensation, though very briefly and compensation for historic environment loss was deemed undesirable from the very superficially, pointing to the need to develop the compensation concept further beginning. (Persson, 2011: 9). It considered not only compensation for biotope loss From its inception, the history of compensation in Swedish law has considered important, but also the construction of planning projects (Persson, 2011: 9). the “environment” from a natural sciences perspective. This perspective prioritises A later government investigation in 1997 pushed for systemising compensation environments that yield biodiversity, oxygen, and the like. In this way, for loss of environmental values more generally. In this, the concept of compensation came to be defined through re-creation and relocation of environmental compensation crystallised further. The investigation looked at environments for their natural values. These actions are considered anathema for compensation in a positive light, as a preventive against the depletion of environments with cultural or historic values. However, compensation for natural biodiversity and a deterrent to developers, by dissuading projects in sensitive areas value loss came to be used as a starting point for compensating historic value loss as this would come with a condition to compensate (Persson, 2011: 11). The as well (Nordblad, 2014: 21-22). This is clear from the investigation in 1997 that proposals of the investigation found their way into the Environmental Code stated that although its assignment “primarily aims at interventions in the natural (Persson, 2011: 11-12). The Environmental Code regulates planning projects with environment, there are good reasons to treat the cultural environment in a respect to the environment. It is discussed in further detail in a later section. corresponding way” (Department of Environment, 1997: 50, author’s translation). Here “natural environments” refers to environments with natural values, and “cultural environment”, those with cultural or historic values. In any case, the 76 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 5: COMPENSATION IN LAW AND POLICY • 77 (Swedish Road Administration, 2002: 62, author’s translation), “positive Compensation, in the investigation, was framed in terms of re-creation of environmental measures” (Cowell, 2000), “equalising the loss or increasing the “natural values” when their protection was not possible (Persson, 2011: 12). The environmental values” (Pettersson, 2004: 3), “upgrading” (Skärbäck 1997: 30, proposed prioritisation was in order of: author’s translation), “net neutral or beneficial outcome” (McKenney 2005: i), and 1. Re-creation of the “natural values” on the same site “improvement of the ecological quality” (Cuperus, 2004: 10-11, in Persson, 2011: 2. Re-creation of the “natural values” on a different site 13-14). These positives are seen as neutralising forces to the negative effects of the 3. Funding the protection and care of another threatened area development, in some cases even improving upon what was earlier there. This schema separates the values of the environment from the physical site of loss. Söderqvist et al. (2021: 2) also write about understanding compensation beyond Despite the distinction, these are however often conflated, given that the re- the lens of “no net loss”, instead expanding that to “net gain”. creation of a biotope can be linked to the re-creation of the values it yields. Overall, the loss of environments is considered undesirable and environments The investigation discussed compensation, not only for biotopes, but for are considered through two metrics: their values and the site itself. The rest of this certain other types of environments as well (Persson, 2011: 11). It mentioned section discusses how compensation came to be a tool for dealing with compensation for damage to “culture reserves” among other forms of environmental loss, as well its relation to values and site. environments, including “nature reserves” (especially valuable forests, mountains and the like), wetlands, and “naturminne” (especially valuable forms of nature), History among others (Persson, 2011: 12). “Culture reserves” are areas that can have both From its inception, compensation was seen as a way to mediate the twin goals of “natural” and “cultural” values, and can have buildings, remains, physical spaces, planning projects and environmental conservation. Compensation as a tool in traditions, practices, knowledge, etc. (National Heritage Board website, n.d.). Even policy began to take shape in Sweden in 1995 when the National Board of though the investigation acknowledged environments from a social sciences Housing, Building and Planning was tasked by the national government to come perspective, it did so in a limited way; only through “culture reserves”. It further up with an action plan for “conservation and sustainable use of biological diversity stated that the re-creation of “kulturhistoriska miljöer” or “cultural-historical within the built environment sector” (Persson, 2011: 9, author’s translation). The environments” was “impossible” (Swedish Government, 1997). In this way, action plan mentioned biotope compensation, though very briefly and compensation for historic environment loss was deemed undesirable from the very superficially, pointing to the need to develop the compensation concept further beginning. (Persson, 2011: 9). It considered not only compensation for biotope loss From its inception, the history of compensation in Swedish law has considered important, but also the construction of planning projects (Persson, 2011: 9). the “environment” from a natural sciences perspective. This perspective prioritises A later government investigation in 1997 pushed for systemising compensation environments that yield biodiversity, oxygen, and the like. In this way, for loss of environmental values more generally. In this, the concept of compensation came to be defined through re-creation and relocation of environmental compensation crystallised further. The investigation looked at environments for their natural values. These actions are considered anathema for compensation in a positive light, as a preventive against the depletion of environments with cultural or historic values. However, compensation for natural biodiversity and a deterrent to developers, by dissuading projects in sensitive areas value loss came to be used as a starting point for compensating historic value loss as this would come with a condition to compensate (Persson, 2011: 11). The as well (Nordblad, 2014: 21-22). This is clear from the investigation in 1997 that proposals of the investigation found their way into the Environmental Code stated that although its assignment “primarily aims at interventions in the natural (Persson, 2011: 11-12). The Environmental Code regulates planning projects with environment, there are good reasons to treat the cultural environment in a respect to the environment. It is discussed in further detail in a later section. corresponding way” (Department of Environment, 1997: 50, author’s translation). Here “natural environments” refers to environments with natural values, and “cultural environment”, those with cultural or historic values. In any case, the 78 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 5: COMPENSATION IN LAW AND POLICY • 79 statement reflects that historic environments got subsumed into the “natural (object) can be replaced with another type of plant that steps in for the lost shade environment” category. (value) provided by the previous tree. Place-and-type-oriented compensation is expressed in the investigation put forward in 1997 and in the balancing principle Values and site and damage mitigation hierarchy described in the next section. Goal-oriented Compensation for environmental loss is based on the loss of values and site. compensation is about the creation of new types of environments with Values are different from the site, as well as from “functions” (Persson, 2011: 42- corresponding new values, based on local, regional, and national environmental 43). According to Persson (2011: 43-44), values are intangible qualities such as goals (Persson, 2011: 46). Here, the lost tree (object) could potentially be replaced those that contribute to the experience or beauty of a place. Functions are the with some other physical environment altogether, unrelated to vegetation or shade practical work that the environment does in contributing to human wellbeing (value), to meet the needs of the area in a broader context. (Persson, 2011: 42-43). Functions can include water purification, climate regulation, control of erosion, etc (Persson, 2011: 43). Grass, for example, is an Law and policy environment that has the function of controlling soil erosion (Persson, 2011: 42). Investigations into compensation in the 1990s found their way into compensation According to this understanding, values and functions are the intangible benefits thinking in law and policy. This section looks at law and policy through five sub- that the affected physical site affords. sections: the balancing principle, damage mitigation hierarchy, Environmental Values and functions, as defined by Persson (2011: 42-43), are similar to Code, Planning and Building Act, and Historic Environment Act. “services” in the ecosystem services understanding of the term. Ecosystem services are the services offered by “nature” to humans (Environmental Protection Balancing principle Agency, n.d.). These services comprise provisioning, regulating, cultural, and supporting services, and can range from enabling photosynthesis to providing The German balancing principle is the basis for compensation in law and policy drinking to affording outdoor activities (Environmental Protection Agency, n.d.). in Sweden. The principle lays out compensation as part of a step-wise hierarchy of Overall, functions, values, and services indicate the importance attached to responses to dealing with the environment in the face of planning projects. The physical sites. hierarchy, in order of most to least preferable is: Values and site are implicated in compensation, wherein compensation is 1. Avoid damage discussed as either being on or off the site of physical loss. “On-site” is dependent 2. Minimise damage on how it is defined in the project, ranging from near the location of loss to within 3. Compensate for damage (Persson, 2011: 19) the same planning area, to a “functional context” connected to the site (Persson, The balancing principle was introduced into Swedish debate on compensation by 2011: 50). the landscape architect, Erik Skärbäck in the mid-1990s (Persson, 2011: 128). It The degree to which values and site individually play a role in compensation is was adopted in the Swedish system with the last step being split into compensating based on the intentions of the compensation in the case. Persson (2011: 41) on the same site and, less preferably, on a different one (Persson, 2011: 19). classifies compensation measures in three ways: object-oriented, place-and-type- Balancing, in principle, was meant to be applicable to “cultural values” in oriented, and goal-oriented. Object-oriented compensation focuses on the addition to “natural” ones. As Skärbäck (1997a: 9, in Persson, 2011: 129) writes, affected object or site and replacing that in order to acquire the lost value or balancing means not removing “more of our natural and cultural values than one function. So a destroyed tree (object) is replaced with a similar tree (object), which gives back” [emphasis added]. Skärbäck (1997a, in Persson, 2011: 130) mentions implicitly replaces the lost shade (value). Place-and-type-oriented compensation five types of resources that yield values. Of these, the only historic environment focuses more specifically on the value or function of the affected environment, related one is “landskapsbild/kulturmiljö” (“image of the landscape/cultural emphasising their type and location (Persson, 2011: 44). Here, a destroyed tree environment”). The other four types of resources are land, water, biotopes, and air/climate/noise (Skärbäck 1997a, Grip et al. 1999, in Persson, 2011: 130). The 78 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 5: COMPENSATION IN LAW AND POLICY • 79 statement reflects that historic environments got subsumed into the “natural (object) can be replaced with another type of plant that steps in for the lost shade environment” category. (value) provided by the previous tree. Place-and-type-oriented compensation is expressed in the investigation put forward in 1997 and in the balancing principle Values and site and damage mitigation hierarchy described in the next section. Goal-oriented Compensation for environmental loss is based on the loss of values and site. compensation is about the creation of new types of environments with Values are different from the site, as well as from “functions” (Persson, 2011: 42- corresponding new values, based on local, regional, and national environmental 43). According to Persson (2011: 43-44), values are intangible qualities such as goals (Persson, 2011: 46). Here, the lost tree (object) could potentially be replaced those that contribute to the experience or beauty of a place. Functions are the with some other physical environment altogether, unrelated to vegetation or shade practical work that the environment does in contributing to human wellbeing (value), to meet the needs of the area in a broader context. (Persson, 2011: 42-43). Functions can include water purification, climate regulation, control of erosion, etc (Persson, 2011: 43). Grass, for example, is an Law and policy environment that has the function of controlling soil erosion (Persson, 2011: 42). Investigations into compensation in the 1990s found their way into compensation According to this understanding, values and functions are the intangible benefits thinking in law and policy. This section looks at law and policy through five sub- that the affected physical site affords. sections: the balancing principle, damage mitigation hierarchy, Environmental Values and functions, as defined by Persson (2011: 42-43), are similar to Code, Planning and Building Act, and Historic Environment Act. “services” in the ecosystem services understanding of the term. Ecosystem services are the services offered by “nature” to humans (Environmental Protection Balancing principle Agency, n.d.). These services comprise provisioning, regulating, cultural, and supporting services, and can range from enabling photosynthesis to providing The German balancing principle is the basis for compensation in law and policy drinking to affording outdoor activities (Environmental Protection Agency, n.d.). in Sweden. The principle lays out compensation as part of a step-wise hierarchy of Overall, functions, values, and services indicate the importance attached to responses to dealing with the environment in the face of planning projects. The physical sites. hierarchy, in order of most to least preferable is: Values and site are implicated in compensation, wherein compensation is 1. Avoid damage discussed as either being on or off the site of physical loss. “On-site” is dependent 2. Minimise damage on how it is defined in the project, ranging from near the location of loss to within 3. Compensate for damage (Persson, 2011: 19) the same planning area, to a “functional context” connected to the site (Persson, The balancing principle was introduced into Swedish debate on compensation by 2011: 50). the landscape architect, Erik Skärbäck in the mid-1990s (Persson, 2011: 128). It The degree to which values and site individually play a role in compensation is was adopted in the Swedish system with the last step being split into compensating based on the intentions of the compensation in the case. Persson (2011: 41) on the same site and, less preferably, on a different one (Persson, 2011: 19). classifies compensation measures in three ways: object-oriented, place-and-type- Balancing, in principle, was meant to be applicable to “cultural values” in oriented, and goal-oriented. Object-oriented compensation focuses on the addition to “natural” ones. As Skärbäck (1997a: 9, in Persson, 2011: 129) writes, affected object or site and replacing that in order to acquire the lost value or balancing means not removing “more of our natural and cultural values than one function. So a destroyed tree (object) is replaced with a similar tree (object), which gives back” [emphasis added]. Skärbäck (1997a, in Persson, 2011: 130) mentions implicitly replaces the lost shade (value). Place-and-type-oriented compensation five types of resources that yield values. Of these, the only historic environment focuses more specifically on the value or function of the affected environment, related one is “landskapsbild/kulturmiljö” (“image of the landscape/cultural emphasising their type and location (Persson, 2011: 44). Here, a destroyed tree environment”). The other four types of resources are land, water, biotopes, and air/climate/noise (Skärbäck 1997a, Grip et al. 1999, in Persson, 2011: 130). The 80 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 5: COMPENSATION IN LAW AND POLICY • 81 “image of the landscape/cultural environment” resource type is considered to yield values as varied as ancient remains, experiences, cycle paths, cultural history, and others (Skärbäck 1997a, Grip et al. 1999, in Persson, 2011: 130). What constitutes historic environment values is unclear, but they are considered in some form, as a mix of intangible and tangible elements. Damage mitigation hierarchy The three-step balancing principle was adopted in Sweden as the four-step damage mitigation hierarchy. The damage mitigation hierarchy is advanced by the National Board of Housing, Building and Planning (2018) and the City of Gothenburg (2008; n.d.), among other authorities. The National Board of Housing, Building and Planning (NBHBP) provides, among other things, guidance to municipalities on compensation for loss of “green” areas and ecosystem services (NBHBP, 2018; Swedish Government, 2017: 319). Figure 13: Compensation options mapped on the damage mitigation hierarchy The NBHBP (2018) proposes the hierarchy, for the preferred order of actions Base image source: National Board of Housing, Building and Planning (2018) in response to loss caused by planning projects. The most to least preferred actions are as follows: The closest the model comes to considering cultural or historic values is through its applicability to ecosystem services. Ecosystem services include the category of “1. Avoid negative impact - choose another location, protective measures, strengthening measures cultural ecosystem services which comprise “beauty, inspiration, recreation and spiritual values that contribute to our well-being” (Sweden Government, 2013: 7). 2. Minimise negative impact - protective measures, strengthening measures Even so, cultural ecosystem services are attached to environments as understood 3. Compensate negative impact - restore value in the immediate area, certain from a natural sciences perspective, as seen in the types of environments strengthening measures considered by the National Board of Housing, Building and Planning (n.d.). They mention the suitability of the damage mitigation hierarchy to woodlands, green 4. Compensate negative impact - replace by measures elsewhere or of different value” (NBHBP, 2018, author’s translation) areas, wetlands, habitats for endangered species, various types of trees and shrubs, beaches, forests, and others (NBHBP, 2018). Overall, the damage mitigation The first two steps are protective measures, the second two steps are hierarchy is geared more towards environments as understood from a natural compensation measures. Compensation measures cover the re-creation of the lost sciences perspective than a social sciences one (Larsson, 2020: 231). The hierarchy “ecological values” or ecosystem services, either on the same or different site is further considered unsuitable for compensating loss of historic values of the (NBHBP, 2018). Further, as Figure 13 shows, even within the four compensation environment. These values, unlike natural ones, are not quantifiable, and concern measures, the most preferable is to re-create the same value on-site, as represented qualitative aspects and experiences (Grahn Danielson et al., 2013: 3; Larsson, 2020: by the third step. The other three options are collectively on the fourth, and least 231). Their re-creation and/or relocation by way of re-creation and/relocation of preferred, step. This indicates a hierarchy even within compensation measures, the lost sites themselves, is therefore viewed with scepticism (Unesco et al, 2022: wherein sameness (of both value and site) is most preferable. Overall, in Persson’s 45). (2014: 24) view, the damage mitigation hierarchy “locks one” into thinking only through the lens of geographical and functional proximity. It ignores the context and specificity of the case at hand. 80 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 5: COMPENSATION IN LAW AND POLICY • 81 “image of the landscape/cultural environment” resource type is considered to yield values as varied as ancient remains, experiences, cycle paths, cultural history, and others (Skärbäck 1997a, Grip et al. 1999, in Persson, 2011: 130). What constitutes historic environment values is unclear, but they are considered in some form, as a mix of intangible and tangible elements. Damage mitigation hierarchy The three-step balancing principle was adopted in Sweden as the four-step damage mitigation hierarchy. The damage mitigation hierarchy is advanced by the National Board of Housing, Building and Planning (2018) and the City of Gothenburg (2008; n.d.), among other authorities. The National Board of Housing, Building and Planning (NBHBP) provides, among other things, guidance to municipalities on compensation for loss of “green” areas and ecosystem services (NBHBP, 2018; Swedish Government, 2017: 319). Figure 13: Compensation options mapped on the damage mitigation hierarchy The NBHBP (2018) proposes the hierarchy, for the preferred order of actions Base image source: National Board of Housing, Building and Planning (2018) in response to loss caused by planning projects. The most to least preferred actions are as follows: The closest the model comes to considering cultural or historic values is through its applicability to ecosystem services. Ecosystem services include the category of “1. Avoid negative impact - choose another location, protective measures, strengthening measures cultural ecosystem services which comprise “beauty, inspiration, recreation and spiritual values that contribute to our well-being” (Sweden Government, 2013: 7). 2. Minimise negative impact - protective measures, strengthening measures Even so, cultural ecosystem services are attached to environments as understood 3. Compensate negative impact - restore value in the immediate area, certain from a natural sciences perspective, as seen in the types of environments strengthening measures considered by the National Board of Housing, Building and Planning (n.d.). They mention the suitability of the damage mitigation hierarchy to woodlands, green 4. Compensate negative impact - replace by measures elsewhere or of different value” (NBHBP, 2018, author’s translation) areas, wetlands, habitats for endangered species, various types of trees and shrubs, beaches, forests, and others (NBHBP, 2018). Overall, the damage mitigation The first two steps are protective measures, the second two steps are hierarchy is geared more towards environments as understood from a natural compensation measures. Compensation measures cover the re-creation of the lost sciences perspective than a social sciences one (Larsson, 2020: 231). The hierarchy “ecological values” or ecosystem services, either on the same or different site is further considered unsuitable for compensating loss of historic values of the (NBHBP, 2018). Further, as Figure 13 shows, even within the four compensation environment. These values, unlike natural ones, are not quantifiable, and concern measures, the most preferable is to re-create the same value on-site, as represented qualitative aspects and experiences (Grahn Danielson et al., 2013: 3; Larsson, 2020: by the third step. The other three options are collectively on the fourth, and least 231). Their re-creation and/or relocation by way of re-creation and/relocation of preferred, step. This indicates a hierarchy even within compensation measures, the lost sites themselves, is therefore viewed with scepticism (Unesco et al, 2022: wherein sameness (of both value and site) is most preferable. Overall, in Persson’s 45). (2014: 24) view, the damage mitigation hierarchy “locks one” into thinking only through the lens of geographical and functional proximity. It ignores the context and specificity of the case at hand. 82 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 5: COMPENSATION IN LAW AND POLICY • 83 Environmental Code “environmental values” however, the environments covered are only those that are important for certain kinds of animal life. The most significant compensation legislation comes from the Environmental Compensation for damage to public interests can be linked to permits and their Code or “Miljöbalken” (1998). This is a law that has its scope in aiming for revocation as stated in Chapter 16, Section 9 of the Code. Public interests in sustainable development, and among other things, covers the conservation of the principle include historic environments. This is seen in the case of “national environment, which in principle, is understood through both natural and social interests”, which can be designated as such based on their “cultural values”. So, sciences perspectives. “cultural values” are considered important when they are public interests. Lerman Compensation is mentioned in the Environmental Code as “kompensation”. (2014: 40) however notes that this condition for compensation can only be used It is at times mentioned in the context of “avhjälpa” or remediation and also as in very specific cases, which means it is rarely used, and damage can remain “ersätta” or replacement. Neither compensation nor remediation is defined. uncompensated for. Chapter 2, Section 8 of the Code states that damage to the environment must Compensation does not find mention in the context of Environment Impact be remedied, barring which it may need to be replaced. While the word Assessments (EIAs), dealt with in Chapter 6 of the Code. This chapter states the compensation is not used here, replacement refers to the same activity, seeing as purpose of the assessments is integration of the environment into planning and replacement is the fourth step on the damage mitigation hierarchy. for sustainable development. Other actions towards the environment are Compensation is mentioned in the context of “natural values” in Chapter 7 of mentioned, such as the assessments having to contain information on how the the Code. In this provision, compensation for nature or culture reserves can be projects will “förebygga, hindra, motverka eller avhjälpa” (“prevent, hinder, carried out in the same area (i.e., in the reserve) or in another area. Nature reserves counteract or remedy”) negative environmental consequences. The omission of include especially valuable forests, mountains, meadows, and the like. Culture compensation has also been pointed out by Rundcrantz and Persson (2011: 125). reserves can have a range of elements, including buildings, traditions, remains, and Overall, the Environmental Code considers “environments” and “values” so on (National Heritage Board, n.d). The categories of nature and culture reserves from a natural sciences perspective. When historic environment values are are legally designated. Even though “culture reserves” are considered, the considered, this is not in the context of compensation. Where historic provision for compensation is only applicable to their “natural values” (emphasis environments, i.e., in the case of “culture reserves” are considered, compensation added). is for damage to their “natural values”. So, there is no intersection of historic Compensation is also provided for in the context of certain environments values, historic environments, and compensation. Accordingly, compensation for accorded special protection in the law. These are Natura 2000 areas, i.e., significant loss of historic values within the Code is only possible by those values for wild birds under the Bird Directive, and areas significant for wild flora and piggybacking on affected natural values. This is possible, for example, in the case fauna, under the Habitats Directive. Here the Environmental Code mentions of a damaged stone fence or an avenue that doubles up as a biotope (Rundkrantz “miljövärden” or “environmental values”, but the environments considered for and Persson, 2011: 127). compensation are valuable for the plant and animal life they sustain. There is critique of the Environmental Code from various quarters, for its skew In Chapter 10, Section 1 of the Code, compensation is mentioned as a subset in emphasis towards environments with natural values. As stated by the national of remediation. This section deals with activities that cause environmental damage government in an investigation, “cultural values” need to be included (Swedish through contamination of the area and other risks to human well-being. Government, 2017: 34). From a theoretical perspective, Grahn Danielson et al. Remediation here refers to actions carried out to remedy damage after it has been (2014: 12) argue that the Code marginalises the social sciences perspective of done. Compensation is applicable only to damage to water bodies or ground water environments, making it hard to develop compensation specific to historic areas, Natura 2000 areas, certain breeding and resting areas, and certain species. environments. The section mentions compensation in the context of affected “miljövärden” or 82 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 5: COMPENSATION IN LAW AND POLICY • 83 Environmental Code “environmental values” however, the environments covered are only those that are important for certain kinds of animal life. The most significant compensation legislation comes from the Environmental Compensation for damage to public interests can be linked to permits and their Code or “Miljöbalken” (1998). This is a law that has its scope in aiming for revocation as stated in Chapter 16, Section 9 of the Code. Public interests in sustainable development, and among other things, covers the conservation of the principle include historic environments. This is seen in the case of “national environment, which in principle, is understood through both natural and social interests”, which can be designated as such based on their “cultural values”. So, sciences perspectives. “cultural values” are considered important when they are public interests. Lerman Compensation is mentioned in the Environmental Code as “kompensation”. (2014: 40) however notes that this condition for compensation can only be used It is at times mentioned in the context of “avhjälpa” or remediation and also as in very specific cases, which means it is rarely used, and damage can remain “ersätta” or replacement. Neither compensation nor remediation is defined. uncompensated for. Chapter 2, Section 8 of the Code states that damage to the environment must Compensation does not find mention in the context of Environment Impact be remedied, barring which it may need to be replaced. While the word Assessments (EIAs), dealt with in Chapter 6 of the Code. This chapter states the compensation is not used here, replacement refers to the same activity, seeing as purpose of the assessments is integration of the environment into planning and replacement is the fourth step on the damage mitigation hierarchy. for sustainable development. Other actions towards the environment are Compensation is mentioned in the context of “natural values” in Chapter 7 of mentioned, such as the assessments having to contain information on how the the Code. In this provision, compensation for nature or culture reserves can be projects will “förebygga, hindra, motverka eller avhjälpa” (“prevent, hinder, carried out in the same area (i.e., in the reserve) or in another area. Nature reserves counteract or remedy”) negative environmental consequences. The omission of include especially valuable forests, mountains, meadows, and the like. Culture compensation has also been pointed out by Rundcrantz and Persson (2011: 125). reserves can have a range of elements, including buildings, traditions, remains, and Overall, the Environmental Code considers “environments” and “values” so on (National Heritage Board, n.d). The categories of nature and culture reserves from a natural sciences perspective. When historic environment values are are legally designated. Even though “culture reserves” are considered, the considered, this is not in the context of compensation. Where historic provision for compensation is only applicable to their “natural values” (emphasis environments, i.e., in the case of “culture reserves” are considered, compensation added). is for damage to their “natural values”. So, there is no intersection of historic Compensation is also provided for in the context of certain environments values, historic environments, and compensation. Accordingly, compensation for accorded special protection in the law. These are Natura 2000 areas, i.e., significant loss of historic values within the Code is only possible by those values for wild birds under the Bird Directive, and areas significant for wild flora and piggybacking on affected natural values. This is possible, for example, in the case fauna, under the Habitats Directive. Here the Environmental Code mentions of a damaged stone fence or an avenue that doubles up as a biotope (Rundkrantz “miljövärden” or “environmental values”, but the environments considered for and Persson, 2011: 127). compensation are valuable for the plant and animal life they sustain. There is critique of the Environmental Code from various quarters, for its skew In Chapter 10, Section 1 of the Code, compensation is mentioned as a subset in emphasis towards environments with natural values. As stated by the national of remediation. This section deals with activities that cause environmental damage government in an investigation, “cultural values” need to be included (Swedish through contamination of the area and other risks to human well-being. Government, 2017: 34). From a theoretical perspective, Grahn Danielson et al. Remediation here refers to actions carried out to remedy damage after it has been (2014: 12) argue that the Code marginalises the social sciences perspective of done. Compensation is applicable only to damage to water bodies or ground water environments, making it hard to develop compensation specific to historic areas, Natura 2000 areas, certain breeding and resting areas, and certain species. environments. The section mentions compensation in the context of affected “miljövärden” or 84 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 5: COMPENSATION IN LAW AND POLICY • 85 Planning and Building Act Gothenburg City (2008: 8) uses the damage mitigation hierarchy as its compensation model. Accordingly, the preferred options are first to avoid and Compensation is possible within certain provisions of the Planning and Building then minimise damage. If these fail, compensation kicks in. Compensation Act or “Plan- och bygg lagen” (PBL) (2010). This law concerns regulations around comprises preferably, “utjämna” (remedy) and secondarily, “ersätta” (replace). detailed plans, master plans, zoning, area development, and other aspects These are intended to re-create lost values on-site or off-site. This model is the concerning new building projects. PBL does not have any provision for obligatory same as the one used by the National Board of Housing, Building and Planning compensation, but it can come into play through other instruments in the act. (NBHBP). Compensation can be mobilised through the provisions for The principle for compensation measures adopted by Gothenburg City is “exploateringsavtal” or development agreements, laid out in Chapter 6. Within the called “närhetsprincip” or proximity principle. This means that measures should scope of this provision, municipalities can enter into voluntary agreements with as far as possible be close in time, place, and value, i.e., take place as soon as developers through which they can demand compensation. As PBL defines them, possible, be in physical proximity of the damage, and be closely connected to the such agreements are entered into by the municipality with a developer or property lost value (Gothenburg City, 2008: 13). In a follow-up, they revise this to closeness owner for land not owned by the municipality. The developer or property owner in time, place, value, and function, stressing that compensation must re-create the is not the Swedish state and the issues do not concern the expansion of transport value corresponding to the lost function (Gothenburg City, n.d.: 11). infrastructure by the state. Within this provision it is, in principle, possible to Gothenburg City (2008: 12; n.d.: 10) differentiates between “functions” and operationalise compensation for damage to environments that do not fall within “values”. Compensation measures apply to “functions” that have high “value” the categories mentioned by the Environmental Code. (Gothenburg City, 2008: 12-13; Gothenburg, n.d.: 9). Function is purely the The municipalities of Gothenburg, Västerås, Stockholm, and Helsingborg are property or quality of the lost physical object or environment, such as being a among those that have drafted a compensation policy for its deployment through habitat for animals or plants or a place for walking (Gothenburg City, 2008: 12). PBL. The extent of compensation through PBL is unclear, as a survey by the Value is a subjective ranking of the importance of this function in that particular Swedish Society for Nature Conservation in 2003, indicates (Persson, 2011: 135). context (Gothenburg City, 2008: 12). So lost functions are not enough to warrant In their comparison of the approaches to compensation across five Swedish being compensated for. They must also be important, i.e., have value. For instance, municipalities, Söderqvist et al. (2021) also show that there are inconsistencies in a grove that has a function as a recreation area may have a higher value in a dense approaches to compensation and a need to streamline these. Nevertheless, city where there are few others, and lower value in a rural setting (Gothenburg municipalities are favourably disposed towards environmental compensation in City, 2008: 13). Re-creating the grove on a new site, for example, in a dense city principle (Persson, 2011: 135). Below is a look at Gothenburg City’s compensation centre, can mean it has potentially greater value than before (Persson, 2011: 160). policy under PBL in greater detail. Values are relative and measured in terms of a scale comprising “large”, Compensation through voluntary agreements in Gothenburg “moderate”, and “small” (Gothenburg City, n.d.: 11). The value scale in terms of large, moderate, and small corresponds to whether compensation is an absolute The Gothenburg City model for compensation works within the provisions of the must, whether there is a large/moderate need, or whether unrequired, unless a PBL and is a response to the lacunae in the Environmental Code that considers large number of small values is affected (Gothenburg City, n.d.: 11). only certain types of environments (Gothenburg City, 2008: 7). Gothenburg City In differentiating between functions and values, compensation as laid out by deploys compensation via its “Sans och Balans” (Sense and Balance) initiative of Gothenburg City (2008; n.d.) recognises the subjectivity of loss in planning 2001. Compensation is for lost “natural” or “recreation values” as well as projects. It acknowledges values, functions, and (ecosystem) services of the ecosystem services within the site of the planning project or elsewhere in the environment rather than the environment in physical terms alone. This is a move municipality (Gothenburg City, 2008: 5; Gothenburg City, n.d: 5). away from object-oriented compensation (Persson, 2011: 141). Yet, in terms of environments, its focus is on environments with natural or recreational values. 84 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 5: COMPENSATION IN LAW AND POLICY • 85 Planning and Building Act Gothenburg City (2008: 8) uses the damage mitigation hierarchy as its compensation model. Accordingly, the preferred options are first to avoid and Compensation is possible within certain provisions of the Planning and Building then minimise damage. If these fail, compensation kicks in. Compensation Act or “Plan- och bygg lagen” (PBL) (2010). This law concerns regulations around comprises preferably, “utjämna” (remedy) and secondarily, “ersätta” (replace). detailed plans, master plans, zoning, area development, and other aspects These are intended to re-create lost values on-site or off-site. This model is the concerning new building projects. PBL does not have any provision for obligatory same as the one used by the National Board of Housing, Building and Planning compensation, but it can come into play through other instruments in the act. (NBHBP). Compensation can be mobilised through the provisions for The principle for compensation measures adopted by Gothenburg City is “exploateringsavtal” or development agreements, laid out in Chapter 6. Within the called “närhetsprincip” or proximity principle. This means that measures should scope of this provision, municipalities can enter into voluntary agreements with as far as possible be close in time, place, and value, i.e., take place as soon as developers through which they can demand compensation. As PBL defines them, possible, be in physical proximity of the damage, and be closely connected to the such agreements are entered into by the municipality with a developer or property lost value (Gothenburg City, 2008: 13). In a follow-up, they revise this to closeness owner for land not owned by the municipality. The developer or property owner in time, place, value, and function, stressing that compensation must re-create the is not the Swedish state and the issues do not concern the expansion of transport value corresponding to the lost function (Gothenburg City, n.d.: 11). infrastructure by the state. Within this provision it is, in principle, possible to Gothenburg City (2008: 12; n.d.: 10) differentiates between “functions” and operationalise compensation for damage to environments that do not fall within “values”. Compensation measures apply to “functions” that have high “value” the categories mentioned by the Environmental Code. (Gothenburg City, 2008: 12-13; Gothenburg, n.d.: 9). Function is purely the The municipalities of Gothenburg, Västerås, Stockholm, and Helsingborg are property or quality of the lost physical object or environment, such as being a among those that have drafted a compensation policy for its deployment through habitat for animals or plants or a place for walking (Gothenburg City, 2008: 12). PBL. The extent of compensation through PBL is unclear, as a survey by the Value is a subjective ranking of the importance of this function in that particular Swedish Society for Nature Conservation in 2003, indicates (Persson, 2011: 135). context (Gothenburg City, 2008: 12). So lost functions are not enough to warrant In their comparison of the approaches to compensation across five Swedish being compensated for. They must also be important, i.e., have value. For instance, municipalities, Söderqvist et al. (2021) also show that there are inconsistencies in a grove that has a function as a recreation area may have a higher value in a dense approaches to compensation and a need to streamline these. Nevertheless, city where there are few others, and lower value in a rural setting (Gothenburg municipalities are favourably disposed towards environmental compensation in City, 2008: 13). Re-creating the grove on a new site, for example, in a dense city principle (Persson, 2011: 135). Below is a look at Gothenburg City’s compensation centre, can mean it has potentially greater value than before (Persson, 2011: 160). policy under PBL in greater detail. Values are relative and measured in terms of a scale comprising “large”, Compensation through voluntary agreements in Gothenburg “moderate”, and “small” (Gothenburg City, n.d.: 11). The value scale in terms of large, moderate, and small corresponds to whether compensation is an absolute The Gothenburg City model for compensation works within the provisions of the must, whether there is a large/moderate need, or whether unrequired, unless a PBL and is a response to the lacunae in the Environmental Code that considers large number of small values is affected (Gothenburg City, n.d.: 11). only certain types of environments (Gothenburg City, 2008: 7). Gothenburg City In differentiating between functions and values, compensation as laid out by deploys compensation via its “Sans och Balans” (Sense and Balance) initiative of Gothenburg City (2008; n.d.) recognises the subjectivity of loss in planning 2001. Compensation is for lost “natural” or “recreation values” as well as projects. It acknowledges values, functions, and (ecosystem) services of the ecosystem services within the site of the planning project or elsewhere in the environment rather than the environment in physical terms alone. This is a move municipality (Gothenburg City, 2008: 5; Gothenburg City, n.d: 5). away from object-oriented compensation (Persson, 2011: 141). Yet, in terms of environments, its focus is on environments with natural or recreational values. 86 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 5: COMPENSATION IN LAW AND POLICY • 87 Historic environments are not considered, and historic or cultural values of knowledge of the historic environment but cannot count as compensation for environments are considered only marginally. The values are considered under what is lost (Grahn Danielson et al., 2013: 5). “kulturhistoria” (“cultural history”), which forms part of the considerations when Overall, the three laws discussed above barely consider historic environments assessing the need for compensation (Gothenburg City, n.d.2; Gothenburg City, as tenable for compensation. Compensation is disproportionately in favour of 2019). Persson (2011: 137) levels a related critique when he notes that Gothenburg environments having natural values. These environments form the blueprint for City does not speak of environmental compensation in general, but rather only for compensation provision in law. “nature and recreation”. Gothenburg City (2008: 19; n.d.: 15) too acknowledges their omission of compensation policy for historic environments. Swedish Transport Administration Overall, the Planning and Building Act (PBL) allows for greater scope of compensation, by way of types of environments covered, than the Environment The Swedish Transport Administration (STA) is crucial to the discussion on Code. It is then up to the municipalities to formulate compensation policy, which compensation, given that it is the main actor in the West Link. More generally, it as seen in the Gothenburg example, may still end up marginalising environments has a significant role in transforming the environment through various with historic or cultural values. This lack of representation of historic infrastructure projects. environments points to their double marginalisation, i.e., first in the The STA proposes the “fyrfältaren” or four-field model for compensation for Environmental Code, and then in the PBL-enabled Gothenburg City policy. damage to the environment (STA, 2021a: 15). The model considers four possible The compensation provisions in the Environmental Code, Planning and combinations of grouping type of value affected and its location. These are: Building Act, and Gothenburg City’s policy do not come into play in the West • Re-creating the same type of value on-site Link case. • Re-creating the same type of value off-site • Re-creating a different type of value on-site Historic Environment Act • Re-creating a different type of value off-site (STA, 2021a) The four-field model consists of the same four compensation options as the Compensation is absent in the Historic Environment Act or “Kulturmiljölagen” damage mitigation hierarchy. However, unlike in the damage mitigation hierarchy, (1988). The Act governs the protection and conservation of historic environments. the STA (2021a) does not entirely fix a priority order for the four compensation Historic environments, in this context, cover place names, ancient monuments and actions. On one hand, it allows the possibility for a prioritisation, where the remains, listed buildings, and ecclesiastical cultural heritage. prioritisation prescribed is according to the above order from most to least Section 1 of the Historic Environment Act states that damage to the “cultural preferable (STA, 2021a: 15). However, it also provides the option of choosing environment” must be “undviks” (avoided) or “begränsas” (limited). While not measures based on the goals for the area (STA, 2021a: 15). The damage mitigation discussed in terms of the damage mitigation hierarchy, these two actions hierarchy, however, favours the re-creation of the same type of value on-site to all correspond to protection measures of the hierarchy’s lower two steps. the other three options. Accordingly, compensation as understood by the STA is Conceptually speaking, Persson (2014: 14) writes that compensation in relation more flexible than that in the damage mitigation hierarchy. to cultural or archaeological elements can sometimes be considered to take the To use Persson’s (2014: 23) conceptualisation, the STA’s (2021a) approach of form of knowledge creation or dissemination (Ross, 2020). While the Act does not prescribing a priority order reflects a goal-oriented strategy to compensation. mention these actions, as in Chapter 2, Section 13, it does not do so within the This means choices are made based on the case at hand and the goals for the formal nomenclature of compensation (Persson, 2014: 14). Further, whether such specific area. According to Cuperus et al. (1996: 46, in Persson and Hedlund, 2014: actions can be called or counted as compensation is contentious. As some authors 90) the decision on type of value and site should be taken on a case-by-case basis see it, documentation can preserve a small part of the value by preserving the instead of following any blanket prescription of standards. 86 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 5: COMPENSATION IN LAW AND POLICY • 87 Historic environments are not considered, and historic or cultural values of knowledge of the historic environment but cannot count as compensation for environments are considered only marginally. The values are considered under what is lost (Grahn Danielson et al., 2013: 5). “kulturhistoria” (“cultural history”), which forms part of the considerations when Overall, the three laws discussed above barely consider historic environments assessing the need for compensation (Gothenburg City, n.d.2; Gothenburg City, as tenable for compensation. Compensation is disproportionately in favour of 2019). Persson (2011: 137) levels a related critique when he notes that Gothenburg environments having natural values. These environments form the blueprint for City does not speak of environmental compensation in general, but rather only for compensation provision in law. “nature and recreation”. Gothenburg City (2008: 19; n.d.: 15) too acknowledges their omission of compensation policy for historic environments. Swedish Transport Administration Overall, the Planning and Building Act (PBL) allows for greater scope of compensation, by way of types of environments covered, than the Environment The Swedish Transport Administration (STA) is crucial to the discussion on Code. It is then up to the municipalities to formulate compensation policy, which compensation, given that it is the main actor in the West Link. More generally, it as seen in the Gothenburg example, may still end up marginalising environments has a significant role in transforming the environment through various with historic or cultural values. This lack of representation of historic infrastructure projects. environments points to their double marginalisation, i.e., first in the The STA proposes the “fyrfältaren” or four-field model for compensation for Environmental Code, and then in the PBL-enabled Gothenburg City policy. damage to the environment (STA, 2021a: 15). The model considers four possible The compensation provisions in the Environmental Code, Planning and combinations of grouping type of value affected and its location. These are: Building Act, and Gothenburg City’s policy do not come into play in the West • Re-creating the same type of value on-site Link case. • Re-creating the same type of value off-site • Re-creating a different type of value on-site Historic Environment Act • Re-creating a different type of value off-site (STA, 2021a) The four-field model consists of the same four compensation options as the Compensation is absent in the Historic Environment Act or “Kulturmiljölagen” damage mitigation hierarchy. However, unlike in the damage mitigation hierarchy, (1988). The Act governs the protection and conservation of historic environments. the STA (2021a) does not entirely fix a priority order for the four compensation Historic environments, in this context, cover place names, ancient monuments and actions. On one hand, it allows the possibility for a prioritisation, where the remains, listed buildings, and ecclesiastical cultural heritage. prioritisation prescribed is according to the above order from most to least Section 1 of the Historic Environment Act states that damage to the “cultural preferable (STA, 2021a: 15). However, it also provides the option of choosing environment” must be “undviks” (avoided) or “begränsas” (limited). While not measures based on the goals for the area (STA, 2021a: 15). The damage mitigation discussed in terms of the damage mitigation hierarchy, these two actions hierarchy, however, favours the re-creation of the same type of value on-site to all correspond to protection measures of the hierarchy’s lower two steps. the other three options. Accordingly, compensation as understood by the STA is Conceptually speaking, Persson (2014: 14) writes that compensation in relation more flexible than that in the damage mitigation hierarchy. to cultural or archaeological elements can sometimes be considered to take the To use Persson’s (2014: 23) conceptualisation, the STA’s (2021a) approach of form of knowledge creation or dissemination (Ross, 2020). While the Act does not prescribing a priority order reflects a goal-oriented strategy to compensation. mention these actions, as in Chapter 2, Section 13, it does not do so within the This means choices are made based on the case at hand and the goals for the formal nomenclature of compensation (Persson, 2014: 14). Further, whether such specific area. According to Cuperus et al. (1996: 46, in Persson and Hedlund, 2014: actions can be called or counted as compensation is contentious. As some authors 90) the decision on type of value and site should be taken on a case-by-case basis see it, documentation can preserve a small part of the value by preserving the instead of following any blanket prescription of standards. 88 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 5: COMPENSATION IN LAW AND POLICY • 89 The STA (2021a: 17) sees the environment in broad terms, which includes environment (STA, 2019: 8; 10) and to work with even those historic historic environments. Even so, they have an uneasy relationship with dealing with environments not protected by the law (STA, 2019: 11). They acknowledge the historic environment loss through compensation. Unlike for other environments, gaps in knowledge and procedures for historic environment compensation and see when it comes to historic environments, they do propose the priority order for the importance of these being put in place (STA, 2021a: 41-43). using the four-field model (STA, 2021a: 16; 40). The most preferable option is to What emerges from an overall analysis of some of the relevant laws and policy re-create the same value on-site, which expresses the need for the new historic related to compensation in the Swedish context is that compensation, as a response environment value to be as close to the affected site as possible (STA, 2021a: 15- to planning projects, is understood in terms of re-creation or relocation of values 16). This is “rooted in the idea that the intervention [from the planning project] of the affected environments. This can connote the re-creation or relocation of should be as small as possible” (STA, 2021a: 15-16, author’s translation). Despite the environments themselves, depending on the compensation strategy. allowing for re-creation of the same value on-site, they also assert that Compensation is most often considered the last option when it comes to dealing compensating for loss of the values of historic environments is hard when it comes with environmental loss. Further, it is most often directed towards the natural to creating the same value in the spot where the project affects it (STA, 2021a: 12). values of the environments. The only available provisions in law for conservation As for relocation of values, they consider moving remains and buildings to be of historic environments are through their preservation. Where historic detrimental to their contexts even if the appearance and contents are retained environments are discussed, re-creation or relocation of the environments is (STA, 2021a: 12). Compensation by way of replacement of historic environments considered undesirable, and tools to deal with historic environment compensation, too is considered undesirable. So, while they state that “natural environments” whatever that might mean, are lacking. Nevertheless, “strengthening”, as being must be “replaced with equivalent environments” (STA, 2021a: 15), for historic developed by the Swedish Transport Administration, is an emerging alternative. environments, they mention the need for “measures to strengthen” them (STA, 2021a: 15). “Strengthening” is a compensation-adjacent term and concept that runs through the STA’s work. Strengthening can involve “making visible” the historic remains and environments next to their affected locations, making available information, and “re-creating broken connections” to increase legibility of the overall environment, something that infrastructure projects make possible (STA, 2021a: 12). The terminology is not always clear, seeing that elsewhere they also refer to strengthening as a form of compensation for historic environment damage (STA, 2019: 10). Nevertheless, regardless of the terminology, there is a reluctance to endorse re-creation or relocation of damaged historic environments, as with “natural environments”. This attitude echoes the “impossibility” of re-creating historic environments as mentioned in the governmental investigation on compensation in 1997 (Swedish Government, 1997). Overall, the STA does consider historic environments in compensation or strengthening, however, in different terms from environments with natural values and to a lesser degree. They do not endorse re-creation or relocation of environments when it comes to historic environments, but they do seek to work with these environments in ways that go beyond material preservation (STA, 2019; STA, 2021). This is seen in their aims to use, develop, and enhance the historic 88 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 5: COMPENSATION IN LAW AND POLICY • 89 The STA (2021a: 17) sees the environment in broad terms, which includes environment (STA, 2019: 8; 10) and to work with even those historic historic environments. Even so, they have an uneasy relationship with dealing with environments not protected by the law (STA, 2019: 11). They acknowledge the historic environment loss through compensation. Unlike for other environments, gaps in knowledge and procedures for historic environment compensation and see when it comes to historic environments, they do propose the priority order for the importance of these being put in place (STA, 2021a: 41-43). using the four-field model (STA, 2021a: 16; 40). The most preferable option is to What emerges from an overall analysis of some of the relevant laws and policy re-create the same value on-site, which expresses the need for the new historic related to compensation in the Swedish context is that compensation, as a response environment value to be as close to the affected site as possible (STA, 2021a: 15- to planning projects, is understood in terms of re-creation or relocation of values 16). This is “rooted in the idea that the intervention [from the planning project] of the affected environments. This can connote the re-creation or relocation of should be as small as possible” (STA, 2021a: 15-16, author’s translation). Despite the environments themselves, depending on the compensation strategy. allowing for re-creation of the same value on-site, they also assert that Compensation is most often considered the last option when it comes to dealing compensating for loss of the values of historic environments is hard when it comes with environmental loss. Further, it is most often directed towards the natural to creating the same value in the spot where the project affects it (STA, 2021a: 12). values of the environments. The only available provisions in law for conservation As for relocation of values, they consider moving remains and buildings to be of historic environments are through their preservation. Where historic detrimental to their contexts even if the appearance and contents are retained environments are discussed, re-creation or relocation of the environments is (STA, 2021a: 12). Compensation by way of replacement of historic environments considered undesirable, and tools to deal with historic environment compensation, too is considered undesirable. So, while they state that “natural environments” whatever that might mean, are lacking. Nevertheless, “strengthening”, as being must be “replaced with equivalent environments” (STA, 2021a: 15), for historic developed by the Swedish Transport Administration, is an emerging alternative. environments, they mention the need for “measures to strengthen” them (STA, 2021a: 15). “Strengthening” is a compensation-adjacent term and concept that runs through the STA’s work. Strengthening can involve “making visible” the historic remains and environments next to their affected locations, making available information, and “re-creating broken connections” to increase legibility of the overall environment, something that infrastructure projects make possible (STA, 2021a: 12). The terminology is not always clear, seeing that elsewhere they also refer to strengthening as a form of compensation for historic environment damage (STA, 2019: 10). Nevertheless, regardless of the terminology, there is a reluctance to endorse re-creation or relocation of damaged historic environments, as with “natural environments”. This attitude echoes the “impossibility” of re-creating historic environments as mentioned in the governmental investigation on compensation in 1997 (Swedish Government, 1997). Overall, the STA does consider historic environments in compensation or strengthening, however, in different terms from environments with natural values and to a lesser degree. They do not endorse re-creation or relocation of environments when it comes to historic environments, but they do seek to work with these environments in ways that go beyond material preservation (STA, 2019; STA, 2021). This is seen in their aims to use, develop, and enhance the historic Chapter 6: Compensation in theory The legal and policy provisions for compensation for historic environment loss are inadequate, as shown in the previous chapter. In response, scholars push for formulating an understanding of such compensation in planning. This chapter outlines and analyses how some of this research characterises compensation. The chapter relies on the work of Magnus Rönn, Benjamin Grahn Danielson, and Stig Swedberg, who, backed by the National Heritage Board, began investigating historic environment compensation with respect to formal planning in Sweden in 2013. The chapter is divided into three sections. The first section discusses compensation that starts in a matrix of values and site. The second section discusses compensation in planning beyond this matrix. The third section is a brief discussion of compensation as a concept, outside the planning context. Throughout the chapter, the word compensation refers to its characterisation and usage by the various authors, with respect to historic environments. Values and site Compensation in response to planning projects considers the values lost and the affected sites. It can be a suitable way of managing historic environments in moments of change (Rönn et al., 2017) and a tool to “redress insufficiencies” and “to recreate lost heritage values and/or repair damages on listed buildings with architectural qualities” (Rönn and Grahn Danielson, 2020: 7). Grahn Danielson et al. (2013: 6) see compensation as targetting the loss of qualitative aspects of the environment, and valuation, as considering the people in the area. They argue for a more streamlined process of compensation and for it to be incorporated into planning (Grahn Danielson et al., 2013: 12). Grahn Danielson et al. (2013: 6) flesh out the limits of compensation within the Swedish planning framework. They define it as a response to a new project in a historic environment; one that causes loss to the environment and warrants physical measures to counter the loss (Grahn Danielson et al., 2013: 6). Additionally, the compensation measures must be regulated in an agreement and Chapter 6: Compensation in theory The legal and policy provisions for compensation for historic environment loss are inadequate, as shown in the previous chapter. In response, scholars push for formulating an understanding of such compensation in planning. This chapter outlines and analyses how some of this research characterises compensation. The chapter relies on the work of Magnus Rönn, Benjamin Grahn Danielson, and Stig Swedberg, who, backed by the National Heritage Board, began investigating historic environment compensation with respect to formal planning in Sweden in 2013. The chapter is divided into three sections. The first section discusses compensation that starts in a matrix of values and site. The second section discusses compensation in planning beyond this matrix. The third section is a brief discussion of compensation as a concept, outside the planning context. Throughout the chapter, the word compensation refers to its characterisation and usage by the various authors, with respect to historic environments. Values and site Compensation in response to planning projects considers the values lost and the affected sites. It can be a suitable way of managing historic environments in moments of change (Rönn et al., 2017) and a tool to “redress insufficiencies” and “to recreate lost heritage values and/or repair damages on listed buildings with architectural qualities” (Rönn and Grahn Danielson, 2020: 7). Grahn Danielson et al. (2013: 6) see compensation as targetting the loss of qualitative aspects of the environment, and valuation, as considering the people in the area. They argue for a more streamlined process of compensation and for it to be incorporated into planning (Grahn Danielson et al., 2013: 12). Grahn Danielson et al. (2013: 6) flesh out the limits of compensation within the Swedish planning framework. They define it as a response to a new project in a historic environment; one that causes loss to the environment and warrants physical measures to counter the loss (Grahn Danielson et al., 2013: 6). Additionally, the compensation measures must be regulated in an agreement and 92 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 6: COMPENSATION IN THEORY • 93 executed within a specific time (Grahn Danielson et al., 2013: 6). They use this In the top left quadrant, the type of values and their spatiality are connected, while definition to characterise responses in various cases as compensation. in the bottom right, there is no connection between the values lost and where. The The rest of this section is divided into two sub-sections. The first presents the approach in the top left quadrant is closest to damage minimisation – it tries to re- matrix used by the authors to evaluate the type of compensation found. The create the same values on or close to the site of their loss. The approach in the second looks at compensation in Swedish planning through formal detailed plans bottom right quadrant is where both parameters (values and site) are altered. This drawn up by municipalities. position is furthest from the status quo. Matrix of values and site Detailed plans The authors characterise responses in certain cases as compensation based on their Rönn et al. (2017) apply the matrix to various cases of compensation in detailed definition and then go on to analyse its nature. The analytical lens consists of the plans. A detailed plan is a legally binding plan that outlines the development and same four options advanced in the damage mitigation hierarchy (NBHPB, 2018; land use regulations for a specific area within a municipality. It specifies how land Gothenburg City, 2008), and by the STA (2021a). Accordingly, Grahn Danielson and water bodies within that area should be used, and it helps ensure that new et al. (2013: 8) attempt to understand compensation for historic environment loss development projects align with the municipality's overall development goals and as: zoning regulations. • Re-creating the same type of values on-site Compensation in detailed plans, as expressed through the matrix, reveals an • Re-creating the same type of values off-site uneasy relationship of values to the site and to buildings or objects. This is • Re-creating a different type of values on-site discussed here through two cases. In the case of the construction of a new housing • Re-creating a different type of values off-site project in a Folkets Park or public recreation space in Linköping, some of the “On-site” and “off-site” refer to whether the location is within the planning area historic buildings came into focus in the planning process (Rönn et al., 2017: 82- or outside it, and not necessarily to the exact site of loss. 84). The plan involved relocating one of the old buildings to a site within the The four options are arranged in a matrix in no hierarchy of preferences, as detailed plan area and one of them outside it (Rönn, 2014a: 122). The authors seen in Figure 14. They are used as a theoretical tool to make sense of characterise the relocation within the plan area as same-value-on-site type of compensation in the planning processes of various projects (Rönn et al., 2017). compensation, and the relocation outside it, as same-value-off-site type of For the authors, the matrix forms a lens for analysis rather than a roadmap for compensation (Rönn, 2014a: 122-123; Rönn et al., 2017: 83-84). practice. The same-value characterisation of compensation types indicates an equivalence between value and building (Dore, 2022: 107-108). The equivalence expressed by the authors is possibly because the professional valuation used in the analysis of the case emphasised the buildings’ architectural and historical values (Nelson, 2009, in Rönn, 2014a: 113-114). Accordingly, compensation was based on the loss of values as pertaining to the physicality of the buildings themselves. Despite one of the buildings gaining a possible new value through use as a community meeting place for the residents (Rönn, 2014a: 108; 112), the authors do not consider the response as a case of different-value compensation. So, compensation is for lost values that are innate to the building material, and the Figure 14: Matrix of values and site introduction of contemporary values are not viewed as compensatory. Source: Grahn Danielson et al., 2013: 8 92 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 6: COMPENSATION IN THEORY • 93 executed within a specific time (Grahn Danielson et al., 2013: 6). They use this In the top left quadrant, the type of values and their spatiality are connected, while definition to characterise responses in various cases as compensation. in the bottom right, there is no connection between the values lost and where. The The rest of this section is divided into two sub-sections. The first presents the approach in the top left quadrant is closest to damage minimisation – it tries to re- matrix used by the authors to evaluate the type of compensation found. The create the same values on or close to the site of their loss. The approach in the second looks at compensation in Swedish planning through formal detailed plans bottom right quadrant is where both parameters (values and site) are altered. This drawn up by municipalities. position is furthest from the status quo. Matrix of values and site Detailed plans The authors characterise responses in certain cases as compensation based on their Rönn et al. (2017) apply the matrix to various cases of compensation in detailed definition and then go on to analyse its nature. The analytical lens consists of the plans. A detailed plan is a legally binding plan that outlines the development and same four options advanced in the damage mitigation hierarchy (NBHPB, 2018; land use regulations for a specific area within a municipality. It specifies how land Gothenburg City, 2008), and by the STA (2021a). Accordingly, Grahn Danielson and water bodies within that area should be used, and it helps ensure that new et al. (2013: 8) attempt to understand compensation for historic environment loss development projects align with the municipality's overall development goals and as: zoning regulations. • Re-creating the same type of values on-site Compensation in detailed plans, as expressed through the matrix, reveals an • Re-creating the same type of values off-site uneasy relationship of values to the site and to buildings or objects. This is • Re-creating a different type of values on-site discussed here through two cases. In the case of the construction of a new housing • Re-creating a different type of values off-site project in a Folkets Park or public recreation space in Linköping, some of the “On-site” and “off-site” refer to whether the location is within the planning area historic buildings came into focus in the planning process (Rönn et al., 2017: 82- or outside it, and not necessarily to the exact site of loss. 84). The plan involved relocating one of the old buildings to a site within the The four options are arranged in a matrix in no hierarchy of preferences, as detailed plan area and one of them outside it (Rönn, 2014a: 122). The authors seen in Figure 14. They are used as a theoretical tool to make sense of characterise the relocation within the plan area as same-value-on-site type of compensation in the planning processes of various projects (Rönn et al., 2017). compensation, and the relocation outside it, as same-value-off-site type of For the authors, the matrix forms a lens for analysis rather than a roadmap for compensation (Rönn, 2014a: 122-123; Rönn et al., 2017: 83-84). practice. The same-value characterisation of compensation types indicates an equivalence between value and building (Dore, 2022: 107-108). The equivalence expressed by the authors is possibly because the professional valuation used in the analysis of the case emphasised the buildings’ architectural and historical values (Nelson, 2009, in Rönn, 2014a: 113-114). Accordingly, compensation was based on the loss of values as pertaining to the physicality of the buildings themselves. Despite one of the buildings gaining a possible new value through use as a community meeting place for the residents (Rönn, 2014a: 108; 112), the authors do not consider the response as a case of different-value compensation. So, compensation is for lost values that are innate to the building material, and the Figure 14: Matrix of values and site introduction of contemporary values are not viewed as compensatory. Source: Grahn Danielson et al., 2013: 8 94 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 6: COMPENSATION IN THEORY • 95 Further, value is considered to be embedded, not only in the buildings, but also the various compensations in the cases shows that values are highly entangled with in the site of these buildings. The authors indicate an uncertainty as to whether the buildings/objects and sites. The linkages, however, often go uninterrogated. relocation of buildings to a new spot changes their value since they “lose their Further, studying compensation at the level of the detailed plan ends up being original context” (Rönn et al., 2017: 84). While the potentially changed value is not limited in scale and restricted to the values of isolated buildings and areas. spelt out, their uncertainty shows that values are susceptible to change, when the More generally, compensation through information signs and digital tools is objects or buildings to which they are attached, move locations. debated. Ross (2020) sees this as valid compensation and a move away from In another case, a new construction was planned in the place of a historic steam material preservation in the face of inevitable loss. Archaeological documentation ferry terminal in Helsingborg. Compensation was expressed through the relocation as compensation is a means of preserving the knowledge about excavated remains of the historic building by 70m and demolition of later extensions made to it. It when the remains themselves are lost (Ross, 2020). Axelsson (2015: 197) shares was also expressed through the installation of information signs about the historic this view – when loss is unavoidable, creation needs to trump preservation. For building and public space design at both its old and new locations (Rönn, 2014: him, the bottom two quadrants of the matrix, corresponding to different values, 234). Rönn et al. (2017: 88) characterise the compensation as same-value-on-site are more creative and aspirational than the top two that correspond to the same and different-value-on-site. Same-value-on-site compensation is seen in the values (Axelsson, 2015: 197). He sees the move from top to bottom quadrants as relocation of the building and removal of its newer extensions (Rönn, 2014b: 234). a radicalisation of conservation practice, as they conceive of new ways of thinking Different-value-on-site compensation is seen in the installation of information about valuable historic environments (Axelsson, 2015: 197). In practice, however, signs and new public spaces both at the site of damage and at the new site of the there is pushback. The design of new objects with new values (Rönn et al., 2017: terminal (Rönn, 2014b: 234). This understanding of compensation shows that the 86) can be critiqued for being low-effort responses to large planning projects. This old building represented the same value, and new additions such as the signage is the case in the construction of a wind farm close to a historic site from the and public space design represented new values. In this case again, there is an Bronze and Iron Age (Rönn et al., 2017: 85). The site was in the wider planning equivalence between value and object or design, whether same or new. Further, area of the project and expected to suffer noise and visual hindrances from the the move of the building by 70m was not seen as changing its value. Its value project. According to the regional authority, an early proposal for compensation moved with it, as suggested by Rönn (2014b: 234). He explains the re-creation of by way of signage and information about the area was a “cheap solution” to a values of the ferry terminal on the new site, where the value is in “the experience massive negative impact (Rönn et al., 2017: 86). This shows the uneasy application of a historic port environment” (author’s translation). of theory in practice as well the need to interrogate which forms of change from Compensation through the matrix is further mired in the definitions of “on- planning are actually acceptable. site” and “off-site”. The definition of “same-site” compensation as anywhere within the planning area does not do justice to the potential change in values that Beyond the matrix can result from uprooting buildings. This is seen in the move of the steam ferry terminal by 70m – despite being within the official bounds of the detailed plan, Compensation is discussed in planning beyond the matrix of values and site as some professionals see the new location as being “off-site” (Rönn et al., 2017: 88). well. Rönn (2020) expands the ambit of possible compensation measures, while Compensation that is characterised as “on-site” can end up papering over remaining within the detailed planning process. Based on his findings, he relocations, simply because of the delimitations of the official planning area. characterises compensation as a range of actions: historic environment Further, if value can indeed change with change in location, as the authors suggest investigations, plan revisions and historic environment descriptions, design (Rönn et al., 2017), then “site” does not require its own category at all, as it is only interventions, plan regulations, and professional consultation (Rönn, 2020: 135- important in the service of values. 137). Compensation is thus very broad and comprises actions that are not The matrix excludes the metric of building or object, and presumes separability necessarily physical measures related to the buildings or objects of value, and the between values and site. However, an analysis of the way the authors understand sites of loss. For Rönn (2020: 113) compensation “leads to revisions of the detailed 94 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 6: COMPENSATION IN THEORY • 95 Further, value is considered to be embedded, not only in the buildings, but also the various compensations in the cases shows that values are highly entangled with in the site of these buildings. The authors indicate an uncertainty as to whether the buildings/objects and sites. The linkages, however, often go uninterrogated. relocation of buildings to a new spot changes their value since they “lose their Further, studying compensation at the level of the detailed plan ends up being original context” (Rönn et al., 2017: 84). While the potentially changed value is not limited in scale and restricted to the values of isolated buildings and areas. spelt out, their uncertainty shows that values are susceptible to change, when the More generally, compensation through information signs and digital tools is objects or buildings to which they are attached, move locations. debated. Ross (2020) sees this as valid compensation and a move away from In another case, a new construction was planned in the place of a historic steam material preservation in the face of inevitable loss. Archaeological documentation ferry terminal in Helsingborg. Compensation was expressed through the relocation as compensation is a means of preserving the knowledge about excavated remains of the historic building by 70m and demolition of later extensions made to it. It when the remains themselves are lost (Ross, 2020). Axelsson (2015: 197) shares was also expressed through the installation of information signs about the historic this view – when loss is unavoidable, creation needs to trump preservation. For building and public space design at both its old and new locations (Rönn, 2014: him, the bottom two quadrants of the matrix, corresponding to different values, 234). Rönn et al. (2017: 88) characterise the compensation as same-value-on-site are more creative and aspirational than the top two that correspond to the same and different-value-on-site. Same-value-on-site compensation is seen in the values (Axelsson, 2015: 197). He sees the move from top to bottom quadrants as relocation of the building and removal of its newer extensions (Rönn, 2014b: 234). a radicalisation of conservation practice, as they conceive of new ways of thinking Different-value-on-site compensation is seen in the installation of information about valuable historic environments (Axelsson, 2015: 197). In practice, however, signs and new public spaces both at the site of damage and at the new site of the there is pushback. The design of new objects with new values (Rönn et al., 2017: terminal (Rönn, 2014b: 234). This understanding of compensation shows that the 86) can be critiqued for being low-effort responses to large planning projects. This old building represented the same value, and new additions such as the signage is the case in the construction of a wind farm close to a historic site from the and public space design represented new values. In this case again, there is an Bronze and Iron Age (Rönn et al., 2017: 85). The site was in the wider planning equivalence between value and object or design, whether same or new. Further, area of the project and expected to suffer noise and visual hindrances from the the move of the building by 70m was not seen as changing its value. Its value project. According to the regional authority, an early proposal for compensation moved with it, as suggested by Rönn (2014b: 234). He explains the re-creation of by way of signage and information about the area was a “cheap solution” to a values of the ferry terminal on the new site, where the value is in “the experience massive negative impact (Rönn et al., 2017: 86). This shows the uneasy application of a historic port environment” (author’s translation). of theory in practice as well the need to interrogate which forms of change from Compensation through the matrix is further mired in the definitions of “on- planning are actually acceptable. site” and “off-site”. The definition of “same-site” compensation as anywhere within the planning area does not do justice to the potential change in values that Beyond the matrix can result from uprooting buildings. This is seen in the move of the steam ferry terminal by 70m – despite being within the official bounds of the detailed plan, Compensation is discussed in planning beyond the matrix of values and site as some professionals see the new location as being “off-site” (Rönn et al., 2017: 88). well. Rönn (2020) expands the ambit of possible compensation measures, while Compensation that is characterised as “on-site” can end up papering over remaining within the detailed planning process. Based on his findings, he relocations, simply because of the delimitations of the official planning area. characterises compensation as a range of actions: historic environment Further, if value can indeed change with change in location, as the authors suggest investigations, plan revisions and historic environment descriptions, design (Rönn et al., 2017), then “site” does not require its own category at all, as it is only interventions, plan regulations, and professional consultation (Rönn, 2020: 135- important in the service of values. 137). Compensation is thus very broad and comprises actions that are not The matrix excludes the metric of building or object, and presumes separability necessarily physical measures related to the buildings or objects of value, and the between values and site. However, an analysis of the way the authors understand sites of loss. For Rönn (2020: 113) compensation “leads to revisions of the detailed 96 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 6: COMPENSATION IN THEORY • 97 development plan proposals, new plan regulations or changed design of the new new plan, working with materials that convey history, and introducing signage and buildings”. It is triggered by change and trade-offs which happen through new art works (Nilsson, 2022). In his interpretation, even a replica of a historic negotiations between actors in the planning process. building can be compensation (Nilsson, 2020: 212). This type of compensation One example is a new residential area planned in the historic environment of goes beyond individual buildings to the scale of larger urban plans. the island of Styrsö in Gothenburg. This is a designated national interest area with various agricultural and coastal parcels from the Stone Age to contemporary times Beyond planning (Rönn, 2020: 119). Following the plan for the new project, there was a negotiation between the municipality and the County Administrative Board. The latter raised Some authors connect compensation to broader concepts outside physical the need for the new design to be in harmony with the historic environment (Rönn, planning measures. Compensation thinking here derives from various sources. For 2020: 121). According to Rönn (2020: 122-123), compensation played out in the Kouzelis (2022), the open-air archaeological museum can help develop form of historic environment assessments and investigations. These measures compensatory approaches, since it is a source of historical knowledge through pushed the new project to be more sensitive to the historic environment. Further, material record. Compensation can also mine vernacular knowledge for innovative compensation was also seen in specific design requirements for the new project in responses to resource-scarcity (Kouzelis, 2020). For Davies and Standal (2022), terms of materials, colour, balcony design, and related architectural elements. resource management in the context of coastal Norway can be compensation. Similarly, in the case of new housing in a historical park from the 1930s in Bortolotto et al. (2022) consider compensation for loss of intangible elements of Gothenburg, there was back and forth between the municipality and the County, the landscape, triggered by economic development that promotes tourism. resulting in compensation through the architectural design of the new project Compensation in the face of these socio-economic processes can take the form of (Rönn, 2020: 126). Here too, apart from investigation and reports on the historic support for local practices such as farming, improving biodiversity, and more environment, architectural measures included smaller design volumes, suitable (Bortolotto et al., 2022: 169). detailed design for elements like roofs and balconies, and appropriate façade Some work further emphasises social values as being at the centre of treatments and colour selection (Rönn, 2020: 126). compensation. For Kirkegaard (2020), compensation needs to be embedded in the Compensation, as described above, is about enriching the new project with social aspects of historic environments. This involves thinking of historic historic elements and pushing for improvements to its design. It is less engaged in environments beyond their materiality and compensation as a matter of “everyday adding to or bringing out aspects of the historic environment itself. Compensation life” (Kirkegaard, 2020: 71). Compensation can result in an experience or an added is further about making it possible for the new project to proceed. As Rönn (2020: value, such as collective identity (Kirkegaard, 2020: 75). And Davies (2020) too 133) writes, the intent of compensation is to implement the detailed plan. puts the social aspect of compensation at the centre, by looking at community There are other cases where conservation actions and thinking are actively needs and developing local narratives of a place. linked to the concept of compensation or characterised as an exploration of it. The works mentioned in this final section are valid conceptual excursions into These, while few, come from planning in broader terms, i.e., outside detailed compensation thinking, but have not been explored further because they are planning. They are seen in the work of Teräväinen (2020) and Nilsson (2020; removed from planning practice. 2022). Teräväiinen (2020) looks at the Finnish context of compensation in Overall, this chapter shows that historic environment compensation is an planning. In this case, compensation in response to urban development projects evolving concept. It is open to interpretation, and involves characterisation of can be expressed through historically sensitive renovations and adaptive reuse various actions and concepts as compensation. Some of these are heavily focused (Teräväinen, 2020: 157-158; 163-164). Nilsson (2020; 2022) sees compensation on the modalities of certain formal planning processes which can be restrictive. through new design that is responsive to its historic context and conveys the area’s They further borrow compensation tools as available in law and policy, which, at history. Here, new architectural works engage in storytelling and interpretation of times, conflate values and site, and are generally inadequate to fully capture historic history (Nilsson, 2020; 2022). Examples include integrating historic roads in the environment compensation. Characterisations of compensation outside planning 96 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 6: COMPENSATION IN THEORY • 97 development plan proposals, new plan regulations or changed design of the new new plan, working with materials that convey history, and introducing signage and buildings”. It is triggered by change and trade-offs which happen through new art works (Nilsson, 2022). In his interpretation, even a replica of a historic negotiations between actors in the planning process. building can be compensation (Nilsson, 2020: 212). This type of compensation One example is a new residential area planned in the historic environment of goes beyond individual buildings to the scale of larger urban plans. the island of Styrsö in Gothenburg. This is a designated national interest area with various agricultural and coastal parcels from the Stone Age to contemporary times Beyond planning (Rönn, 2020: 119). Following the plan for the new project, there was a negotiation between the municipality and the County Administrative Board. The latter raised Some authors connect compensation to broader concepts outside physical the need for the new design to be in harmony with the historic environment (Rönn, planning measures. Compensation thinking here derives from various sources. For 2020: 121). According to Rönn (2020: 122-123), compensation played out in the Kouzelis (2022), the open-air archaeological museum can help develop form of historic environment assessments and investigations. These measures compensatory approaches, since it is a source of historical knowledge through pushed the new project to be more sensitive to the historic environment. Further, material record. Compensation can also mine vernacular knowledge for innovative compensation was also seen in specific design requirements for the new project in responses to resource-scarcity (Kouzelis, 2020). For Davies and Standal (2022), terms of materials, colour, balcony design, and related architectural elements. resource management in the context of coastal Norway can be compensation. Similarly, in the case of new housing in a historical park from the 1930s in Bortolotto et al. (2022) consider compensation for loss of intangible elements of Gothenburg, there was back and forth between the municipality and the County, the landscape, triggered by economic development that promotes tourism. resulting in compensation through the architectural design of the new project Compensation in the face of these socio-economic processes can take the form of (Rönn, 2020: 126). Here too, apart from investigation and reports on the historic support for local practices such as farming, improving biodiversity, and more environment, architectural measures included smaller design volumes, suitable (Bortolotto et al., 2022: 169). detailed design for elements like roofs and balconies, and appropriate façade Some work further emphasises social values as being at the centre of treatments and colour selection (Rönn, 2020: 126). compensation. For Kirkegaard (2020), compensation needs to be embedded in the Compensation, as described above, is about enriching the new project with social aspects of historic environments. This involves thinking of historic historic elements and pushing for improvements to its design. It is less engaged in environments beyond their materiality and compensation as a matter of “everyday adding to or bringing out aspects of the historic environment itself. Compensation life” (Kirkegaard, 2020: 71). Compensation can result in an experience or an added is further about making it possible for the new project to proceed. As Rönn (2020: value, such as collective identity (Kirkegaard, 2020: 75). And Davies (2020) too 133) writes, the intent of compensation is to implement the detailed plan. puts the social aspect of compensation at the centre, by looking at community There are other cases where conservation actions and thinking are actively needs and developing local narratives of a place. linked to the concept of compensation or characterised as an exploration of it. The works mentioned in this final section are valid conceptual excursions into These, while few, come from planning in broader terms, i.e., outside detailed compensation thinking, but have not been explored further because they are planning. They are seen in the work of Teräväinen (2020) and Nilsson (2020; removed from planning practice. 2022). Teräväiinen (2020) looks at the Finnish context of compensation in Overall, this chapter shows that historic environment compensation is an planning. In this case, compensation in response to urban development projects evolving concept. It is open to interpretation, and involves characterisation of can be expressed through historically sensitive renovations and adaptive reuse various actions and concepts as compensation. Some of these are heavily focused (Teräväinen, 2020: 157-158; 163-164). Nilsson (2020; 2022) sees compensation on the modalities of certain formal planning processes which can be restrictive. through new design that is responsive to its historic context and conveys the area’s They further borrow compensation tools as available in law and policy, which, at history. Here, new architectural works engage in storytelling and interpretation of times, conflate values and site, and are generally inadequate to fully capture historic history (Nilsson, 2020; 2022). Examples include integrating historic roads in the environment compensation. Characterisations of compensation outside planning 98 • FROM GONE TO GAIN are fairly exploratory and conceptual. In summary, compensation in theory is still inchoate. Chapter 7: Responses to historic environment loss As previous chapters show, Swedish law and policy are geared towards compensation for loss of natural values of environments. And theory on compensation for historic environment loss is inadequate. Further, there are few precedents for compensation in practice. Nevertheless, attempts are being made to compensate for historic environment loss. This chapter studies what such compensation can look like by mapping out the range of responses to historic environment loss in the two cases, the West Link and the Mumbai Metro. This helps to understand compensation in relation to other conservation responses. The chapter is divided into six sections. The first section develops a tool for analysing the findings in the two cases. The remaining five sections analyse the responses in each case using the analytical tool developed. Developing an analytical tool for sorting the actions The process of negotiation over the historic environment in the two cases yields various actions. “Actions” are defined as physical measures, whether proposed or underway. They are further grouped together and interpreted as “responses”, or conceptual categories based on their intentions. The development of an analytical tool helps in studying the actions and responses. The tool is arrived at in this section through two sub-sections. The first sub- section analyses the Swedish Transport Administration’s (STA) hierarchy of conservation responses. The second sub-section builds on that to develop an analytical tool suitable for analysing both the cases. Swedish Transport Administration’s hierarchy The Swedish Transport Administration’s (STA) hierarchy of responses is the starting point for analysing the various official responses in the two cases. In increasing order of preference, the hierarchy states: 98 • FROM GONE TO GAIN are fairly exploratory and conceptual. In summary, compensation in theory is still inchoate. Chapter 7: Responses to historic environment loss As previous chapters show, Swedish law and policy are geared towards compensation for loss of natural values of environments. And theory on compensation for historic environment loss is inadequate. Further, there are few precedents for compensation in practice. Nevertheless, attempts are being made to compensate for historic environment loss. This chapter studies what such compensation can look like by mapping out the range of responses to historic environment loss in the two cases, the West Link and the Mumbai Metro. This helps to understand compensation in relation to other conservation responses. The chapter is divided into six sections. The first section develops a tool for analysing the findings in the two cases. The remaining five sections analyse the responses in each case using the analytical tool developed. Developing an analytical tool for sorting the actions The process of negotiation over the historic environment in the two cases yields various actions. “Actions” are defined as physical measures, whether proposed or underway. They are further grouped together and interpreted as “responses”, or conceptual categories based on their intentions. The development of an analytical tool helps in studying the actions and responses. The tool is arrived at in this section through two sub-sections. The first sub- section analyses the Swedish Transport Administration’s (STA) hierarchy of conservation responses. The second sub-section builds on that to develop an analytical tool suitable for analysing both the cases. Swedish Transport Administration’s hierarchy The Swedish Transport Administration’s (STA) hierarchy of responses is the starting point for analysing the various official responses in the two cases. In increasing order of preference, the hierarchy states: 100 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 7: RESPONSES TO HISTORIC ENVIRONMENT LOSS • 101 “1. As far as possible avoid damage and limit encroachment on the existing working with the ancient remains. This involves making them visible or cultural environment incorporating them into the new project in some way. The restore response has 2. Minimise the damage when intrusion cannot be avoided elements of both damage mitigation and historic environment focus, and bridges the two. It focuses on the historic environment in that it involves returning it to 3. Restore areas around the stations and the sections built through open shafts in a way that strengthens the cultural environment its previous state, however, it does not involve changing it or introducing new elements. 4. If possible, make visible, incorporate, or otherwise visualise the relevant ancient remains at the stations, at open shafts or alternative locations Analytical tool 5. Place and design weather-protected stairwells within the station areas so that their designs interact with the cultural environment on site” (STA, 2016: The analytical tool developed here adopts the first three responses in the STA’s 20, author’s translation) hierarchy, i.e., avoid, minimise, and restore. It clubs the fourth and fifth responses into one category and further expands the range of responses by adding two more. The first two responses deal with material preservation (STA, 2016a: 20). The third The development of the responses in the tool is based on interpretation of the response refers to restoring historic environments, including parks and trees to actions and not necessarily on the actors’ claims about them. The six responses are their former conditions to the extent possible (STA, 2016a: 20). The fourth shown in Figure 16. response deals with making the excavated ancient remains visible through actions like exhibitions and information (STA, 2016a: 20). The STA (2016a: 20) mentions a hierarchical order for the first four options, i.e., avoid, minimise, restore, and make visible. It does not provide a description of the fifth response. Figure 16: Analytical tool developed Diagram: Maitri Dore (2023) The first three responses, i.e., avoid, minimise, and restore, are defined based on the STA’s (2016a: 20) definitions. They are equivalent to actions that aim to avoid or minimise physical loss of the historic environment, or physically restore it to its previous condition, respectively. The response of restore covers the restoration of not only historic objects and environments but also of trees and green areas, insofar as they are restored for their historic environment values.3 The fourth and fifth responses in the STA’s hierarchy collectively concern actions that add to, incorporate, or in some way bring the historic environment into focus. They are Figure 15: Pictorial depiction of the STA’s hierarchy therefore clubbed together as one response category, namely compensate-by- Diagram: Maitri Dore (2023) strengthening. The hierarchy, depicted in Figure 15, goes from least to most change-oriented, Compensate-by-strengthening comprises the terms “compensation” and where change connotes physical loss of historic objects or environments. The first “strengthening”, words used in the West Link but without strict definitions. The two responses focus on the material loss itself, which is perceived as negative, i.e., P3 ruling mentions the need for compensation for the impact of the West Link, as damage. The responses are therefore damage mitigating responses. With the 3 Trees are assessed for their natural values as well and there is therefore a different, dedicated fourth response, the focus moves away from historic environment damage to hierarchy of responses for dealing with trees that considered both sets of values (STA, 2015: 9; 2016b: 14). 100 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 7: RESPONSES TO HISTORIC ENVIRONMENT LOSS • 101 “1. As far as possible avoid damage and limit encroachment on the existing working with the ancient remains. This involves making them visible or cultural environment incorporating them into the new project in some way. The restore response has 2. Minimise the damage when intrusion cannot be avoided elements of both damage mitigation and historic environment focus, and bridges the two. It focuses on the historic environment in that it involves returning it to 3. Restore areas around the stations and the sections built through open shafts in a way that strengthens the cultural environment its previous state, however, it does not involve changing it or introducing new elements. 4. If possible, make visible, incorporate, or otherwise visualise the relevant ancient remains at the stations, at open shafts or alternative locations Analytical tool 5. Place and design weather-protected stairwells within the station areas so that their designs interact with the cultural environment on site” (STA, 2016: The analytical tool developed here adopts the first three responses in the STA’s 20, author’s translation) hierarchy, i.e., avoid, minimise, and restore. It clubs the fourth and fifth responses into one category and further expands the range of responses by adding two more. The first two responses deal with material preservation (STA, 2016a: 20). The third The development of the responses in the tool is based on interpretation of the response refers to restoring historic environments, including parks and trees to actions and not necessarily on the actors’ claims about them. The six responses are their former conditions to the extent possible (STA, 2016a: 20). The fourth shown in Figure 16. response deals with making the excavated ancient remains visible through actions like exhibitions and information (STA, 2016a: 20). The STA (2016a: 20) mentions a hierarchical order for the first four options, i.e., avoid, minimise, restore, and make visible. It does not provide a description of the fifth response. Figure 16: Analytical tool developed Diagram: Maitri Dore (2023) The first three responses, i.e., avoid, minimise, and restore, are defined based on the STA’s (2016a: 20) definitions. They are equivalent to actions that aim to avoid or minimise physical loss of the historic environment, or physically restore it to its previous condition, respectively. The response of restore covers the restoration of not only historic objects and environments but also of trees and green areas, insofar as they are restored for their historic environment values.3 The fourth and fifth responses in the STA’s hierarchy collectively concern actions that add to, incorporate, or in some way bring the historic environment into focus. They are Figure 15: Pictorial depiction of the STA’s hierarchy therefore clubbed together as one response category, namely compensate-by- Diagram: Maitri Dore (2023) strengthening. The hierarchy, depicted in Figure 15, goes from least to most change-oriented, Compensate-by-strengthening comprises the terms “compensation” and where change connotes physical loss of historic objects or environments. The first “strengthening”, words used in the West Link but without strict definitions. The two responses focus on the material loss itself, which is perceived as negative, i.e., P3 ruling mentions the need for compensation for the impact of the West Link, as damage. The responses are therefore damage mitigating responses. With the 3 Trees are assessed for their natural values as well and there is therefore a different, dedicated fourth response, the focus moves away from historic environment damage to hierarchy of responses for dealing with trees that considered both sets of values (STA, 2015: 9; 2016b: 14). 102 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 7: RESPONSES TO HISTORIC ENVIRONMENT LOSS • 103 and both P3 and the Implementation Agreement mention strengthening of and/or new functions. The category is therefore placed after compensation-by- historic environment values. Official action plans from both the STA and City strengthening. Museum refer to strengthening without defining it (STA, 2023; City Museum, The analytical tool developed based on the actions in the cases, from least to 2017; City Museum, 2018). The STA (2021a) also mentions strengthening in their most change-oriented looks like this: broader compensation policy. The actors refer to compensation and strengthening • Avoid damage too, but loosely and inconsistently, and interpret their meanings in the context of • Minimise damage their work. The STA prefers to use strengthening (Interviewee 1a, STA, 2020a). • Restore historic environment The City’s historic environment group uses the two terms interchangeably and are • Design-for-visual-context more concerned with the outcomes than the word used (Interviewee 7a, CHEG, • Compensate-by-strengthening 2021). • Compensate-by-creating While there are no clear definitions of compensation and strengthening, the The fourth, fifth, and sixth response categories all cover additive actions, however terms carry an air of additivity or creativity. In the case of compensation, this is these differ in the nature and/or extent of additivity. The analytical tool does not seen in law and policy, and theory, wherein compensation involves the re-creation presuppose or prescribe a hierarchy within the responses. of values. In the case of strengthening, the STA uses the term as part of the gamut The responses collectively cover the entire range of actions that emerge in both of “value-added or creative measures” (STA, 2016a: 24, author’s translation). They the West Link and Mumbai Metro cases. The West Link shows all six responses offer a range of possibilities for what strengthening could be, such as integration on the analytical tool. The analysis in the thesis, however, focuses on the last two, of architectural design/art in the project, exhibitions, signage, and guided tours to i.e., compensate-by-strengthening and compensate-by-creating. The first of these convey the story of the city, incorporation and highlighting of the former is mostly present in the STA’s proposed actions, and the second, in those of the fortifications, creation of new recreational areas, and so on (STA, 2016a: 24-25). City’s historic environment group. In the case of compensate-by-creating, the Borrowing from the spirit of these notions of compensation and strengthening, actions are not all intended as responses to the West Link alone. the response category of compensate-by-strengthening is defined by certain types The Mumbai Metro shows the first four responses, i.e., avoid, minimise, of additive or creative actions at the scale of the excavation sites and/or station restore, and design-for-visual-context, and to a limited extent the fifth, buildings. compensate-by-strengthening. The analysis in the thesis focuses on avoid, The analytical tool is further expanded based on the actions found in the two minimise, and design-for-visual-context. cases that merit new response categories. These are: The analytical tool is the framework for the analysis in the rest of this chapter. • Design-for-visual-context The responses of avoid and minimise are analysed together under avoid-and- • Compensate-by-creating minimise since they both have the same aim, i.e., damage mitigation. The cases are Design-for-visual-context covers the introduction of new built structures that are analysed individually in each sub-section. The last section, compensate-by- primarily focused on the aesthetics of the surrounding historic environment. The creating, only deals with the West Link, as this response is absent in the Mumbai new designs are aimed at visually blending into the surroundings or being Metro. inconspicuous, so that the historic environment can take centre-stage. Since this response involves respecting the status quo and is more about visual than physical integration, it is placed between the responses of restore and compensate-by- strengthening. Compensate-by-creating covers additive actions at the urban scale and the creation of new urban spaces. This response is larger in scale and scope than compensate- by-strengthening. It involves wider geographical areas, more permanent actions, 102 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 7: RESPONSES TO HISTORIC ENVIRONMENT LOSS • 103 and both P3 and the Implementation Agreement mention strengthening of and/or new functions. The category is therefore placed after compensation-by- historic environment values. Official action plans from both the STA and City strengthening. Museum refer to strengthening without defining it (STA, 2023; City Museum, The analytical tool developed based on the actions in the cases, from least to 2017; City Museum, 2018). The STA (2021a) also mentions strengthening in their most change-oriented looks like this: broader compensation policy. The actors refer to compensation and strengthening • Avoid damage too, but loosely and inconsistently, and interpret their meanings in the context of • Minimise damage their work. The STA prefers to use strengthening (Interviewee 1a, STA, 2020a). • Restore historic environment The City’s historic environment group uses the two terms interchangeably and are • Design-for-visual-context more concerned with the outcomes than the word used (Interviewee 7a, CHEG, • Compensate-by-strengthening 2021). • Compensate-by-creating While there are no clear definitions of compensation and strengthening, the The fourth, fifth, and sixth response categories all cover additive actions, however terms carry an air of additivity or creativity. In the case of compensation, this is these differ in the nature and/or extent of additivity. The analytical tool does not seen in law and policy, and theory, wherein compensation involves the re-creation presuppose or prescribe a hierarchy within the responses. of values. In the case of strengthening, the STA uses the term as part of the gamut The responses collectively cover the entire range of actions that emerge in both of “value-added or creative measures” (STA, 2016a: 24, author’s translation). They the West Link and Mumbai Metro cases. The West Link shows all six responses offer a range of possibilities for what strengthening could be, such as integration on the analytical tool. The analysis in the thesis, however, focuses on the last two, of architectural design/art in the project, exhibitions, signage, and guided tours to i.e., compensate-by-strengthening and compensate-by-creating. The first of these convey the story of the city, incorporation and highlighting of the former is mostly present in the STA’s proposed actions, and the second, in those of the fortifications, creation of new recreational areas, and so on (STA, 2016a: 24-25). City’s historic environment group. In the case of compensate-by-creating, the Borrowing from the spirit of these notions of compensation and strengthening, actions are not all intended as responses to the West Link alone. the response category of compensate-by-strengthening is defined by certain types The Mumbai Metro shows the first four responses, i.e., avoid, minimise, of additive or creative actions at the scale of the excavation sites and/or station restore, and design-for-visual-context, and to a limited extent the fifth, buildings. compensate-by-strengthening. The analysis in the thesis focuses on avoid, The analytical tool is further expanded based on the actions found in the two minimise, and design-for-visual-context. cases that merit new response categories. These are: The analytical tool is the framework for the analysis in the rest of this chapter. • Design-for-visual-context The responses of avoid and minimise are analysed together under avoid-and- • Compensate-by-creating minimise since they both have the same aim, i.e., damage mitigation. The cases are Design-for-visual-context covers the introduction of new built structures that are analysed individually in each sub-section. The last section, compensate-by- primarily focused on the aesthetics of the surrounding historic environment. The creating, only deals with the West Link, as this response is absent in the Mumbai new designs are aimed at visually blending into the surroundings or being Metro. inconspicuous, so that the historic environment can take centre-stage. Since this response involves respecting the status quo and is more about visual than physical integration, it is placed between the responses of restore and compensate-by- strengthening. Compensate-by-creating covers additive actions at the urban scale and the creation of new urban spaces. This response is larger in scale and scope than compensate- by-strengthening. It involves wider geographical areas, more permanent actions, 104 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 7: RESPONSES TO HISTORIC ENVIRONMENT LOSS • 105 Avoid and minimise seepage damaging wooden piles and rust beds; and compaction of different historic environment layers due to heavy traffic (2016b: 14). Although avoiding damage is preferable to minimising it, the reverse was selected in the area around the Skansen Lejonet tower. As Interviewee 1a (STA, 2020a) states, they could have designed the track to be above ground and at a 50m distance from the tower, in effect, avoiding damage to it. The track is now, however underground, and close to the tower, which means it burrows through Figure 17: Avoid-and-minimise response ancient remains. This choice causes more physical loss to the historic environment. Diagram: Maitri Dore (2023) However, as Interviewee 1a (STA, 2020a) explains, it enables the area around the West Link tower to be developed as a public space rather than be reduced to a wedge between railway lines and highways. In the early stages of the project, the STA deployed the avoid-and-minimise response in the realignment of the track. The West Link had originally been Mumbai Metro planned to run closer to the Göta River, outside the northern boundary of the former fortifications, potentially posing greater risk to the underground remains The avoid-and-minimise response is seen in actions proposed and taken by the (STA, 2012). In 2006, following a request from the National Heritage Board, the Metro Rail Company, as well as those that emerge through negotiation with the STA explored three alternatives, and decided in 2007 that the current one was Heritage Committee. most suitable (STA, 2016a: 9). For the City’s historic environment group, the The Metro Rail Company discusses avoiding historic environments in terms of selected option was the second least preferred of the three options prepared by the alignment of the track. They state that the alignment was selected “to minimise the STA in the 2006 investigation (Interviewee 7a, CHEG, 2021; Interviewee 8a, the land disturbance to avoid archaeological sites”, among others, and that CHEG, 2021). “cultural heritage” is “[a]voided by adjustment of alignment” (Maple and MMRCL, The realignment of the track is also at times spoken of as compensation 2020: 401). They further mention that the presence of “heritage buildings” was (Interviewee 1a, STA, 2020a), even though it came before the STA’s legal mandate one reason why the underground alignment was the “only viable option” (Rites to compensate. Regardless of the terminology, according to the STA, moving it in and MMRCL, 2011: 4-76). the plan was an action to minimise damage to the historic environment Avoiding damage is also briefly discussed with respect to the construction of a (Interviewee 2a, STA, 2020), and where they do cause damage to it, they manage minor depot on the Mahalaxmi Racecourse. The racecourse is a 225-acre swathe to keep it to the minimum (Interviewee 2a, STA, 2020). Other actions also fall of land (Piramal Mahalaxmi, 2023), less than a kilometre from the metro tunnel within the category of minimising damage. These include replacing the parallel (Rites and MMRCL, 2011: 7-15). The Metro Rail Company considered it as an tunnel on the southern riverbank with rescue shafts so as to affect the fortification option for the depot construction however dismissed it, because the “heritage” remains as little as possible, and designing the Central and Haga Stations, the status of the grandstand would require “additional clearances” (Rites and MMRCL, Kvarnberg shaft, and temporary areas so as to cause least possible intrusion to the 2011: 7-15; Maple and MMRCL, 2020: 79). The “heritage” status would also pose ancient remains (STA, 2023: 5). issues for constructing the depot and related built elements overground (Rites and The STA also seeks to avoid and minimise damage through their action MMRCL, 2011: 7-15). Eventually, they deemed the plot unsuitable and selected an programme which assesses the sensitivity and impact of the project on the historic alternative for both the main and minor depots (Rites and MMRCL, 2011: 7-20). environment; and the control programme that proposes actions to deal with the To minimise damage, the Metro Rail Company prepared various surveys, impacts (STA, 2016a: 14; 23-24). These actions include dealing with settlement of assessments, and plans. The condition survey of buildings (“heritage” or soil and vibrations resulting from blasting, piling, and excavation; groundwater otherwise) in the vicinity assessed the physical condition of each building by visual 104 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 7: RESPONSES TO HISTORIC ENVIRONMENT LOSS • 105 Avoid and minimise seepage damaging wooden piles and rust beds; and compaction of different historic environment layers due to heavy traffic (2016b: 14). Although avoiding damage is preferable to minimising it, the reverse was selected in the area around the Skansen Lejonet tower. As Interviewee 1a (STA, 2020a) states, they could have designed the track to be above ground and at a 50m distance from the tower, in effect, avoiding damage to it. The track is now, however underground, and close to the tower, which means it burrows through Figure 17: Avoid-and-minimise response ancient remains. This choice causes more physical loss to the historic environment. Diagram: Maitri Dore (2023) However, as Interviewee 1a (STA, 2020a) explains, it enables the area around the West Link tower to be developed as a public space rather than be reduced to a wedge between railway lines and highways. In the early stages of the project, the STA deployed the avoid-and-minimise response in the realignment of the track. The West Link had originally been Mumbai Metro planned to run closer to the Göta River, outside the northern boundary of the former fortifications, potentially posing greater risk to the underground remains The avoid-and-minimise response is seen in actions proposed and taken by the (STA, 2012). In 2006, following a request from the National Heritage Board, the Metro Rail Company, as well as those that emerge through negotiation with the STA explored three alternatives, and decided in 2007 that the current one was Heritage Committee. most suitable (STA, 2016a: 9). For the City’s historic environment group, the The Metro Rail Company discusses avoiding historic environments in terms of selected option was the second least preferred of the three options prepared by the alignment of the track. They state that the alignment was selected “to minimise the STA in the 2006 investigation (Interviewee 7a, CHEG, 2021; Interviewee 8a, the land disturbance to avoid archaeological sites”, among others, and that CHEG, 2021). “cultural heritage” is “[a]voided by adjustment of alignment” (Maple and MMRCL, The realignment of the track is also at times spoken of as compensation 2020: 401). They further mention that the presence of “heritage buildings” was (Interviewee 1a, STA, 2020a), even though it came before the STA’s legal mandate one reason why the underground alignment was the “only viable option” (Rites to compensate. Regardless of the terminology, according to the STA, moving it in and MMRCL, 2011: 4-76). the plan was an action to minimise damage to the historic environment Avoiding damage is also briefly discussed with respect to the construction of a (Interviewee 2a, STA, 2020), and where they do cause damage to it, they manage minor depot on the Mahalaxmi Racecourse. The racecourse is a 225-acre swathe to keep it to the minimum (Interviewee 2a, STA, 2020). Other actions also fall of land (Piramal Mahalaxmi, 2023), less than a kilometre from the metro tunnel within the category of minimising damage. These include replacing the parallel (Rites and MMRCL, 2011: 7-15). The Metro Rail Company considered it as an tunnel on the southern riverbank with rescue shafts so as to affect the fortification option for the depot construction however dismissed it, because the “heritage” remains as little as possible, and designing the Central and Haga Stations, the status of the grandstand would require “additional clearances” (Rites and MMRCL, Kvarnberg shaft, and temporary areas so as to cause least possible intrusion to the 2011: 7-15; Maple and MMRCL, 2020: 79). The “heritage” status would also pose ancient remains (STA, 2023: 5). issues for constructing the depot and related built elements overground (Rites and The STA also seeks to avoid and minimise damage through their action MMRCL, 2011: 7-15). Eventually, they deemed the plot unsuitable and selected an programme which assesses the sensitivity and impact of the project on the historic alternative for both the main and minor depots (Rites and MMRCL, 2011: 7-20). environment; and the control programme that proposes actions to deal with the To minimise damage, the Metro Rail Company prepared various surveys, impacts (STA, 2016a: 14; 23-24). These actions include dealing with settlement of assessments, and plans. The condition survey of buildings (“heritage” or soil and vibrations resulting from blasting, piling, and excavation; groundwater otherwise) in the vicinity assessed the physical condition of each building by visual 106 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 7: RESPONSES TO HISTORIC ENVIRONMENT LOSS • 107 inspection and “existing signs of distress such as cracks, spalling, wall bulging, intervention in the heritage buildings/precincts” (MHCC meeting minutes, 8 missing bricks, exposed rebars, deteriorating timber elements” (Rites and November 2013). They also asked for the Hutatma Chowk Station to be scrapped MMRCL, 2011: 4-77). It identified the potential impact on buildings during (Interviewee 17b, Heritage Committee, 2023). construction and operation of the metro (Maple and MMRCL, 2020: 15-16). The One of the issues raised with the alignment under DN Road was the cut-and- management plan would deal with the identified impacts by way of “preserv[ing] cover construction technique. According to the Heritage Committee, the the structures” (Maple and MMRCL, 2020: 16; 321). The Metro Rail Company technique would damage the building structures above since the buildings are very mentions that they would also monitor structural vibrations during construction close to the road (MHCC meeting minutes, 8 November 2013). Additionally, this and operation of the metro (Maple and MMRCL, 2020: 16; 321). technique would pose a problem to the buildings’ shallow foundations getting The Metro Rail Company lays great emphasis on avoiding and managing unsettled during construction (MHCC meeting minutes 8 November 2013). In vibrations of historic buildings, before, during and after construction (Maple and demands aimed at damage minimisation, the committee asked the Regional MMRCL, 2020: 324; 60; Maple and MMRCL, 2020: 16). They acknowledge that Development Authority for information on the foundations “so that necessary historic buildings are additionally susceptible to the impacts of vibrations, and that precautionary measure[s] [could] be taken” (MHCC meeting minutes, 8 November studying these impacts is important (Maple and MMRCL, 2020: 359; 242). They 2013). They further demanded a “conservation strategy for preventive measures use the Tunnel Boring Machine to avoid and minimise impacts from vibration, of the existing heritage structures” and a “proper strutting / propping plan to referring to it as a “state of the art technology”, that “gives negligible vibration and ensure safety around the area […] after studying each and every building on D.N. does not affect the surrounding structure” (Maples and MMRCL, 2020: 321). They Road” (MHCC meeting minutes, 8 November 2013). studied six “most sensitive” spots on the line for vibration impact, including the The discussion around the realignment under DN Road was a running theme 125-year-old CST railway terminus (Maple and MMRCL, 2020: 179-90). As a in the Heritage Committee meetings. The Heritage Committee’s demands calling Metro Rail Company representative, asserts, the construction technology is for avoiding damage, by way of realignment of the track, were countered by the responsive to the structural safety of “heritage buildings” and their decorative metro developers’ assurances of minimising it. The Regional Development elements: Authority stated that they would maintain a 4m distance from the building front facades as a safety buffer (MHCC meeting minutes, 8 November 2013) and also “[T]hey need to be kept safe during construction. So, our construction methodology was defined by that. In heritage area, we couldn't do complete asserted that the alignment was “almost frozen” (MHCC meeting minutes, 26 cut-and-cover, we had to do [New Austrian Tunneling Method] plus cut-and- November 2013). The Heritage Committee, however, strongly objected to this and cover. Then we had certain restrictions on how much vibrations are allowed, were “of the opinion that an open minded approach would serve better in the how much is the speed of the [Tunnel Boring Machine] […] allowed. Because […] it should not affect the health of the building or it should not impact it interest of the consideration of the proposal from heritage conservation point of negatively. So, all those restrictions were put and they were obviously adhered view” (MHCC meeting minutes, 26 November 2013). In the following meeting to and this is how the heritage issues were tackled in [the Mumbai Metro] the Regional Development Authority presented two alternative options for the project.” (Interviewee 9b, Metro Rail Company, 2022) alignment, both avoiding going under DN Road, while also stating that the third The quote makes clear the project’s emphasis on the preservation of buildings and option – under DN Road – was their most preferred (MHCC meeting minutes 8 their architectural elements. January 2014). The committee stood their ground and raised the demand for The avoid-and-minimise response shines through most visibly in the realignment again stating that this was “imperative from heritage point of view” negotiations between the Metro Rail Company/Regional Development Authority (MHCC meeting minutes, 8 January 2014). Demands geared towards damage and the Heritage Committee. The committee’s foremost demand was that the avoidance and minimisation, either directly or indirectly, are seen in four of the metro track be realigned so as not to pass under DN Road, which is the stretch five recommendations listed in the minutes of a following meeting (MHCC between the upcoming Hutatma Chowk and CST metro stations, to ensure “least meeting minutes, 15 February 2014). These four are: • Realignment of the track from under DN Road 106 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 7: RESPONSES TO HISTORIC ENVIRONMENT LOSS • 107 inspection and “existing signs of distress such as cracks, spalling, wall bulging, intervention in the heritage buildings/precincts” (MHCC meeting minutes, 8 missing bricks, exposed rebars, deteriorating timber elements” (Rites and November 2013). They also asked for the Hutatma Chowk Station to be scrapped MMRCL, 2011: 4-77). It identified the potential impact on buildings during (Interviewee 17b, Heritage Committee, 2023). construction and operation of the metro (Maple and MMRCL, 2020: 15-16). The One of the issues raised with the alignment under DN Road was the cut-and- management plan would deal with the identified impacts by way of “preserv[ing] cover construction technique. According to the Heritage Committee, the the structures” (Maple and MMRCL, 2020: 16; 321). The Metro Rail Company technique would damage the building structures above since the buildings are very mentions that they would also monitor structural vibrations during construction close to the road (MHCC meeting minutes, 8 November 2013). Additionally, this and operation of the metro (Maple and MMRCL, 2020: 16; 321). technique would pose a problem to the buildings’ shallow foundations getting The Metro Rail Company lays great emphasis on avoiding and managing unsettled during construction (MHCC meeting minutes 8 November 2013). In vibrations of historic buildings, before, during and after construction (Maple and demands aimed at damage minimisation, the committee asked the Regional MMRCL, 2020: 324; 60; Maple and MMRCL, 2020: 16). They acknowledge that Development Authority for information on the foundations “so that necessary historic buildings are additionally susceptible to the impacts of vibrations, and that precautionary measure[s] [could] be taken” (MHCC meeting minutes, 8 November studying these impacts is important (Maple and MMRCL, 2020: 359; 242). They 2013). They further demanded a “conservation strategy for preventive measures use the Tunnel Boring Machine to avoid and minimise impacts from vibration, of the existing heritage structures” and a “proper strutting / propping plan to referring to it as a “state of the art technology”, that “gives negligible vibration and ensure safety around the area […] after studying each and every building on D.N. does not affect the surrounding structure” (Maples and MMRCL, 2020: 321). They Road” (MHCC meeting minutes, 8 November 2013). studied six “most sensitive” spots on the line for vibration impact, including the The discussion around the realignment under DN Road was a running theme 125-year-old CST railway terminus (Maple and MMRCL, 2020: 179-90). As a in the Heritage Committee meetings. The Heritage Committee’s demands calling Metro Rail Company representative, asserts, the construction technology is for avoiding damage, by way of realignment of the track, were countered by the responsive to the structural safety of “heritage buildings” and their decorative metro developers’ assurances of minimising it. The Regional Development elements: Authority stated that they would maintain a 4m distance from the building front facades as a safety buffer (MHCC meeting minutes, 8 November 2013) and also “[T]hey need to be kept safe during construction. So, our construction methodology was defined by that. In heritage area, we couldn't do complete asserted that the alignment was “almost frozen” (MHCC meeting minutes, 26 cut-and-cover, we had to do [New Austrian Tunneling Method] plus cut-and- November 2013). The Heritage Committee, however, strongly objected to this and cover. Then we had certain restrictions on how much vibrations are allowed, were “of the opinion that an open minded approach would serve better in the how much is the speed of the [Tunnel Boring Machine] […] allowed. Because […] it should not affect the health of the building or it should not impact it interest of the consideration of the proposal from heritage conservation point of negatively. So, all those restrictions were put and they were obviously adhered view” (MHCC meeting minutes, 26 November 2013). In the following meeting to and this is how the heritage issues were tackled in [the Mumbai Metro] the Regional Development Authority presented two alternative options for the project.” (Interviewee 9b, Metro Rail Company, 2022) alignment, both avoiding going under DN Road, while also stating that the third The quote makes clear the project’s emphasis on the preservation of buildings and option – under DN Road – was their most preferred (MHCC meeting minutes 8 their architectural elements. January 2014). The committee stood their ground and raised the demand for The avoid-and-minimise response shines through most visibly in the realignment again stating that this was “imperative from heritage point of view” negotiations between the Metro Rail Company/Regional Development Authority (MHCC meeting minutes, 8 January 2014). Demands geared towards damage and the Heritage Committee. The committee’s foremost demand was that the avoidance and minimisation, either directly or indirectly, are seen in four of the metro track be realigned so as not to pass under DN Road, which is the stretch five recommendations listed in the minutes of a following meeting (MHCC between the upcoming Hutatma Chowk and CST metro stations, to ensure “least meeting minutes, 15 February 2014). These four are: • Realignment of the track from under DN Road 108 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 7: RESPONSES TO HISTORIC ENVIRONMENT LOSS • 109 • No provision of additional Floor Space Index (FSI) in “heritage” areas Municipality overruled the recommendations on realignment, as recorded in a later because that would be “a motivation for heritage structures to be run down meeting (MHCC meeting minutes, 7 April 2015). and be irrevocably damaged” Apart from the discussion on realignment, the avoid-and-minimise response is • Accurate drawings showing locations of metro facilities in relation to reflected in the production or demands for various plans and assessments of “heritage buildings” “heritage buildings” more generally. The Heritage Committee demanded a • Setting up of a monitoring mechanism within the Regional Development building condition survey, fabric status, and conservation strategy for the Authority that would work with “heritage” issues and periodically individual “heritage buildings” that they deemed affected by the metro line, and communicate with the Heritage Committee, including appointment of an also a “preservation/restoration strategy” from the Regional Development independent structural consultant Authority (MHCC meeting minutes, 8 November 2013). They also demanded that Of the demands, the metro developers, as represented by the Regional the Regional Development Authority submit a map of “heritage buildings”, Development Authority commissioner, accepted all but the realignment option “heritage precincts”, and Grade I buildings/sites with their 100m radii (MHCC (MHCC meeting minutes, 15 February 2014). meeting minutes, 8 November 2013). This demand was likely to confirm where They stated their intention to reexamine the proposal (MHCC meeting the metro physically intersected with these historic environments. There was also minutes, 15 February 2014), but in a following meeting, reported that the the production of structural vulnerability and heritage vulnerability assessments commissioner did not find the proposal feasible (MHCC meeting minutes, 26 for “heritage buildings” in the vicinity of the project, as confirmed by Interviewee August 2014). The Metro Rail Company reasoned that realignment of the track 26b (architect, 2023). The heritage vulnerability assessment inventoried the would exclude “several important catchment areas” and hamper “smooth architectural elements of “heritage buildings”, such as the stained glass, furniture, intermodal connectivity” (MHCC meeting minutes, 26 August 2014). They further and finials and assesses the impact of the metro on them (Interviewee 26b, stated that shifting the tunnel to the parallel road was impossible due to the architect, 2023). The outcomes of the assessments informed the corresponding “narrow road widths and the infringement of the heritage building foundations” action in the form of a conservation plan, which detailed out how to protect the of that road (MHCC meeting minutes, 26 August 2014). The Metro Rail Company “heritage buildings” from damage, through actions such as scaffolding, support, further listed proposed actions to directly or indirectly minimise damage: and protection plans (Interviewee 26b, architect, 2023). “i) [The Metro Rail Company] will take all measures to ensure that the heritage buildings are not affected in any manner. Restore ii) Special provisions for continuous monitoring of the Heritage Structures are already included in the tender documents for contractors. iii) [The Metro Rail Company] will set up a mechanism to keep the [Heritage Committee] abreast with all activities surrounding heritage structures” (MHCC meeting minutes, 26 August 2014) Figure 18: Restore response Nevertheless, the Heritage Committee persisted in their demands for damage Diagram: Maitri Dore (2023) avoidance through realignment, whilst also proposing further damage minimisation actions. They said that if the Metro Rail Company insisted on the West Link same alignment, it would need to be without the open cutting construction method The STA will restore the areas under construction to their previous functional along the DN Road stretch (MHCC meeting minutes, 26 August 2014). This conditions in consultation with the City of Gothenburg (Interviewee 1a, STA, demand did not come to pass. Eventually the Municipal Commissioner of the 2023b). For the green areas in general, the STA draws up restorations plans for 108 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 7: RESPONSES TO HISTORIC ENVIRONMENT LOSS • 109 • No provision of additional Floor Space Index (FSI) in “heritage” areas Municipality overruled the recommendations on realignment, as recorded in a later because that would be “a motivation for heritage structures to be run down meeting (MHCC meeting minutes, 7 April 2015). and be irrevocably damaged” Apart from the discussion on realignment, the avoid-and-minimise response is • Accurate drawings showing locations of metro facilities in relation to reflected in the production or demands for various plans and assessments of “heritage buildings” “heritage buildings” more generally. The Heritage Committee demanded a • Setting up of a monitoring mechanism within the Regional Development building condition survey, fabric status, and conservation strategy for the Authority that would work with “heritage” issues and periodically individual “heritage buildings” that they deemed affected by the metro line, and communicate with the Heritage Committee, including appointment of an also a “preservation/restoration strategy” from the Regional Development independent structural consultant Authority (MHCC meeting minutes, 8 November 2013). They also demanded that Of the demands, the metro developers, as represented by the Regional the Regional Development Authority submit a map of “heritage buildings”, Development Authority commissioner, accepted all but the realignment option “heritage precincts”, and Grade I buildings/sites with their 100m radii (MHCC (MHCC meeting minutes, 15 February 2014). meeting minutes, 8 November 2013). This demand was likely to confirm where They stated their intention to reexamine the proposal (MHCC meeting the metro physically intersected with these historic environments. There was also minutes, 15 February 2014), but in a following meeting, reported that the the production of structural vulnerability and heritage vulnerability assessments commissioner did not find the proposal feasible (MHCC meeting minutes, 26 for “heritage buildings” in the vicinity of the project, as confirmed by Interviewee August 2014). The Metro Rail Company reasoned that realignment of the track 26b (architect, 2023). The heritage vulnerability assessment inventoried the would exclude “several important catchment areas” and hamper “smooth architectural elements of “heritage buildings”, such as the stained glass, furniture, intermodal connectivity” (MHCC meeting minutes, 26 August 2014). They further and finials and assesses the impact of the metro on them (Interviewee 26b, stated that shifting the tunnel to the parallel road was impossible due to the architect, 2023). The outcomes of the assessments informed the corresponding “narrow road widths and the infringement of the heritage building foundations” action in the form of a conservation plan, which detailed out how to protect the of that road (MHCC meeting minutes, 26 August 2014). The Metro Rail Company “heritage buildings” from damage, through actions such as scaffolding, support, further listed proposed actions to directly or indirectly minimise damage: and protection plans (Interviewee 26b, architect, 2023). “i) [The Metro Rail Company] will take all measures to ensure that the heritage buildings are not affected in any manner. Restore ii) Special provisions for continuous monitoring of the Heritage Structures are already included in the tender documents for contractors. iii) [The Metro Rail Company] will set up a mechanism to keep the [Heritage Committee] abreast with all activities surrounding heritage structures” (MHCC meeting minutes, 26 August 2014) Figure 18: Restore response Nevertheless, the Heritage Committee persisted in their demands for damage Diagram: Maitri Dore (2023) avoidance through realignment, whilst also proposing further damage minimisation actions. They said that if the Metro Rail Company insisted on the West Link same alignment, it would need to be without the open cutting construction method The STA will restore the areas under construction to their previous functional along the DN Road stretch (MHCC meeting minutes, 26 August 2014). This conditions in consultation with the City of Gothenburg (Interviewee 1a, STA, demand did not come to pass. Eventually the Municipal Commissioner of the 2023b). For the green areas in general, the STA draws up restorations plans for 110 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 7: RESPONSES TO HISTORIC ENVIRONMENT LOSS • 111 each in collaboration with the City of Gothenburg (STA, 2015: 9; STA, 2016c: 4). damage to heritage buildings/heritage precincts” (MHCC meeting minutes, 8 These restoration plans have their starting points in the detailed plans that the City November 2013). At a larger scale, the Metro Rail Company will restore the land develops (STA, 2016c: 16). The restoration of land in this section is discussed in back in its areas of working and is also collaborating with other authorities to relation to actions around the Skansen Lejonet tower, and of trees, in the introduce other transport facilities around the metro stations (Interviewee 10b, Kungsparken green area. Metro Rail Company, 2023). At Skansen Lejonet, one of the actions is to restore the land to its former state The Metro Rail Company also plans to restore some of the green areas, as in even though excavations have led to the discovery of finds. On the eastern side, the Colaba Woods garden (MHCC meeting minutes, 8 November 2013) as well as the excavations have revealed a 16th century tower containing items like a sundial replant trees and plant new individual ones (Interviewee 18b, Tree Authority, and beer kegs (STA, 2023: 11). On the western side, the findings include the 2022). In the case of trees however, actions are targeted at restoring natural values foundations of what is presumed to be a 19th century artillery house, an entrance rather than cultural ones, however the latter are understood. Interviewee 18b (Tree to the old fortifications (STA, 2023: 11), and the remains of a small 17th century Authority, 2023) refers to the approach of another member of the Garden house (STA, 2023: 12). In an earlier proposed action, the STA had planned to Department of the Municipality in favourable terms: construct a new walkway on the west that would enable access to the house “[The member of the Garden Department] doesn’t want to see […] yellow remains and the entrance (STA, 2022: 13; STA, 2023: 12). The proposal for the flowers, or the pink colour flowers, or the blue colour flowers of the fikus. walkway and highlighting the house remains have now been scrapped (STA, 2023: [They are] interested to have a lot of oxygen, a tree which will give a lot of 13). This is in the interest of “re-creating a slope and minimising the visual oxygen in the air, and which will improve our ecology, and […] the impression of the cut” (STA, 2013: 13, author’s translation). The found remains percentage of ecology where it has been lost, we are losing it because of developmental projects, that could be compensated as early as possible, so of built structures on both eastern and western sides will be covered up again that the temperature will remain cool all the time.” (Interviewee 18b, Tree (Interviewee 1a, STA, 2023b) and the STA (2023: 14) is working on designing the Authority, 2022) tunnel so that the hill and tower are not visually affected. At the Kungsparken green area in Haga, the STA is working with restoration The interviewee refers to the focus on colours as “beautification” and of trees as one of its actions. This area is also an officially designated historic compensation in terms of countering “ecological loss” (Interviewee 18b, Tree environment. Its trees have not only biological but also cultural or historical values. Authority, 2022). Trees are thus seen to be important for their natural, rather than Interviewee 12a (CHEG, 2022) emphasises these values when they refer to cultural values. encroaching on as little of the park as possible, reducing the intrusion of the project, and placing new buildings in a way that avoids interfering with views and Design for visual context sightlines, so as to preserve the historical layout of the park. The STA has temporarily moved 52 linden trees to make way for construction of the West Link and will move them back after construction (STA, 2023: 43). The STA does not, however, expand on trees and their restoration in their action plan because this work is part of another process for fulfilling a different legal mandate (STA, 2023: 5). Figure 19: Design-for-visual-context response Diagram: Maitri Dore (2023) Mumbai Metro Restoration is mentioned in the context of “heritage buildings”, in the Heritage Committee’s demand for a “Preservation/Restoration strategy for all perceived 110 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 7: RESPONSES TO HISTORIC ENVIRONMENT LOSS • 111 each in collaboration with the City of Gothenburg (STA, 2015: 9; STA, 2016c: 4). damage to heritage buildings/heritage precincts” (MHCC meeting minutes, 8 These restoration plans have their starting points in the detailed plans that the City November 2013). At a larger scale, the Metro Rail Company will restore the land develops (STA, 2016c: 16). The restoration of land in this section is discussed in back in its areas of working and is also collaborating with other authorities to relation to actions around the Skansen Lejonet tower, and of trees, in the introduce other transport facilities around the metro stations (Interviewee 10b, Kungsparken green area. Metro Rail Company, 2023). At Skansen Lejonet, one of the actions is to restore the land to its former state The Metro Rail Company also plans to restore some of the green areas, as in even though excavations have led to the discovery of finds. On the eastern side, the Colaba Woods garden (MHCC meeting minutes, 8 November 2013) as well as the excavations have revealed a 16th century tower containing items like a sundial replant trees and plant new individual ones (Interviewee 18b, Tree Authority, and beer kegs (STA, 2023: 11). On the western side, the findings include the 2022). In the case of trees however, actions are targeted at restoring natural values foundations of what is presumed to be a 19th century artillery house, an entrance rather than cultural ones, however the latter are understood. Interviewee 18b (Tree to the old fortifications (STA, 2023: 11), and the remains of a small 17th century Authority, 2023) refers to the approach of another member of the Garden house (STA, 2023: 12). In an earlier proposed action, the STA had planned to Department of the Municipality in favourable terms: construct a new walkway on the west that would enable access to the house “[The member of the Garden Department] doesn’t want to see […] yellow remains and the entrance (STA, 2022: 13; STA, 2023: 12). The proposal for the flowers, or the pink colour flowers, or the blue colour flowers of the fikus. walkway and highlighting the house remains have now been scrapped (STA, 2023: [They are] interested to have a lot of oxygen, a tree which will give a lot of 13). This is in the interest of “re-creating a slope and minimising the visual oxygen in the air, and which will improve our ecology, and […] the impression of the cut” (STA, 2013: 13, author’s translation). The found remains percentage of ecology where it has been lost, we are losing it because of developmental projects, that could be compensated as early as possible, so of built structures on both eastern and western sides will be covered up again that the temperature will remain cool all the time.” (Interviewee 18b, Tree (Interviewee 1a, STA, 2023b) and the STA (2023: 14) is working on designing the Authority, 2022) tunnel so that the hill and tower are not visually affected. At the Kungsparken green area in Haga, the STA is working with restoration The interviewee refers to the focus on colours as “beautification” and of trees as one of its actions. This area is also an officially designated historic compensation in terms of countering “ecological loss” (Interviewee 18b, Tree environment. Its trees have not only biological but also cultural or historical values. Authority, 2022). Trees are thus seen to be important for their natural, rather than Interviewee 12a (CHEG, 2022) emphasises these values when they refer to cultural values. encroaching on as little of the park as possible, reducing the intrusion of the project, and placing new buildings in a way that avoids interfering with views and Design for visual context sightlines, so as to preserve the historical layout of the park. The STA has temporarily moved 52 linden trees to make way for construction of the West Link and will move them back after construction (STA, 2023: 43). The STA does not, however, expand on trees and their restoration in their action plan because this work is part of another process for fulfilling a different legal mandate (STA, 2023: 5). Figure 19: Design-for-visual-context response Diagram: Maitri Dore (2023) Mumbai Metro Restoration is mentioned in the context of “heritage buildings”, in the Heritage Committee’s demand for a “Preservation/Restoration strategy for all perceived 112 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 7: RESPONSES TO HISTORIC ENVIRONMENT LOSS • 113 West Link “keeping in mind the significance of the Flora Fountain structure and to maintain its visual connect while travelling along the DN Road” (MHCC meeting minutes, This action is seen with the service shaft at Kvarnberget. Both the STA and the 31 July 2018). The reason for the suggestion was to have a pedestrian quality City’s historic environment group acknowledge the intention, with the design, to around the Hutatma Chowk plaza (Interviewee 26b, architect, 2023). The move respect the surrounding historic environment through design and material. eventually did not come to pass because of bureaucratic procedures related to the Natural stone is the material of choice (STA, 2023: 29) and the finishes take Traffic and Roads department (Interviewee 26b, architect, 2023). the look of the high stone wall behind (Interviewee 1a, STA, 2023b). The intention The second action attempted to keep the majority of building elements of the is to re-create the look of the former fortifications in a contemporary way station below ground. The discussion related to overground structures such as (Interviewee 3a, STA, 2022). Interviewee 4a (architect, 2022) too states that the entries and exits. The issue of keeping the overground station structures to a form and location of the new built elements intend to “[respect] the original fabric minimum was first brought up in 2014 with the discussion being about roofless of the city wall”. For the City Museum (2017: 26) as well, the location, height, entries and exits for stations, in what was called, the “Heritage Influence Area” volume, and texture can be leveraged to re-create those of the former wall. (MHCC meeting minutes, 8 January 2014). Hutatma Chowk Station is one of these While there were earlier intentions to make this site a more significant part of stations. In this meeting, the Heritage Committee said it was unacceptable for the work with the historic environment, that is no longer the case (Interviewee 1a, rainwater to enter the stations and the Regional Development Authority too STA, 2023b; Interviewee 4, architect, 2022). It is not an “obvious expression” of preferred covered stations in the interest of saving costs on mechanical pumping the historic environment anymore (Interviewee 4a, architect, 2022). Nevertheless, (MHCC meeting minutes, 8 January 2014). The discussion reemerged in 2018, the STA plans to make the finds excavated in this area available to the City for use when the consultant architects proposed staircases and escalators without roofs in further design (STA, 2023: 29). projecting from the ground surface, entailing the need to mechanically pump out rainwater during the monsoons (MHCC meeting minutes, 31 July 2018). The Mumbai Metro Heritage Committee again said that rain protection should be considered (MHCC The design of the overground structures in “heritage areas” is important to both meeting minutes, 31 July 2018). And the architects persisted in their opinion that the Heritage Committee and the metro developers. The Heritage Committee roofless entrances and exits were preferable: demanded that the Regional Development Authority get approval from the “Regarding rain protection at entrances, even a temporary structure will committee for the location and design of each proposed entry/exit structure and obstruct the sight lines and hence should be resisted. Necessary provisions station building (MHCC meeting minutes, 15 February 2014). And in an early for flood protection and the requisite sump capacities are incorporated in the meeting, the Metro Rail Company referenced stations in other parts of the world design and it has been decided to stay with the idea of open to sky” (MHCC whose entrance designs “[suit] and [blend] with the heritage character of the meeting minutes, 31 October 2018) surrounding” (MHCC meeting minutes, 8 January 2014). The two parties have The decision finally made was for the staircases and escalators to be roofless largely discussed actions in connection with the design of Hutatma Chowk Station (Interviewee 10b, Metro Rail Company, 2022; Interviewee 26b, architect, 2023). at the southern end of DN Road. Rain protection will be built into the design, for example, by way of staircase The thrust of the response was to locate and design Hutatma Chowk Station railings that act as flood barriers (Interviewee 26b, architect, 2023). As for other so as to avoid, what both the parties consider, visual interferences. Four actions overground structures, as per the current design, the station has only three within this response are discussed here: relocation of the underground station overground structures: lift shafts, a police kiosk (relocated from its existing spot building, design of the overground built elements, their location, and their material on the site), and a firefighting shaft (Interviewee 26b, architect, 2023). and finishes. The third action was the proposal for the relocation of four lift shafts at one of The first action was the proposed relocation of the underground station the DN Road junctions. The Heritage Committee proposed moving them as the building. The architects consulting on the project proposed the relocation shafts would be “within the visual axis of DN Road and [could] hinder the visibility 112 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 7: RESPONSES TO HISTORIC ENVIRONMENT LOSS • 113 West Link “keeping in mind the significance of the Flora Fountain structure and to maintain its visual connect while travelling along the DN Road” (MHCC meeting minutes, This action is seen with the service shaft at Kvarnberget. Both the STA and the 31 July 2018). The reason for the suggestion was to have a pedestrian quality City’s historic environment group acknowledge the intention, with the design, to around the Hutatma Chowk plaza (Interviewee 26b, architect, 2023). The move respect the surrounding historic environment through design and material. eventually did not come to pass because of bureaucratic procedures related to the Natural stone is the material of choice (STA, 2023: 29) and the finishes take Traffic and Roads department (Interviewee 26b, architect, 2023). the look of the high stone wall behind (Interviewee 1a, STA, 2023b). The intention The second action attempted to keep the majority of building elements of the is to re-create the look of the former fortifications in a contemporary way station below ground. The discussion related to overground structures such as (Interviewee 3a, STA, 2022). Interviewee 4a (architect, 2022) too states that the entries and exits. The issue of keeping the overground station structures to a form and location of the new built elements intend to “[respect] the original fabric minimum was first brought up in 2014 with the discussion being about roofless of the city wall”. For the City Museum (2017: 26) as well, the location, height, entries and exits for stations, in what was called, the “Heritage Influence Area” volume, and texture can be leveraged to re-create those of the former wall. (MHCC meeting minutes, 8 January 2014). Hutatma Chowk Station is one of these While there were earlier intentions to make this site a more significant part of stations. In this meeting, the Heritage Committee said it was unacceptable for the work with the historic environment, that is no longer the case (Interviewee 1a, rainwater to enter the stations and the Regional Development Authority too STA, 2023b; Interviewee 4, architect, 2022). It is not an “obvious expression” of preferred covered stations in the interest of saving costs on mechanical pumping the historic environment anymore (Interviewee 4a, architect, 2022). Nevertheless, (MHCC meeting minutes, 8 January 2014). The discussion reemerged in 2018, the STA plans to make the finds excavated in this area available to the City for use when the consultant architects proposed staircases and escalators without roofs in further design (STA, 2023: 29). projecting from the ground surface, entailing the need to mechanically pump out rainwater during the monsoons (MHCC meeting minutes, 31 July 2018). The Mumbai Metro Heritage Committee again said that rain protection should be considered (MHCC The design of the overground structures in “heritage areas” is important to both meeting minutes, 31 July 2018). And the architects persisted in their opinion that the Heritage Committee and the metro developers. The Heritage Committee roofless entrances and exits were preferable: demanded that the Regional Development Authority get approval from the “Regarding rain protection at entrances, even a temporary structure will committee for the location and design of each proposed entry/exit structure and obstruct the sight lines and hence should be resisted. Necessary provisions station building (MHCC meeting minutes, 15 February 2014). And in an early for flood protection and the requisite sump capacities are incorporated in the meeting, the Metro Rail Company referenced stations in other parts of the world design and it has been decided to stay with the idea of open to sky” (MHCC whose entrance designs “[suit] and [blend] with the heritage character of the meeting minutes, 31 October 2018) surrounding” (MHCC meeting minutes, 8 January 2014). The two parties have The decision finally made was for the staircases and escalators to be roofless largely discussed actions in connection with the design of Hutatma Chowk Station (Interviewee 10b, Metro Rail Company, 2022; Interviewee 26b, architect, 2023). at the southern end of DN Road. Rain protection will be built into the design, for example, by way of staircase The thrust of the response was to locate and design Hutatma Chowk Station railings that act as flood barriers (Interviewee 26b, architect, 2023). As for other so as to avoid, what both the parties consider, visual interferences. Four actions overground structures, as per the current design, the station has only three within this response are discussed here: relocation of the underground station overground structures: lift shafts, a police kiosk (relocated from its existing spot building, design of the overground built elements, their location, and their material on the site), and a firefighting shaft (Interviewee 26b, architect, 2023). and finishes. The third action was the proposal for the relocation of four lift shafts at one of The first action was the proposed relocation of the underground station the DN Road junctions. The Heritage Committee proposed moving them as the building. The architects consulting on the project proposed the relocation shafts would be “within the visual axis of DN Road and [could] hinder the visibility 114 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 7: RESPONSES TO HISTORIC ENVIRONMENT LOSS • 115 of some of the heritage buildings to some extent” (MHCC meeting minutes, 31 alternative” (MHCC meeting minutes, 26 November 2013). The Heritage July 2018). They proposed these shafts to be moved to inner roads “to reduce the Committee did not find either alternative be “in harmony with the surrounding visual intervention on DN Road” (MHCC meeting minutes, 31 July 2018). The heritage structures” (MHCC meeting minutes, 26 November 2013). They stated Metro Rail Company and their consultants deemed this impossible due to the that the glass alternative was unsuitable, and the art deco styled one would perhaps limited space available for construction on the pavements of the inner roads, as not be possible due to space limitations (MHCC meeting minutes, 26 November well as additional travel distance for metro users in this case (MHCC meeting 2013). As the designs developed, later proposals from the architects working on minutes, 31 July 2018). They also assured the Heritage Committee that pedestrian behalf of the Metro Rail Company included: movement in the DN Road arcade would not be obstructed (MHCC meeting • Cast iron railing on a Malad stone clad base wall minutes, 31 July 2018). The architects consulting on the overground structures also • Three roof options – open, covered (flat), and covered (curved) cited safety reasons for choosing the location of the lift shafts (MHCC meeting • Covered options in acrylic, steel, glass, or polycarbonate minutes, 31 October 2018). Eventually, the lift shafts were not relocated but dealt • Lift/staircase block options either clad in Malad or black basalt stone or with through material choices. constructed of glass and steel (MHCC meeting minutes, 8 January 2014) The fourth action revolves around design and material choices of the Malad stone is a yellow basalt stone and was used as building material in many of overground structures, discussed here both generally and with specific focus on the “heritage buildings” in the area, including in the façade of the CST railway the police kiosk and lift shafts. The importance of design and material choices has terminus. For one of the other metro stations under discussion, a curvilinear glass been brought up by the Heritage Committee (MHCC meeting minutes, 8 roof structure and stucco cladding for entry and exit structures was proposed by November 2013) as well as the Metro Rail Company, who emphasise the need for the architects (MHCC meeting minutes, 8 January 2014; Abha Narain Lambah and the overground built elements to be “in tune” with the surrounding historic Associates, 2013). environment (Interviewee 9b, Metro Rail Company, 2022). In later discussions, the designs were fleshed out further, even as the overall Through discussions, two actions emerged that aim to respond to the aesthetics alternatives to having two stylistic architectural options for design and materials of of the surroundings. One was the attempt to match the materials of the the overground structures endured. In a much later meeting, the architects overground structures with the surrounding “heritage buildings”, and the second, consulting on the overground built elements proposed a plinth and parapet in grey to invisibilise them completely. Interviewee 9b (Metro Rail Company, 2022) basalt or precast greyish stone crete panel with an off-white plinth band, and encapsulates the two actions with respect to Hutatma Chowk Station: railings and street furniture according to the existing DN Road guidelines (Narain Lambah and MMR-HCS4, 2002) (MHCC meeting minutes, 31 July 2018). The “[…] either we should have the structures which gel well with the surrounding heritage buildings or they should be made of glass. So that they architects also proposed that the overground built elements, such as the police are transparent and they enhance the beauty of the surrounding heritage kiosk and lift shafts, be in Malad stone or precast Malad crete panels (MHCC structures. So, […] mainly […] the structures which were approved were of meeting minutes, 31 July 2018). To the Heritage Committee, the proposed finishes glass and wherever some non-glass element is to be used, that has to be in conjunction or exactly as per the designs of the surroundings building, the were “in consonance with heritage typology and the predominant character of similar kind of stone to be used.” (Interviewee 9b, Metro Rail Company, D.N. Road” (MHCC meeting minutes, 31 July 2018). However, they said that glass 2022). should be used for both of these overground structures. In the case of both the police kiosk and the lift shafts, the discussion again These two stylistic architectural options were a running theme in the Heritage reflects the two options of material choices and design. The architects were in Committee meeting discussions. In an early meeting, the Regional Development favour of finishes that resemble the surrounding buildings, and the Heritage Authority and their consultants presented two design proposals for the entry/exit structures of Hutatma Chowk Station, as well as others that fall in “heritage 4 MMR-HCS stands for the Mumbai Metropolitan Region – Heritage Conservation Society. It is precincts”. One proposal was for glass and the other, an “art deco styled involved in heritage research for the wider Mumbai region and had a limited role in the metro discussions. 114 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 7: RESPONSES TO HISTORIC ENVIRONMENT LOSS • 115 of some of the heritage buildings to some extent” (MHCC meeting minutes, 31 alternative” (MHCC meeting minutes, 26 November 2013). The Heritage July 2018). They proposed these shafts to be moved to inner roads “to reduce the Committee did not find either alternative be “in harmony with the surrounding visual intervention on DN Road” (MHCC meeting minutes, 31 July 2018). The heritage structures” (MHCC meeting minutes, 26 November 2013). They stated Metro Rail Company and their consultants deemed this impossible due to the that the glass alternative was unsuitable, and the art deco styled one would perhaps limited space available for construction on the pavements of the inner roads, as not be possible due to space limitations (MHCC meeting minutes, 26 November well as additional travel distance for metro users in this case (MHCC meeting 2013). As the designs developed, later proposals from the architects working on minutes, 31 July 2018). They also assured the Heritage Committee that pedestrian behalf of the Metro Rail Company included: movement in the DN Road arcade would not be obstructed (MHCC meeting • Cast iron railing on a Malad stone clad base wall minutes, 31 July 2018). The architects consulting on the overground structures also • Three roof options – open, covered (flat), and covered (curved) cited safety reasons for choosing the location of the lift shafts (MHCC meeting • Covered options in acrylic, steel, glass, or polycarbonate minutes, 31 October 2018). Eventually, the lift shafts were not relocated but dealt • Lift/staircase block options either clad in Malad or black basalt stone or with through material choices. constructed of glass and steel (MHCC meeting minutes, 8 January 2014) The fourth action revolves around design and material choices of the Malad stone is a yellow basalt stone and was used as building material in many of overground structures, discussed here both generally and with specific focus on the “heritage buildings” in the area, including in the façade of the CST railway the police kiosk and lift shafts. The importance of design and material choices has terminus. For one of the other metro stations under discussion, a curvilinear glass been brought up by the Heritage Committee (MHCC meeting minutes, 8 roof structure and stucco cladding for entry and exit structures was proposed by November 2013) as well as the Metro Rail Company, who emphasise the need for the architects (MHCC meeting minutes, 8 January 2014; Abha Narain Lambah and the overground built elements to be “in tune” with the surrounding historic Associates, 2013). environment (Interviewee 9b, Metro Rail Company, 2022). In later discussions, the designs were fleshed out further, even as the overall Through discussions, two actions emerged that aim to respond to the aesthetics alternatives to having two stylistic architectural options for design and materials of of the surroundings. One was the attempt to match the materials of the the overground structures endured. In a much later meeting, the architects overground structures with the surrounding “heritage buildings”, and the second, consulting on the overground built elements proposed a plinth and parapet in grey to invisibilise them completely. Interviewee 9b (Metro Rail Company, 2022) basalt or precast greyish stone crete panel with an off-white plinth band, and encapsulates the two actions with respect to Hutatma Chowk Station: railings and street furniture according to the existing DN Road guidelines (Narain Lambah and MMR-HCS4, 2002) (MHCC meeting minutes, 31 July 2018). The “[…] either we should have the structures which gel well with the surrounding heritage buildings or they should be made of glass. So that they architects also proposed that the overground built elements, such as the police are transparent and they enhance the beauty of the surrounding heritage kiosk and lift shafts, be in Malad stone or precast Malad crete panels (MHCC structures. So, […] mainly […] the structures which were approved were of meeting minutes, 31 July 2018). To the Heritage Committee, the proposed finishes glass and wherever some non-glass element is to be used, that has to be in conjunction or exactly as per the designs of the surroundings building, the were “in consonance with heritage typology and the predominant character of similar kind of stone to be used.” (Interviewee 9b, Metro Rail Company, D.N. Road” (MHCC meeting minutes, 31 July 2018). However, they said that glass 2022). should be used for both of these overground structures. In the case of both the police kiosk and the lift shafts, the discussion again These two stylistic architectural options were a running theme in the Heritage reflects the two options of material choices and design. The architects were in Committee meeting discussions. In an early meeting, the Regional Development favour of finishes that resemble the surrounding buildings, and the Heritage Authority and their consultants presented two design proposals for the entry/exit structures of Hutatma Chowk Station, as well as others that fall in “heritage 4 MMR-HCS stands for the Mumbai Metropolitan Region – Heritage Conservation Society. It is precincts”. One proposal was for glass and the other, an “art deco styled involved in heritage research for the wider Mumbai region and had a limited role in the metro discussions. 116 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 7: RESPONSES TO HISTORIC ENVIRONMENT LOSS • 117 Committee favoured what they considered contemporary materials. For the police may be used at places where mechanical parts of the lift could be visible.” kiosk, the committee advocated “reducing the mass of the structure by making use (MHCC meeting minutes, 31 October 2018) of more transparent and lighter materials than designing it in the period style” The committee suggested glass, not only to give a lighter appearance, but also to (MHCC meeting minutes, 31 July 2018). The architects, however, preferred a stand apart from the historic environment (MHCC meeting minutes, 31 July 2019; “period style”: 31 October 2018). Eventually, glass will be used for five of the lift shafts, and “[…] it is felt that period style would be more appropriate as any where they are at four-way junctions, will afford “corner visibility” and contemporary intervention would be incongruous and obtrusive to the “transparency of the design” (Interviewee 26b, architect, 2023). The other lift heritage fabric.” (MHCC meeting minutes, 31 October 2018) shafts – on the inner roads or for fire safety – will be of reinforced cement concrete Eventually, after suggestions and feedback, the committee approved the architects’ with Malad stone cladding (Interviewee 26b, architect, 2023). proposals, which they described as “[reflecting] the architectural typology and Overall, as described above, four actions emerge through the negotiations that colour scheme of heritage structures on D. N. Road” (MHCC meeting minutes, make up the design-for-visual-context response in the Mumbai Metro. 24 July 2019). They further suggested the use of sand stone (in likeness to the nearby Commissariat building) and a sloping roof “to match with the surrounding” Compensate by strengthening (MHCC meeting minutes, 24 July 2019). The discussions on the material are still ongoing, however, the intention to respond to the Commissariat building through material choice is still part of the approach (Interviewee 26b, architect, 2023). The two stylistic options emerged in the discussions about lift shafts as well. As with the police kiosk, the Heritage Committee favoured the glass option: “The Committee opined that the design and materials for the new Figure 20: Compensate-by-strengthening response interventions should be distinctively different and contemporary to Diagram: Maitri Dore (2023) distinguish between the old heritage buildings and the new intervention. The Committee preferred the second option of a glass superstructure as it is modern and also transparent thereby reducing the visual mass. It was also West Link suggested to reduce the height of the lift structures as much as possible with the use of hydraulic lift system to ensure that no mechanical components are These actions are largely proposed by the STA who have the legal mandate to visible.” (MHCC meeting minutes, 31 July 2018) compensate. They are of two types: exposing found material and adding design elements. They suggested the hydraulic option in the interest of maintain sightlines (Interviewee 26b, architect, 2023), but as later discussions indicate, hydraulic lifts Expose found material were considered unsuitable (MHCC meeting minutes, 31 October 2018). The The action with exposing found material is done either on-site, off-site, or as art. Heritage Committee reiterated their view on the use of contemporary materials. On-site exposing is seen in the discussion on building remains found during They also mentioned the need for the new structures to stand apart from the excavations at Skansen Lejonet. During the excavations, several remains have been surrounding ones: dug up on the hill, as seen in Figure 21. In one version of the proposed actions, “Regarding the lift shaft structure, the Committee reiterated its view that the there were plans to highlight the building remains found on both eastern and design and materials for the new interventions should be distinctively western sides of the hill (STA, 2022: 12-14; STA, 2023: 12-14). different and contemporary to distinguish between the old heritage buildings Off-site exposing of material refers to displaying objects found during the and the new intervention. It was discussed that opaque / translucent glass excavations in the new stations. This action qualifies as being off-site because the 116 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 7: RESPONSES TO HISTORIC ENVIRONMENT LOSS • 117 Committee favoured what they considered contemporary materials. For the police may be used at places where mechanical parts of the lift could be visible.” kiosk, the committee advocated “reducing the mass of the structure by making use (MHCC meeting minutes, 31 October 2018) of more transparent and lighter materials than designing it in the period style” The committee suggested glass, not only to give a lighter appearance, but also to (MHCC meeting minutes, 31 July 2018). The architects, however, preferred a stand apart from the historic environment (MHCC meeting minutes, 31 July 2019; “period style”: 31 October 2018). Eventually, glass will be used for five of the lift shafts, and “[…] it is felt that period style would be more appropriate as any where they are at four-way junctions, will afford “corner visibility” and contemporary intervention would be incongruous and obtrusive to the “transparency of the design” (Interviewee 26b, architect, 2023). The other lift heritage fabric.” (MHCC meeting minutes, 31 October 2018) shafts – on the inner roads or for fire safety – will be of reinforced cement concrete Eventually, after suggestions and feedback, the committee approved the architects’ with Malad stone cladding (Interviewee 26b, architect, 2023). proposals, which they described as “[reflecting] the architectural typology and Overall, as described above, four actions emerge through the negotiations that colour scheme of heritage structures on D. N. Road” (MHCC meeting minutes, make up the design-for-visual-context response in the Mumbai Metro. 24 July 2019). They further suggested the use of sand stone (in likeness to the nearby Commissariat building) and a sloping roof “to match with the surrounding” Compensate by strengthening (MHCC meeting minutes, 24 July 2019). The discussions on the material are still ongoing, however, the intention to respond to the Commissariat building through material choice is still part of the approach (Interviewee 26b, architect, 2023). The two stylistic options emerged in the discussions about lift shafts as well. As with the police kiosk, the Heritage Committee favoured the glass option: “The Committee opined that the design and materials for the new Figure 20: Compensate-by-strengthening response interventions should be distinctively different and contemporary to Diagram: Maitri Dore (2023) distinguish between the old heritage buildings and the new intervention. The Committee preferred the second option of a glass superstructure as it is modern and also transparent thereby reducing the visual mass. It was also West Link suggested to reduce the height of the lift structures as much as possible with the use of hydraulic lift system to ensure that no mechanical components are These actions are largely proposed by the STA who have the legal mandate to visible.” (MHCC meeting minutes, 31 July 2018) compensate. They are of two types: exposing found material and adding design elements. They suggested the hydraulic option in the interest of maintain sightlines (Interviewee 26b, architect, 2023), but as later discussions indicate, hydraulic lifts Expose found material were considered unsuitable (MHCC meeting minutes, 31 October 2018). The The action with exposing found material is done either on-site, off-site, or as art. Heritage Committee reiterated their view on the use of contemporary materials. On-site exposing is seen in the discussion on building remains found during They also mentioned the need for the new structures to stand apart from the excavations at Skansen Lejonet. During the excavations, several remains have been surrounding ones: dug up on the hill, as seen in Figure 21. In one version of the proposed actions, “Regarding the lift shaft structure, the Committee reiterated its view that the there were plans to highlight the building remains found on both eastern and design and materials for the new interventions should be distinctively western sides of the hill (STA, 2022: 12-14; STA, 2023: 12-14). different and contemporary to distinguish between the old heritage buildings Off-site exposing of material refers to displaying objects found during the and the new intervention. It was discussed that opaque / translucent glass excavations in the new stations. This action qualifies as being off-site because the 118 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 7: RESPONSES TO HISTORIC ENVIRONMENT LOSS • 119 objects are moved from their found locations underground to new spatial contexts. This is seen in the display of finds in artefact boxes and temporary exhibitions at Haga and Korsvägen Stations, respectively (STA, 2023). Finds from the excavations include objects like pipes, pieces of porcelain, and coins (Abako Architects, 2021: 22, STA, 2023: 49). Figure 22: Art landscape at Central Station Source: STA (2023: 20) Add design elements The second type of action involves the addition of design elements unrelated to found material. Some of these actions connect to the historical aspects of the place more directly, and other less so. Direct actions are seen at Haga and Korsvägen Stations and the revised plans Figure 21: Excavations at Skansen Lejonet for Skansen Lejonet. At Haga and Korsvägen, there will be displays of historical Source: Arkeologerna (2017) maps and temporary exhibitions respectively (Abako Architects, 2021; STA, 2023). At Korsvägen station, the exhibition will display information to help understand To expose found material as art is to display and imbue it with new meaning, as in life in a landeri or former historical agricultural property, with the possible display action with the stones at Central Station. Here, specific stones from the former of videos and images (STA, 2023: 50). There were also ideas to use the temporary fortification walls have been selected and refashioned as art in the station displays to showcase old botanicals prints that could also be artistically mezzanine, in project called “Konstlandskap” or “art landscape” (STA, 2023: 16). reinterpreted (Interview 4a, architect, 2022). At Skansen Lejonet, the remains will The former walls are meant to become a deconstructed work of art consisting of be covered up, but there will be some kind of markings on the ground and individual stone pieces (Interviewee 4a, architect, 2022). The stones are untreated, information on the history of the area (Interviewee 1a, STA, 2023b). Some of this with the intention of inviting the viewer to come close to them and engage with information, newly discovered because of the excavations, confirms the presence their colour, shape, and texture (STA, 2023: 18). The art landscape is seen in Figure of a mediaeval fortress from the 14th century, indicating the area’s role as a 22. stronghold even before the official birth of Gothenburg in 1621 (STA, 2023: 11). Less direct actions are seen in some of the other proposals at Haga and Korsvägen Stations. At Haga Station, the proposed action, as seen in Figure 23, is to strew words like “bastion”, “glacis”, and “curtain wall” associated with the fortified city in the station’s physical spaces. The words in the ground will not be obvious until one gets closer and not at first glance (Abako Architects, 2021: 10; STA, 2023: 37). They “can be found here and there in the station” and “be discovered afterwards and should not be too conspicuous” (Abako Architects, 118 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 7: RESPONSES TO HISTORIC ENVIRONMENT LOSS • 119 objects are moved from their found locations underground to new spatial contexts. This is seen in the display of finds in artefact boxes and temporary exhibitions at Haga and Korsvägen Stations, respectively (STA, 2023). Finds from the excavations include objects like pipes, pieces of porcelain, and coins (Abako Architects, 2021: 22, STA, 2023: 49). Figure 22: Art landscape at Central Station Source: STA (2023: 20) Add design elements The second type of action involves the addition of design elements unrelated to found material. Some of these actions connect to the historical aspects of the place more directly, and other less so. Direct actions are seen at Haga and Korsvägen Stations and the revised plans Figure 21: Excavations at Skansen Lejonet for Skansen Lejonet. At Haga and Korsvägen, there will be displays of historical Source: Arkeologerna (2017) maps and temporary exhibitions respectively (Abako Architects, 2021; STA, 2023). At Korsvägen station, the exhibition will display information to help understand To expose found material as art is to display and imbue it with new meaning, as in life in a landeri or former historical agricultural property, with the possible display action with the stones at Central Station. Here, specific stones from the former of videos and images (STA, 2023: 50). There were also ideas to use the temporary fortification walls have been selected and refashioned as art in the station displays to showcase old botanicals prints that could also be artistically mezzanine, in project called “Konstlandskap” or “art landscape” (STA, 2023: 16). reinterpreted (Interview 4a, architect, 2022). At Skansen Lejonet, the remains will The former walls are meant to become a deconstructed work of art consisting of be covered up, but there will be some kind of markings on the ground and individual stone pieces (Interviewee 4a, architect, 2022). The stones are untreated, information on the history of the area (Interviewee 1a, STA, 2023b). Some of this with the intention of inviting the viewer to come close to them and engage with information, newly discovered because of the excavations, confirms the presence their colour, shape, and texture (STA, 2023: 18). The art landscape is seen in Figure of a mediaeval fortress from the 14th century, indicating the area’s role as a 22. stronghold even before the official birth of Gothenburg in 1621 (STA, 2023: 11). Less direct actions are seen in some of the other proposals at Haga and Korsvägen Stations. At Haga Station, the proposed action, as seen in Figure 23, is to strew words like “bastion”, “glacis”, and “curtain wall” associated with the fortified city in the station’s physical spaces. The words in the ground will not be obvious until one gets closer and not at first glance (Abako Architects, 2021: 10; STA, 2023: 37). They “can be found here and there in the station” and “be discovered afterwards and should not be too conspicuous” (Abako Architects, 120 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 7: RESPONSES TO HISTORIC ENVIRONMENT LOSS • 121 2021: 11; STA, 2023: 35, author’s translation). The chosen words are relatively 24). This goes through the office spaces and the station’s south-west exit (STA, unfamiliar, lending the quality of a “treasure hunt” to their discovery and learning 2023: 24). The STA is also collaborating with the City to reproduce this marking (Interviewee 6a, architect, 2021). The aim is to create something that is “a little bit in the landscaping on the ground level (Interviewee 4a, architect, 2022). The plan secret” and like a “riddle” to be solved (Interviewee 6a, architect, 2021). is also to include signage and tie the story to that of the City’s work on the ground At Korsvägen Station, the action involves engraving the names of landeri level above (STA, 2023: 26). In the Rosenlundplats area, there is a similar action residents in the granite tiling of parts of the mezzanine (STA, 2023: 49). with adding a marking on the ground surface. Here, the STA (2023: 42), in dialogue Contemporary reinterpretations of motifs on historical objects will also be with the City, proposes to mark the moat as it was in 1640 and part of the canal, engraved in the concrete around lift shafts and escalators (STA, 2023: 49). An where the West Link construction is underway. earlier idea was to display information and graphics about the landeri on station Two proposals for Haga Station were not finally selected – they deal with skylights projecting out of the ground surface of the landeri park (STA, 2023: 47). fortification patterns and water patterns. The fortification patterns are of former The proposals for the graphics included botanical engravings of exotic plants from rust beds, countersinks, and pile locks to be applied on different surfaces (Abako the time, including those that arrived through the East India trade (STA, 2023: 47). Architects, 2021: 5; STA, 2023: 34). The idea was to scatter them in different places in the station (Abako Architects, 2021: 7; STA, 2023: 35). Interviewee 6a (architect, 2021) refers to them as being “graphically interesting” to overlay on to different materials of the station. The water patterns were proposed for the walls and are considered as an art project rather than a building project (Interviewee 6a, architect, 2021). The patterns aimed to invoke association with the river, moat, and canal of the surrounding site (Abako Architects, 2021: 5; STA, 2023: 34). Also at Skansen Lejonet and the Kungsparken green area in Haga, there are proposed actions for additional elements. Lamp posts and handrails at Skansen Lejonet will have an “old look” that respond to the surroundings and re-create how the area would have looked in the 17th century (Interviewee 5a, architect, 2021). At Kungsparken, the City’s environment group proposes actions such as changing the material of the pathways from asphalt to gravel and introducing furniture, lamp posts, and fences that are reminiscent of the second half of the 1800s so as to re-create the former English garden (City Museum, 2014: 14-15). Figure 23: Fortification-related words embedded in the flooring at Haga Station While these actions at Skansen Lejonet and Kungsparken do respond to the visual Source: Abako Architects (2021: 26) qualities of the surroundings, they are more within the compensate-by- strengthening response than the previous, design-for-visual-context one. This is Other indirect actions are seen in some of the proposals for Central Station, the because their thrust is on adding elements to create a new space, rather than Rosenlundplats area in Haga, and two proposals that did not make the final receding into the background so that the existing historic environment can visually selection for Haga Station. At Central Station, there is a proposal to mark the dominate. boundary of the former fortified city in the flooring (STA, 2023: 21). The historical marking in the mezzanine flooring will be based on a 1795 map of the city and the Mumbai Metro line marked will be that between the former moat and an earthen embankment (STA, 2022: 21). Accordingly, a change of flooring is marked at the land-water The Heritage Committee and the Metro Rail Company do not use either interface, with the former water area having a lighter colour of stone (STA, 2023: “compensate” or “strengthen”, however some of their proposed actions can be 120 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 7: RESPONSES TO HISTORIC ENVIRONMENT LOSS • 121 2021: 11; STA, 2023: 35, author’s translation). The chosen words are relatively 24). This goes through the office spaces and the station’s south-west exit (STA, unfamiliar, lending the quality of a “treasure hunt” to their discovery and learning 2023: 24). The STA is also collaborating with the City to reproduce this marking (Interviewee 6a, architect, 2021). The aim is to create something that is “a little bit in the landscaping on the ground level (Interviewee 4a, architect, 2022). The plan secret” and like a “riddle” to be solved (Interviewee 6a, architect, 2021). is also to include signage and tie the story to that of the City’s work on the ground At Korsvägen Station, the action involves engraving the names of landeri level above (STA, 2023: 26). In the Rosenlundplats area, there is a similar action residents in the granite tiling of parts of the mezzanine (STA, 2023: 49). with adding a marking on the ground surface. Here, the STA (2023: 42), in dialogue Contemporary reinterpretations of motifs on historical objects will also be with the City, proposes to mark the moat as it was in 1640 and part of the canal, engraved in the concrete around lift shafts and escalators (STA, 2023: 49). An where the West Link construction is underway. earlier idea was to display information and graphics about the landeri on station Two proposals for Haga Station were not finally selected – they deal with skylights projecting out of the ground surface of the landeri park (STA, 2023: 47). fortification patterns and water patterns. The fortification patterns are of former The proposals for the graphics included botanical engravings of exotic plants from rust beds, countersinks, and pile locks to be applied on different surfaces (Abako the time, including those that arrived through the East India trade (STA, 2023: 47). Architects, 2021: 5; STA, 2023: 34). The idea was to scatter them in different places in the station (Abako Architects, 2021: 7; STA, 2023: 35). Interviewee 6a (architect, 2021) refers to them as being “graphically interesting” to overlay on to different materials of the station. The water patterns were proposed for the walls and are considered as an art project rather than a building project (Interviewee 6a, architect, 2021). The patterns aimed to invoke association with the river, moat, and canal of the surrounding site (Abako Architects, 2021: 5; STA, 2023: 34). Also at Skansen Lejonet and the Kungsparken green area in Haga, there are proposed actions for additional elements. Lamp posts and handrails at Skansen Lejonet will have an “old look” that respond to the surroundings and re-create how the area would have looked in the 17th century (Interviewee 5a, architect, 2021). At Kungsparken, the City’s environment group proposes actions such as changing the material of the pathways from asphalt to gravel and introducing furniture, lamp posts, and fences that are reminiscent of the second half of the 1800s so as to re-create the former English garden (City Museum, 2014: 14-15). Figure 23: Fortification-related words embedded in the flooring at Haga Station While these actions at Skansen Lejonet and Kungsparken do respond to the visual Source: Abako Architects (2021: 26) qualities of the surroundings, they are more within the compensate-by- strengthening response than the previous, design-for-visual-context one. This is Other indirect actions are seen in some of the proposals for Central Station, the because their thrust is on adding elements to create a new space, rather than Rosenlundplats area in Haga, and two proposals that did not make the final receding into the background so that the existing historic environment can visually selection for Haga Station. At Central Station, there is a proposal to mark the dominate. boundary of the former fortified city in the flooring (STA, 2023: 21). The historical marking in the mezzanine flooring will be based on a 1795 map of the city and the Mumbai Metro line marked will be that between the former moat and an earthen embankment (STA, 2022: 21). Accordingly, a change of flooring is marked at the land-water The Heritage Committee and the Metro Rail Company do not use either interface, with the former water area having a lighter colour of stone (STA, 2023: “compensate” or “strengthen”, however some of their proposed actions can be 122 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 7: RESPONSES TO HISTORIC ENVIRONMENT LOSS • 123 characterised as such. Two actions are discussed here: artwork and interior design The second action, the underground museum, was discussed very briefly, and as at the stations that invoke its surrounding historic environment and local context, referenced by the architects working on behalf of the Metro Rail Company. The and the creation of an underground museum. minutes of an early Heritage Committee meeting note: The first action, by way of artwork and interior design of individual stations, is “It was informed that at Athens, the stone foundations walls falling in the discussed by the Metro Rail Company. A representative explains the proposal: Metro alignment underground place were kept intact and such spaces were converted into a museum.” (MHCC meeting minutes, 8 January 2014). “[…] the concept was, since it is passing through Mumbai's varied kind of pockets, while decorating the stations internally as part of the interior decoration, we can have various artworks […] or depict the theme through While there are no project-specific proposals to this effect, this statement hints at those artworks and through using certain design patterns, we could […] potential aspirations or thinking in the direction of incorporating historic spaces depict the theme of that area, the flavours of that area, that was the whole with new ones. Eventually, the tunnelling method rendered retrieving potential concept.” (Interviewee 9b, Metro Rail Company, 2022) foundations of the former fort walls and any other remains impossible This action involves incorporating cultural and historical aspects of the (Interviewee 17b, Heritage Committee, 2021; Interviewee 9b, Metro Rail surroundings into individual station aesthetics. The interviewee cites the Dharavi Company, 2022). area in central Mumbai and the Girgaon and Kalbadevi areas in south Mumbai as being potential starting points for the respective stations in those areas Compensate by creating (Interviewee 9b, Metro Rail Company, 2022). Dharavi is a former fishing area, a contemporary site for a number of small-scale industries, and also infamous for being a vast slum settlement. The interviewee refers to its “popular and contemporary kind of culture” (Interviewee 9b, Metro Rail, Company, 2022). Girgaon and Kalbadevi are dense inner-city areas. The interviewee refers to their “very old Mumbai chawl culture” (Interviewee 9b, Metro Rail Company, 2022). Chawls are a particular typology of communal living from the 19th and early 20th Figure 24: Compensate-by-creating response centuries in Mumbai, when migrants from the hinterland moved to the city to Diagram: Maitri Dore (2023) work in its mills. The community environment of chawls spawned many cultural and political movements. The interviewee also refers to fisheries as a “core West Link economic activity of Mumbai” and a concept that can be used for the station The actions lie in the realm of urban planning. They are mainly seen in the wider interiors of another area (Interviewee 9b, Metro Rail Company, 2022). The plan is plans for the fortified city and the landeris, and to a smaller extent, in the actions to commission different kinds of artworks by local artists, once the structural in the Pusterviksplatsen area. works of the stations are completed (Interviewee 9b, Metro Rail Company, 2022). The first set of actions, proposed for the fortified city, as seen in Figure 25, are The proposed actions to incorporate elements associated with the city’s fisherfolk a walking trail, building the entrance portals of the former fortified city at their – its first inhabitants – in Dharavi and Worli stations were also reported in the former location in a contemporary style, enabling access to historical city spaces, media (Venkatraman, 2017). In what can be interpreted as a reference to the and a visitors’ centre (City Museum, 2017: 16). In order to enable these, the southern stations of the Mumbai Metro, a Regional Development Authority also planned measures include visual connections between different parts of the stated in a media report, that when it comes to station art in south Mumbai, the fortified city; plaques indicating buildings that were once part of it; a unified plan is to “[highlight] the city’s heritage” (Rajeev, in Venkatraman, 2018). skyline; a plan for street names; and pedestrianisation where appropriate (City Museum, 2017: 31). The actions include a number of new built structures or functions, such as a sculpture and new bridge at the Kungsparken green area (City 122 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 7: RESPONSES TO HISTORIC ENVIRONMENT LOSS • 123 characterised as such. Two actions are discussed here: artwork and interior design The second action, the underground museum, was discussed very briefly, and as at the stations that invoke its surrounding historic environment and local context, referenced by the architects working on behalf of the Metro Rail Company. The and the creation of an underground museum. minutes of an early Heritage Committee meeting note: The first action, by way of artwork and interior design of individual stations, is “It was informed that at Athens, the stone foundations walls falling in the discussed by the Metro Rail Company. A representative explains the proposal: Metro alignment underground place were kept intact and such spaces were converted into a museum.” (MHCC meeting minutes, 8 January 2014). “[…] the concept was, since it is passing through Mumbai's varied kind of pockets, while decorating the stations internally as part of the interior decoration, we can have various artworks […] or depict the theme through While there are no project-specific proposals to this effect, this statement hints at those artworks and through using certain design patterns, we could […] potential aspirations or thinking in the direction of incorporating historic spaces depict the theme of that area, the flavours of that area, that was the whole with new ones. Eventually, the tunnelling method rendered retrieving potential concept.” (Interviewee 9b, Metro Rail Company, 2022) foundations of the former fort walls and any other remains impossible This action involves incorporating cultural and historical aspects of the (Interviewee 17b, Heritage Committee, 2021; Interviewee 9b, Metro Rail surroundings into individual station aesthetics. The interviewee cites the Dharavi Company, 2022). area in central Mumbai and the Girgaon and Kalbadevi areas in south Mumbai as being potential starting points for the respective stations in those areas Compensate by creating (Interviewee 9b, Metro Rail Company, 2022). Dharavi is a former fishing area, a contemporary site for a number of small-scale industries, and also infamous for being a vast slum settlement. The interviewee refers to its “popular and contemporary kind of culture” (Interviewee 9b, Metro Rail, Company, 2022). Girgaon and Kalbadevi are dense inner-city areas. The interviewee refers to their “very old Mumbai chawl culture” (Interviewee 9b, Metro Rail Company, 2022). Chawls are a particular typology of communal living from the 19th and early 20th Figure 24: Compensate-by-creating response centuries in Mumbai, when migrants from the hinterland moved to the city to Diagram: Maitri Dore (2023) work in its mills. The community environment of chawls spawned many cultural and political movements. The interviewee also refers to fisheries as a “core West Link economic activity of Mumbai” and a concept that can be used for the station The actions lie in the realm of urban planning. They are mainly seen in the wider interiors of another area (Interviewee 9b, Metro Rail Company, 2022). The plan is plans for the fortified city and the landeris, and to a smaller extent, in the actions to commission different kinds of artworks by local artists, once the structural in the Pusterviksplatsen area. works of the stations are completed (Interviewee 9b, Metro Rail Company, 2022). The first set of actions, proposed for the fortified city, as seen in Figure 25, are The proposed actions to incorporate elements associated with the city’s fisherfolk a walking trail, building the entrance portals of the former fortified city at their – its first inhabitants – in Dharavi and Worli stations were also reported in the former location in a contemporary style, enabling access to historical city spaces, media (Venkatraman, 2017). In what can be interpreted as a reference to the and a visitors’ centre (City Museum, 2017: 16). In order to enable these, the southern stations of the Mumbai Metro, a Regional Development Authority also planned measures include visual connections between different parts of the stated in a media report, that when it comes to station art in south Mumbai, the fortified city; plaques indicating buildings that were once part of it; a unified plan is to “[highlight] the city’s heritage” (Rajeev, in Venkatraman, 2018). skyline; a plan for street names; and pedestrianisation where appropriate (City Museum, 2017: 31). The actions include a number of new built structures or functions, such as a sculpture and new bridge at the Kungsparken green area (City 124 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 7: RESPONSES TO HISTORIC ENVIRONMENT LOSS • 125 Museum, 2017: 26), a rain garden in the Packhusplatsen area (City Museum, 2017: up markets, play areas, jogging and cycle tracks between them (City Museum, 24), and reconstructing or highlighting the two barriers that the former fortified 2018). city had with the river (City Museum, 2017: 20). There will additionally be a Of the 13 landeris in the plan, one, i.e., Johanneberg landeri, is impacted by the unifying graphic strategy (City Museum, 2017: 29) and educational tools like digital West Link. Here, the STA and the City’s historic environment group are and paper maps, a website, and others (City Museum, 2017: 30). collaborating in the proposed actions. The overground plans are drawn up by the In a later iteration of their proposed actions, the City’s historic environment City, with the STA plugging into these (STA, 2023: 53). Actions include restoring group listed measures targeted at compensation the West Link project as a starting the old landeri wall, recreating the former cultivation areas and axes, enhancing the point for streamlining the discussions with the STA (Email correspondence historic entrance, and building an orangerie, to name a few (STA, 2023: 53). The between CHEG and STA, 2020). The proposed actions include signage; markings STA (2023: 53) will collaborate on some of the actions involving the work on the on the street; physical models; 3D models; virtual reality, binoculars, and sound- upper terrace, axes, and others they consider the West Link construction to affect. related additions; films; maps; and construction of the city’s five former portals in a contemporary style, and others. Figure 25: Compensation through storytelling about the fortified city Source: City Museum (2017: 17) The second set of actions, proposed for the landeris, aim to tie them together, as well as work with them individually. Landeris are historical agricultural properties, established from the 17th century. Of the over 30 landeris that are strewn across the city, the City’s historic environment group proposes to link 13 of them together through four designed routes (City Museum, 2018). Their plan is seen in Figure 26. Actions variously include information and signage; public access, restoration, Figure 26: Compensation through storytelling by connecting 13 landeris and maintenance; and new, contemporary functions, such as visitors centres, pop- Source: City Museum (2018: 5) 124 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 7: RESPONSES TO HISTORIC ENVIRONMENT LOSS • 125 Museum, 2017: 26), a rain garden in the Packhusplatsen area (City Museum, 2017: up markets, play areas, jogging and cycle tracks between them (City Museum, 24), and reconstructing or highlighting the two barriers that the former fortified 2018). city had with the river (City Museum, 2017: 20). There will additionally be a Of the 13 landeris in the plan, one, i.e., Johanneberg landeri, is impacted by the unifying graphic strategy (City Museum, 2017: 29) and educational tools like digital West Link. Here, the STA and the City’s historic environment group are and paper maps, a website, and others (City Museum, 2017: 30). collaborating in the proposed actions. The overground plans are drawn up by the In a later iteration of their proposed actions, the City’s historic environment City, with the STA plugging into these (STA, 2023: 53). Actions include restoring group listed measures targeted at compensation the West Link project as a starting the old landeri wall, recreating the former cultivation areas and axes, enhancing the point for streamlining the discussions with the STA (Email correspondence historic entrance, and building an orangerie, to name a few (STA, 2023: 53). The between CHEG and STA, 2020). The proposed actions include signage; markings STA (2023: 53) will collaborate on some of the actions involving the work on the on the street; physical models; 3D models; virtual reality, binoculars, and sound- upper terrace, axes, and others they consider the West Link construction to affect. related additions; films; maps; and construction of the city’s five former portals in a contemporary style, and others. Figure 25: Compensation through storytelling about the fortified city Source: City Museum (2017: 17) The second set of actions, proposed for the landeris, aim to tie them together, as well as work with them individually. Landeris are historical agricultural properties, established from the 17th century. Of the over 30 landeris that are strewn across the city, the City’s historic environment group proposes to link 13 of them together through four designed routes (City Museum, 2018). Their plan is seen in Figure 26. Actions variously include information and signage; public access, restoration, Figure 26: Compensation through storytelling by connecting 13 landeris and maintenance; and new, contemporary functions, such as visitors centres, pop- Source: City Museum (2018: 5) 126 • FROM GONE TO GAIN The third action is in the Pusterviksplatsen area. The City’s historic environment group proposes a new park at this site, in connection with the Kungsparken green area (City Museum, 2014: 14-15). The idea is to connect the new park to the Chapter 8: Preservation in the historic one, and introduce contemporary functions for children, young adults, old people, and others, who are normally deprived of space in the city (Interviewee Mumbai Metro 11a, CHEG, 2022). The premise of the park as a meeting place, as it was when it was built in the 1850s, will be retained (Interviewee 11a, CHEG, 2022). The new The dominant response to historic environment loss in the Mumbai Metro takes park is an additive measure at the urban scale, yet smaller than the fortified city the form of avoid-and-minimise damage and design-for-visual-context. This is and landeri plans. shown in Figure 28. These two responses collectively aim for the preservation of Overall, this chapter shows that there is a range of responses to physical loss physical integrity and visual integrity of the historic environment, as expressed by caused by urban planning projects. From least to most change-oriented, these are: preservation of its material fabric. Compensation, by way of compensate-through- avoid damage, minimise damage, restore the historic environment to its previous strengthening, is found to a very limited extent and is therefore not part of the state, design for visual context, compensate by strengthening, and compensate by analysis in this chapter. creating. As Figure 27 shows, the Mumbai Metro lies in the realm of the first five responses, and the West Link, in all six. Figure 28: Preservation of physical and visual integrity in the Mumbai Metro Diagram: Maitri Dore (2023) Figure 27: Case responses on the analytical tool This chapter analyses preservation of physical and visual integrity in the metro to Diagram: Maitri Dore (2023) draw broader inferences on conservation and planning in Mumbai. It does so in three sections: institutionalisation of heritage and conservation; DN Road and Compensation is overall the most change-oriented response on the analytical tool. colonial nostalgia; and preservation outside listed historic environments. The first It takes two forms, i.e., the compensate-by-strengthening response and the section largely looks at preservation of physical integrity; the second, at compensate-by-creating response. Compensate-by-strengthening in the Mumbai preservation of both physical and visual integrity, with a greater focus on the latter; Metro is very limited and different in nature as compared to that in the West Link. and the third, at preservation outside the formal heritage conservation system. Institutionalisation of heritage and conservation The attempts to preserve the physical integrity of listed heritage in the metro are largely seen through the discussions around the realignment of the track under DN Road. The bid for preservation is a symptom of the way heritage and conservation are institutionalised in the planning context of Mumbai. There is a systemic 126 • FROM GONE TO GAIN The third action is in the Pusterviksplatsen area. The City’s historic environment group proposes a new park at this site, in connection with the Kungsparken green area (City Museum, 2014: 14-15). The idea is to connect the new park to the Chapter 8: Preservation in the historic one, and introduce contemporary functions for children, young adults, old people, and others, who are normally deprived of space in the city (Interviewee Mumbai Metro 11a, CHEG, 2022). The premise of the park as a meeting place, as it was when it was built in the 1850s, will be retained (Interviewee 11a, CHEG, 2022). The new The dominant response to historic environment loss in the Mumbai Metro takes park is an additive measure at the urban scale, yet smaller than the fortified city the form of avoid-and-minimise damage and design-for-visual-context. This is and landeri plans. shown in Figure 28. These two responses collectively aim for the preservation of Overall, this chapter shows that there is a range of responses to physical loss physical integrity and visual integrity of the historic environment, as expressed by caused by urban planning projects. From least to most change-oriented, these are: preservation of its material fabric. Compensation, by way of compensate-through- avoid damage, minimise damage, restore the historic environment to its previous strengthening, is found to a very limited extent and is therefore not part of the state, design for visual context, compensate by strengthening, and compensate by analysis in this chapter. creating. As Figure 27 shows, the Mumbai Metro lies in the realm of the first five responses, and the West Link, in all six. Figure 28: Preservation of physical and visual integrity in the Mumbai Metro Diagram: Maitri Dore (2023) Figure 27: Case responses on the analytical tool This chapter analyses preservation of physical and visual integrity in the metro to Diagram: Maitri Dore (2023) draw broader inferences on conservation and planning in Mumbai. It does so in three sections: institutionalisation of heritage and conservation; DN Road and Compensation is overall the most change-oriented response on the analytical tool. colonial nostalgia; and preservation outside listed historic environments. The first It takes two forms, i.e., the compensate-by-strengthening response and the section largely looks at preservation of physical integrity; the second, at compensate-by-creating response. Compensate-by-strengthening in the Mumbai preservation of both physical and visual integrity, with a greater focus on the latter; Metro is very limited and different in nature as compared to that in the West Link. and the third, at preservation outside the formal heritage conservation system. Institutionalisation of heritage and conservation The attempts to preserve the physical integrity of listed heritage in the metro are largely seen through the discussions around the realignment of the track under DN Road. The bid for preservation is a symptom of the way heritage and conservation are institutionalised in the planning context of Mumbai. There is a systemic 128 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 8: PRESERVATION (MUMBAI METRO) • 129 separation between conservation of historic environments and urban The focus on preserving physical integrity is a reflection of the way heritage is planning/development projects. This section looks at the separation through five understood in the regulations. The Heritage List is a product of the Bombay Heritage sub-sections: heritage as the Heritage List; urban planning projects as prioritised; Regulations 1995, born of the Maharashtra Regional and Town Planning Act 1994. This listed heritage as a burden; the role of the Heritage Committee; and conservation act defines “heritage buildings and precincts” and enshrines their preservation in beyond material preservation. municipal urban planning. Municipal planning as expressed in the Development Control and Promotion Regulations (formerly Development Control Regulations) Heritage as the Heritage List is only applicable to listed historic environments collated in the Heritage List. The Heritage List forms a blueprint for the planning of the metro with respect to Preservation is further hard-wired into the qualifying criteria for listing in the the historic environments. The List assists in conservation-related decision-making first place. Historic environments gain entry to the Heritage List based on value during planning, and among other things, forms a “framework for monitoring judgements that see value as attached to physical material. Based on Mumbai’s future changes” (Kathpalia and Narain Lambah, 2002: 8). The role of the List is Development Control and Promotion Regulations (DCPR, 2018: 448), the criteria most visible in the action concerning alignment of the track in the first place, and for listing based on architectural and historical values heavily outweigh those on later, its attempted realignment by the Heritage Committee. The focus on natural values or those related to contemporary use. The importance of alignment is not restricted to the Mumbai Metro project alone. As a Heritage architectural and historical values translates to preservation of material fabric. Committee member states, the general procedure is for the infrastructure project Preservation of physical material is further entrenched in the grading system. and listed heritage sites to be mapped onto each other, giving an indication of Listed buildings are graded in categories of Grades I to III (DCPR, 2018: 402-8), which sites are in the route and whether they can be avoided (Interviewee 14b, according to their degree of importance, offering a framework for how to deal Heritage Committee, 2022). According to another committee member, when a with them. Based on the scope of physical changes permissible for Grades I to III “heritage building” lies on the route of any proposed project, permission is respectively, there is no space for dealing with historic environments outside of normally not granted depending on the importance of the structure (Interviewee avoiding damage, minimising damage, and doing away with the building altogether. 13b, Heritage Committee, 2021). If the builders can avoid the listed heritage, this The stated aims of working with Grade I structures is “careful preservation”, of is done (Interviewee 14b, Heritage Committee, 2022; Interviewee 13b, Heritage Grade II, “intelligent conservation”, and of Grade III, “protection of unique Committee, 2021). If not, the Heritage Committee weighs in (Interviewee 14b, features and attributes” (DCPR, 2018: 403). As a Regional Development Authority Heritage Committee, 2022). official states about projects in general, steps are taken depending on the grading Thinking of heritage in terms of a list means viewing valuable historic (Interviewee 12b, 2022). Interviewee 2b (Heritage Committee, 2021) also sees the environments as being in short supply. This then makes preservation actions grading system as a guiding template for determining how to deal with listed necessary. This is the starting point for dealing with listed historic environments, heritage. The three grades, Grades I to III, list “which structure you can't let go both in the Mumbai Metro, and more generally. As Heritage Committee member, [of], and which you can slightly modify or alter, and which you can […] totally let Interviewee 1b (2021), says, there is a maximum of 5% of structures that have go [of]” (Interviewee 2b, Heritage Committee, 2021). heritage value or are part of a well-planned development. This stock should The importance of grading to conservation decisions is recognised at the therefore be preserved: national level as well. The Central Public Works Department (CPWD, 2013) states in its guidelines: “So according to me, this we should preserve, after all if you’re living in a desert of concrete structures, you can have a small oasis of heritage structures. “The primary objective of listing is to record extant architectural heritage and […] In the name of development, they should not erase our heritage.” sites. But the outcome of this process should invariably be to grade the listed (Interviewee 1b, Heritage Committee, 2021) heritage into a hierarchical series. […] The importance of this process cannot be underestimated because its results determine subsequent conservation Since the List is finite, so is what is considered heritage. decisions.” (CPWD, 2013: 14) 128 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 8: PRESERVATION (MUMBAI METRO) • 129 separation between conservation of historic environments and urban The focus on preserving physical integrity is a reflection of the way heritage is planning/development projects. This section looks at the separation through five understood in the regulations. The Heritage List is a product of the Bombay Heritage sub-sections: heritage as the Heritage List; urban planning projects as prioritised; Regulations 1995, born of the Maharashtra Regional and Town Planning Act 1994. This listed heritage as a burden; the role of the Heritage Committee; and conservation act defines “heritage buildings and precincts” and enshrines their preservation in beyond material preservation. municipal urban planning. Municipal planning as expressed in the Development Control and Promotion Regulations (formerly Development Control Regulations) Heritage as the Heritage List is only applicable to listed historic environments collated in the Heritage List. The Heritage List forms a blueprint for the planning of the metro with respect to Preservation is further hard-wired into the qualifying criteria for listing in the the historic environments. The List assists in conservation-related decision-making first place. Historic environments gain entry to the Heritage List based on value during planning, and among other things, forms a “framework for monitoring judgements that see value as attached to physical material. Based on Mumbai’s future changes” (Kathpalia and Narain Lambah, 2002: 8). The role of the List is Development Control and Promotion Regulations (DCPR, 2018: 448), the criteria most visible in the action concerning alignment of the track in the first place, and for listing based on architectural and historical values heavily outweigh those on later, its attempted realignment by the Heritage Committee. The focus on natural values or those related to contemporary use. The importance of alignment is not restricted to the Mumbai Metro project alone. As a Heritage architectural and historical values translates to preservation of material fabric. Committee member states, the general procedure is for the infrastructure project Preservation of physical material is further entrenched in the grading system. and listed heritage sites to be mapped onto each other, giving an indication of Listed buildings are graded in categories of Grades I to III (DCPR, 2018: 402-8), which sites are in the route and whether they can be avoided (Interviewee 14b, according to their degree of importance, offering a framework for how to deal Heritage Committee, 2022). According to another committee member, when a with them. Based on the scope of physical changes permissible for Grades I to III “heritage building” lies on the route of any proposed project, permission is respectively, there is no space for dealing with historic environments outside of normally not granted depending on the importance of the structure (Interviewee avoiding damage, minimising damage, and doing away with the building altogether. 13b, Heritage Committee, 2021). If the builders can avoid the listed heritage, this The stated aims of working with Grade I structures is “careful preservation”, of is done (Interviewee 14b, Heritage Committee, 2022; Interviewee 13b, Heritage Grade II, “intelligent conservation”, and of Grade III, “protection of unique Committee, 2021). If not, the Heritage Committee weighs in (Interviewee 14b, features and attributes” (DCPR, 2018: 403). As a Regional Development Authority Heritage Committee, 2022). official states about projects in general, steps are taken depending on the grading Thinking of heritage in terms of a list means viewing valuable historic (Interviewee 12b, 2022). Interviewee 2b (Heritage Committee, 2021) also sees the environments as being in short supply. This then makes preservation actions grading system as a guiding template for determining how to deal with listed necessary. This is the starting point for dealing with listed historic environments, heritage. The three grades, Grades I to III, list “which structure you can't let go both in the Mumbai Metro, and more generally. As Heritage Committee member, [of], and which you can slightly modify or alter, and which you can […] totally let Interviewee 1b (2021), says, there is a maximum of 5% of structures that have go [of]” (Interviewee 2b, Heritage Committee, 2021). heritage value or are part of a well-planned development. This stock should The importance of grading to conservation decisions is recognised at the therefore be preserved: national level as well. The Central Public Works Department (CPWD, 2013) states in its guidelines: “So according to me, this we should preserve, after all if you’re living in a desert of concrete structures, you can have a small oasis of heritage structures. “The primary objective of listing is to record extant architectural heritage and […] In the name of development, they should not erase our heritage.” sites. But the outcome of this process should invariably be to grade the listed (Interviewee 1b, Heritage Committee, 2021) heritage into a hierarchical series. […] The importance of this process cannot be underestimated because its results determine subsequent conservation Since the List is finite, so is what is considered heritage. decisions.” (CPWD, 2013: 14) 130 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 8: PRESERVATION (MUMBAI METRO) • 131 Listing and grading consequently determine whether and to what degree physical “concocted” by excluding other local environments that were central to the change to heritage is permissible. In the three-step hierarchy of grades, more development of the city. In this way, heritage was manufactured and built productive, additive ways of dealing with listed heritage are absent. environments were taken out of their urban contexts (Shetty, 2004). Despite historic environment preservation drawing its legitimacy from the Preservation of buildings based on heritage listing also overlaps with the Heritage List, interviewees recognise the boundaries and limitations of the List. religious values of the buildings. This is seen in the case of two listed Atash Interviewee 14b (Heritage Committee, 2022) refers to an overemphasis on built Behrams that lie on the metro route. Atash Behrams are fire temples of the highest heritage on the List. They recognise that the country has a multiplicity of intangible order, and sacred to the Parsi-Zoroastrian religious community. They house the heritage forms like art, music, culture, dance, etc, yet the emphasis on architecture highest grade of fire of all Parsi fire temples, and the spiritual circuits between the remains the strongest (Interviewee 14b, Heritage Committee, 2022). Interviewee fire and the core of the earth protect it (Interviewee 25b, advocate to the 2b (Heritage Committee, 2021) also recognises the possibilities for heritage to be petitioners, 2023). There are only eight Atash Behrams in the world. They were more than tangible built form. They recognise that while heritage in broader terms discussed to varying degrees in court as well as by the Heritage Committee. could include intangible elements, in the judicial system or for a layperson, With the metro passing under the two Atash Behrams, members of the Parsi “heritage” is something which is in the List, in “black and white”. community went to court seeking realignment of the track. Their arguments were Heritage Committee members also recognise the values and practices attached based on spiritual as well as structural reasons (Interviewee 25b, advocate, 2023). to built heritage. For some, conserving the tangible aspects of heritage is a way to From a spiritual point of view, the tunnel passing under the temples would cause conserve practices as well, for example, fishing nets need to be dried on verandahs, a loss in spiritual connection of the sacred fire to the core of the earth and motion not on skyscrapers (Interviewee 7b, Heritage Committee, 2022). This is a reference under the premises was undesirable (Interviewee 25b, advocate, 2023). From a to traditional fishing practices which come with specific needs for built form. The structural point of view, the construction of one of the metro stations in the statement implies that the intangible piggybacks on the tangible. Similarly, vicinity would compromise the structural safety of the buildings (Interviewee 25b, Interviewee 2b (Heritage Committee, 2022) raises the question of keeping alive advocate, 2023). Additionally, the metro construction would have spiritual practices and traditions associated with historic built forms. They cite the example consequences. If the wells on the premises dried up, there would be no sacred of Mumbai’s textile mills that have ceased to function. While the entire essence of groundwater for various rituals (Interviewee 25b, advocate, 2023). its values is hard to retain, there is a discussion worth having about preserving and The case reached massive proportions in court. It was argued at the High Court showcasing the associated memories in some way (Interviewee 2b, 2022). and Supreme Court levels on the grounds of rights to religious freedoms and Heritage in terms of the Heritage List has been critiqued by academics. equality based on various provisions in the law (Bombay High Court, 2018: 16). Interviewee 21b (academic, 2021) says that listing and grading has a limited focus Finally, the station was moved so as to be 20m away from the temple boundary and distinguishes what is worthy of being called heritage and what isn’t. They wall (Mehta, 2019) and the proposed tunnel under the temples was also moved by further assert that other forms of cultural life require as much preservation as what 3.5m (Sarkar, 2018). is codified as heritage (Interviewee 21b, academic, 2021). Since the temples are “heritage buildings”, this factor was also invoked in court. The understanding of heritage as the List is a vestige of the early days of the The petition mentions the inscription of the two Atash Behrams on the Heritage movement in the beginning of the 1990s. Shetty (2004) sees it as an “obsessive List as Grade III structures, their age (188 and 122 years old), as well as the tendency for classifying buildings into styles often reinforcing them with powerful structural risk to them (Writ Petition No. 2890 in Bombay High Court 2018). The adjectives”. He calls into question the very foundation of what is considered heritage status did not find much mention in court – probably because the religious heritage in the first place, arguing that in some of the writing of history with respect argument was perceived as stronger. to Mumbai’s heritage, there was a “selective glorification of certain people and Outside court proceedings, it seems like the heritage aspect of the matter was certain monumental buildings” (Shetty, 2004). According to Shetty (2004), the not taken up in a big way. This is despite the buildings’ heritage listing being partly values of architecture were “ambiguously constructed” and their histories based on its religious values, as stated by Interviewee 2b (Heritage Committee, 130 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 8: PRESERVATION (MUMBAI METRO) • 131 Listing and grading consequently determine whether and to what degree physical “concocted” by excluding other local environments that were central to the change to heritage is permissible. In the three-step hierarchy of grades, more development of the city. In this way, heritage was manufactured and built productive, additive ways of dealing with listed heritage are absent. environments were taken out of their urban contexts (Shetty, 2004). Despite historic environment preservation drawing its legitimacy from the Preservation of buildings based on heritage listing also overlaps with the Heritage List, interviewees recognise the boundaries and limitations of the List. religious values of the buildings. This is seen in the case of two listed Atash Interviewee 14b (Heritage Committee, 2022) refers to an overemphasis on built Behrams that lie on the metro route. Atash Behrams are fire temples of the highest heritage on the List. They recognise that the country has a multiplicity of intangible order, and sacred to the Parsi-Zoroastrian religious community. They house the heritage forms like art, music, culture, dance, etc, yet the emphasis on architecture highest grade of fire of all Parsi fire temples, and the spiritual circuits between the remains the strongest (Interviewee 14b, Heritage Committee, 2022). Interviewee fire and the core of the earth protect it (Interviewee 25b, advocate to the 2b (Heritage Committee, 2021) also recognises the possibilities for heritage to be petitioners, 2023). There are only eight Atash Behrams in the world. They were more than tangible built form. They recognise that while heritage in broader terms discussed to varying degrees in court as well as by the Heritage Committee. could include intangible elements, in the judicial system or for a layperson, With the metro passing under the two Atash Behrams, members of the Parsi “heritage” is something which is in the List, in “black and white”. community went to court seeking realignment of the track. Their arguments were Heritage Committee members also recognise the values and practices attached based on spiritual as well as structural reasons (Interviewee 25b, advocate, 2023). to built heritage. For some, conserving the tangible aspects of heritage is a way to From a spiritual point of view, the tunnel passing under the temples would cause conserve practices as well, for example, fishing nets need to be dried on verandahs, a loss in spiritual connection of the sacred fire to the core of the earth and motion not on skyscrapers (Interviewee 7b, Heritage Committee, 2022). This is a reference under the premises was undesirable (Interviewee 25b, advocate, 2023). From a to traditional fishing practices which come with specific needs for built form. The structural point of view, the construction of one of the metro stations in the statement implies that the intangible piggybacks on the tangible. Similarly, vicinity would compromise the structural safety of the buildings (Interviewee 25b, Interviewee 2b (Heritage Committee, 2022) raises the question of keeping alive advocate, 2023). Additionally, the metro construction would have spiritual practices and traditions associated with historic built forms. They cite the example consequences. If the wells on the premises dried up, there would be no sacred of Mumbai’s textile mills that have ceased to function. While the entire essence of groundwater for various rituals (Interviewee 25b, advocate, 2023). its values is hard to retain, there is a discussion worth having about preserving and The case reached massive proportions in court. It was argued at the High Court showcasing the associated memories in some way (Interviewee 2b, 2022). and Supreme Court levels on the grounds of rights to religious freedoms and Heritage in terms of the Heritage List has been critiqued by academics. equality based on various provisions in the law (Bombay High Court, 2018: 16). Interviewee 21b (academic, 2021) says that listing and grading has a limited focus Finally, the station was moved so as to be 20m away from the temple boundary and distinguishes what is worthy of being called heritage and what isn’t. They wall (Mehta, 2019) and the proposed tunnel under the temples was also moved by further assert that other forms of cultural life require as much preservation as what 3.5m (Sarkar, 2018). is codified as heritage (Interviewee 21b, academic, 2021). Since the temples are “heritage buildings”, this factor was also invoked in court. The understanding of heritage as the List is a vestige of the early days of the The petition mentions the inscription of the two Atash Behrams on the Heritage movement in the beginning of the 1990s. Shetty (2004) sees it as an “obsessive List as Grade III structures, their age (188 and 122 years old), as well as the tendency for classifying buildings into styles often reinforcing them with powerful structural risk to them (Writ Petition No. 2890 in Bombay High Court 2018). The adjectives”. He calls into question the very foundation of what is considered heritage status did not find much mention in court – probably because the religious heritage in the first place, arguing that in some of the writing of history with respect argument was perceived as stronger. to Mumbai’s heritage, there was a “selective glorification of certain people and Outside court proceedings, it seems like the heritage aspect of the matter was certain monumental buildings” (Shetty, 2004). According to Shetty (2004), the not taken up in a big way. This is despite the buildings’ heritage listing being partly values of architecture were “ambiguously constructed” and their histories based on its religious values, as stated by Interviewee 2b (Heritage Committee, 132 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 8: PRESERVATION (MUMBAI METRO) • 133 2023). A Heritage Committee member confirms that the petitioners approached that with the metro, the municipal commissioner “can do whatever he wants” the committee, who did take up the issue with the metro developers. But the (Interviewee 7b, Heritage Committee, 2022). discussions did not go further after the developers made assurances that they The “public interest” argument is also put forth in the judicial case regarding would safeguard the buildings (Interviewee 2b, Heritage Committee, 2023). the Atash Behrams. As reported in the media, the counsel for the Metro Rail Overall, there was little information available on how the issue was taken up on Company stated that the rights of the public outweighed those of a single “heritage” grounds. community (Aney, in Deshpande, 2018). A Metro Rail Company representative echoes the sentiment, stating that despite eventual permission to build, there were Urban development as prioritised lengthy delays (Interviewee 10b, Metro Rail Company, 2022). In relation to the The negotiations in the Mumbai Metro case are largely characterised by the case, they state: Heritage Committee making and reiterating their demands and the Metro Rail “[…] the problem is whatever is the background the losers are the people Company resisting them. A committee member comments more generally that because all the money is going through the taxpayers. So, that is […] very negotiation means a middle path between “heritage” structures and – in this case sad.” (Interviewee 10b, Metro Rail Company, 2022). – infrastructure projects is required (Interviewee 2b, Heritage Committee, 2022). The flip side to this view is from the conservationists, as represented by the The committee “have to let go of some part of heritage and accommodate some Heritage Committee, who feel that conservation is given lower priority and urban part of the infrastructure project” or otherwise reroute the project if they feel that developers do not compromise. They said that the Metro Rail Company needed something cannot be let go of (Interviewee 2b, Heritage Committee, 2022). to adopt an “an open minded approach” (MHCC meeting minutes, 26 November However, the planning priority is in the technicalities of establishing the most 2013). Their assumption is that the Metro Rail Company would not have wanted suitable route. Project developers do consider “heritage”, but to a limited extent. to realign the track based on the committee’s demands because the plans would “[…] for them the priority would be to […] fix the alignments and […] have been prepared and change would come as a great financial cost (Interviewee curvatures and everything like that, and feasibilities and […] what is what 1b, Heritage Committee, 2021). goes under the road what goes above the road.” (Interviewee 2b, Heritage The arguments about realignment do not hold much water from either side, Committee, 2022) according to Interviewee 22b (academic, 2021), who was part of some of the Even outside of the developer perspective, infrastructure projects are seen to have meetings in their capacity as member of another official heritage body. They state greater importance than listed heritage. In the metro case, the Municipal that the Heritage Committee’s argument about potential congestion and Commissioner eventually overruled the committee’s recommendations for constructing under the foundations was not sound (Interviewee 22b, academic, realignment of the track under DN Road. According to media reports, the 2021). On the other hand, the Metro Rail Company’s consultants displayed an commissioner said that the metro project was more important. inflexibility to budge from their plans (Interviewee 22b, academic, 2021). “After careful deliberation on the merits of the case, I have come to the “It was, one, people not understanding that there is possibility in design and conclusion that this is a fit case for exercise of powers under [Development technology [to building under a heritage precinct], and the other set of people Control Regulations] 67 (2) as this is an infrastructure project of extremely being simply lazy and not ready to work a little bit more.” (Interviewee 22b, vital importance for Mumbai. Also I am satisfied that there is no viable academic, 2021) alternative.” (Kunte, in FPJ Bureau, 2019a) The view reflects that parties advocating on the sides of both conservation and Infrastructure projects are seen to be in “the larger public interest” or catering to urban planning projects have hardened positions. Interviewee 22b (academic, “the bigger picture” (Interviewee 2b, Heritage Committee, 2022). One committee 2021) argues that both parties were both right and wrong, but the larger point that member interprets the overruling of the committee’s recommendations, stating is missed is the debate on “urban form” and designing the project in spatially sensitive ways. Planners look at technical requirements and listed heritage as an 132 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 8: PRESERVATION (MUMBAI METRO) • 133 2023). A Heritage Committee member confirms that the petitioners approached that with the metro, the municipal commissioner “can do whatever he wants” the committee, who did take up the issue with the metro developers. But the (Interviewee 7b, Heritage Committee, 2022). discussions did not go further after the developers made assurances that they The “public interest” argument is also put forth in the judicial case regarding would safeguard the buildings (Interviewee 2b, Heritage Committee, 2023). the Atash Behrams. As reported in the media, the counsel for the Metro Rail Overall, there was little information available on how the issue was taken up on Company stated that the rights of the public outweighed those of a single “heritage” grounds. community (Aney, in Deshpande, 2018). A Metro Rail Company representative echoes the sentiment, stating that despite eventual permission to build, there were Urban development as prioritised lengthy delays (Interviewee 10b, Metro Rail Company, 2022). In relation to the The negotiations in the Mumbai Metro case are largely characterised by the case, they state: Heritage Committee making and reiterating their demands and the Metro Rail “[…] the problem is whatever is the background the losers are the people Company resisting them. A committee member comments more generally that because all the money is going through the taxpayers. So, that is […] very negotiation means a middle path between “heritage” structures and – in this case sad.” (Interviewee 10b, Metro Rail Company, 2022). – infrastructure projects is required (Interviewee 2b, Heritage Committee, 2022). The flip side to this view is from the conservationists, as represented by the The committee “have to let go of some part of heritage and accommodate some Heritage Committee, who feel that conservation is given lower priority and urban part of the infrastructure project” or otherwise reroute the project if they feel that developers do not compromise. They said that the Metro Rail Company needed something cannot be let go of (Interviewee 2b, Heritage Committee, 2022). to adopt an “an open minded approach” (MHCC meeting minutes, 26 November However, the planning priority is in the technicalities of establishing the most 2013). Their assumption is that the Metro Rail Company would not have wanted suitable route. Project developers do consider “heritage”, but to a limited extent. to realign the track based on the committee’s demands because the plans would “[…] for them the priority would be to […] fix the alignments and […] have been prepared and change would come as a great financial cost (Interviewee curvatures and everything like that, and feasibilities and […] what is what 1b, Heritage Committee, 2021). goes under the road what goes above the road.” (Interviewee 2b, Heritage The arguments about realignment do not hold much water from either side, Committee, 2022) according to Interviewee 22b (academic, 2021), who was part of some of the Even outside of the developer perspective, infrastructure projects are seen to have meetings in their capacity as member of another official heritage body. They state greater importance than listed heritage. In the metro case, the Municipal that the Heritage Committee’s argument about potential congestion and Commissioner eventually overruled the committee’s recommendations for constructing under the foundations was not sound (Interviewee 22b, academic, realignment of the track under DN Road. According to media reports, the 2021). On the other hand, the Metro Rail Company’s consultants displayed an commissioner said that the metro project was more important. inflexibility to budge from their plans (Interviewee 22b, academic, 2021). “After careful deliberation on the merits of the case, I have come to the “It was, one, people not understanding that there is possibility in design and conclusion that this is a fit case for exercise of powers under [Development technology [to building under a heritage precinct], and the other set of people Control Regulations] 67 (2) as this is an infrastructure project of extremely being simply lazy and not ready to work a little bit more.” (Interviewee 22b, vital importance for Mumbai. Also I am satisfied that there is no viable academic, 2021) alternative.” (Kunte, in FPJ Bureau, 2019a) The view reflects that parties advocating on the sides of both conservation and Infrastructure projects are seen to be in “the larger public interest” or catering to urban planning projects have hardened positions. Interviewee 22b (academic, “the bigger picture” (Interviewee 2b, Heritage Committee, 2022). One committee 2021) argues that both parties were both right and wrong, but the larger point that member interprets the overruling of the committee’s recommendations, stating is missed is the debate on “urban form” and designing the project in spatially sensitive ways. Planners look at technical requirements and listed heritage as an 134 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 8: PRESERVATION (MUMBAI METRO) • 135 add-on, rather than the urban form that their projects should aspire to engender incentives (to build high-rises) in the form of Floor Space Index (MHCC meeting (Interviewee 22b, academic, 2021). minutes, 8 November 2013). One committee member states: “I've sat on many committees locally in heritage and had to protest, so you Listed heritage as a burden know, the question is, no one is against development, but you can't just have In a planning system where conservation and urban development are kept apart, a car without a brake. So, we conservationists are like a kind of a brake. But the idea is whether the brakes are respected as a part of the vehicle or are developers, politicians, and the administration in general view listed heritage as an considered as obstruction.” (Interviewee 17b, Heritage Committee, 2021) obstacle to urban planning projects. This view reflects a concern with wanton urban development projects that risk “[…] as far as heritage is concerned, that was considered as a nuisance, so swallowing up historic environments. Accordingly, when it comes to listed generally, there was not much of enthusiasm or interest in supporting heritage. […] [The Development Plan] Department [of the Municipality] is heritage, preservation of the physical structure is seen as the way to slow it down. not very enthusiastic about it except for the Deputy Municipal Architect in Further, urban developers are characterised as land-grabbing cut-throats who charge of heritage. That fellow will try to follow the dictates of the committee, will go to any lengths to monetise plots of land. This threat is especially in Mumbai, give clearance, or ask questions and all. But otherwise, the [Development Plan] Department is not particularly enthusiastic or concerned about heritage. and even more so in south Mumbai, where real estate is of prime value. Most listed That is how the system works.” (Interviewee 1b, Heritage Committee, 2021) heritage, the majority of which is colonial-era heritage, is located here. One Heritage Committee member sums up the threat in general terms: Listed heritage is further considered to be dispensable. “Supposing there is a historical building which is in a cluster which a “People can say, when matters like health, education, livelihood and then developer wants to redevelop, then he will like this historical building or the infrastructure development, construction of roads, railway lines, when these heritage building to be demolished. And he may manouvre and manipulate matters of national development, are probably more important, heritage is a to see that the permission is granted. Or that structure is removed from the luxury which probably we cannot afford.” (Interviewee 1b, Heritage list of heritage buildings. Anything of that kind can happen.” (Interviewee Committee, 2021) 13b, Heritage Committee, 2021) This view reflects listed heritage as being unrelated to other societal concerns, The statement casts developers as devious and shows the threat they pose to which make it viewed as optional. In the light of what is considered disregard or historic environments. indifference to historic environments, the Heritage Committee’s approach to Conservation and urban development are further drawn apart by politicians dealing with them translates to preservation of listed heritage. One member who have conflicting views from conservationists. Heritage Committee members reflects: cite government apathy towards conservation (Interviewee 1b, 2021; Interviewee 17b, 2021). The attitude also shows in the paucity of funding allocated for “[…] usually our approach was that once any proposal referred to a notified or identified heritage structure, our decision should preponderantly look at conservation and maintenance of listed heritage (Interviewee 1b, Heritage conserving it. […] so we would ensure that the scales weigh in favour of the Committee, 2021). Government apathy is not only at the city-level but at state and conservation and maintaining the integrity of the structure rather than the national levels as well. Interviewee 1b (Heritage Committee, 2021) refers to the other way round. And if the repairs or alterations which would hurt or damage the structure were sought, we would refuse it” (Interviewee 13b, State Archaeology Department operating on behalf of the national government, as Heritage Committee, 2021) “a very weak department” where the post of director is largely vacant, there are hardly any staff, and where “very, very little work is being done”. Interviewee 17b In the balance of conservation and urban planning projects, members express the (Heritage Committee, 2021) further cites the absence of a dedicated conservation sentiment that the latter carries more weight in decision-making. In the metro case, ministry at the national level, even after over 70 years of independence. they were also therefore concerned about policy that would enable new Politicians are not just seen to be apathetic but actively in collusion with urban development projects on DN Road if developers were given additional building developers and against conservation. The media has reported that political parties 134 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 8: PRESERVATION (MUMBAI METRO) • 135 add-on, rather than the urban form that their projects should aspire to engender incentives (to build high-rises) in the form of Floor Space Index (MHCC meeting (Interviewee 22b, academic, 2021). minutes, 8 November 2013). One committee member states: “I've sat on many committees locally in heritage and had to protest, so you Listed heritage as a burden know, the question is, no one is against development, but you can't just have In a planning system where conservation and urban development are kept apart, a car without a brake. So, we conservationists are like a kind of a brake. But the idea is whether the brakes are respected as a part of the vehicle or are developers, politicians, and the administration in general view listed heritage as an considered as obstruction.” (Interviewee 17b, Heritage Committee, 2021) obstacle to urban planning projects. This view reflects a concern with wanton urban development projects that risk “[…] as far as heritage is concerned, that was considered as a nuisance, so swallowing up historic environments. Accordingly, when it comes to listed generally, there was not much of enthusiasm or interest in supporting heritage. […] [The Development Plan] Department [of the Municipality] is heritage, preservation of the physical structure is seen as the way to slow it down. not very enthusiastic about it except for the Deputy Municipal Architect in Further, urban developers are characterised as land-grabbing cut-throats who charge of heritage. That fellow will try to follow the dictates of the committee, will go to any lengths to monetise plots of land. This threat is especially in Mumbai, give clearance, or ask questions and all. But otherwise, the [Development Plan] Department is not particularly enthusiastic or concerned about heritage. and even more so in south Mumbai, where real estate is of prime value. Most listed That is how the system works.” (Interviewee 1b, Heritage Committee, 2021) heritage, the majority of which is colonial-era heritage, is located here. One Heritage Committee member sums up the threat in general terms: Listed heritage is further considered to be dispensable. “Supposing there is a historical building which is in a cluster which a “People can say, when matters like health, education, livelihood and then developer wants to redevelop, then he will like this historical building or the infrastructure development, construction of roads, railway lines, when these heritage building to be demolished. And he may manouvre and manipulate matters of national development, are probably more important, heritage is a to see that the permission is granted. Or that structure is removed from the luxury which probably we cannot afford.” (Interviewee 1b, Heritage list of heritage buildings. Anything of that kind can happen.” (Interviewee Committee, 2021) 13b, Heritage Committee, 2021) This view reflects listed heritage as being unrelated to other societal concerns, The statement casts developers as devious and shows the threat they pose to which make it viewed as optional. In the light of what is considered disregard or historic environments. indifference to historic environments, the Heritage Committee’s approach to Conservation and urban development are further drawn apart by politicians dealing with them translates to preservation of listed heritage. One member who have conflicting views from conservationists. Heritage Committee members reflects: cite government apathy towards conservation (Interviewee 1b, 2021; Interviewee 17b, 2021). The attitude also shows in the paucity of funding allocated for “[…] usually our approach was that once any proposal referred to a notified or identified heritage structure, our decision should preponderantly look at conservation and maintenance of listed heritage (Interviewee 1b, Heritage conserving it. […] so we would ensure that the scales weigh in favour of the Committee, 2021). Government apathy is not only at the city-level but at state and conservation and maintaining the integrity of the structure rather than the national levels as well. Interviewee 1b (Heritage Committee, 2021) refers to the other way round. And if the repairs or alterations which would hurt or damage the structure were sought, we would refuse it” (Interviewee 13b, State Archaeology Department operating on behalf of the national government, as Heritage Committee, 2021) “a very weak department” where the post of director is largely vacant, there are hardly any staff, and where “very, very little work is being done”. Interviewee 17b In the balance of conservation and urban planning projects, members express the (Heritage Committee, 2021) further cites the absence of a dedicated conservation sentiment that the latter carries more weight in decision-making. In the metro case, ministry at the national level, even after over 70 years of independence. they were also therefore concerned about policy that would enable new Politicians are not just seen to be apathetic but actively in collusion with urban development projects on DN Road if developers were given additional building developers and against conservation. The media has reported that political parties 136 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 8: PRESERVATION (MUMBAI METRO) • 137 have on occasion demanded that the committee be dissolved because it is an been modified. Where previously, additions in the vicinity of Grade I structures obstacle to development projects (Vasudevan, 2015). Two Heritage Committee were forbidden (DCR, 2008: 227), they are now allowed under certain conditions members talk about how politicians favour private developers: (DCPR, 2018: 404). Previously, there were various conditions for the reconstruction of Grade III buildings (DCR, 2008: 227-8), now they are left to the “[…] sometimes in Bombay, one has to be careful […] sometimes the builders and developers lobby will directly work through the Chief Minister. discretion of the Municipal Commissioner (DCPR, 2018: 405). The additional And many times, the integrity of political masters cannot necessarily be taken condition for demolition of Grade III buildings is now that they must be for granted. So, all that kind of conflict will always happen. […] Especially in completely documented before demolition (DCPR, 2018: 406). Mumbai, where real estate and reconstruction and repairs and things of that kind are a big, prized kind of things, […] involving crores of rupees.” The dilution of the regulations also affects the reach of the Heritage Committee (Interviewee 13b, Heritage Committee, 2021) as seen in repair works permissible for Grade I and III buildings. For Grade I buildings, repairs previously required input from the committee (DCR, 2008: 228), “[…] there are a lot of pressures which are, brought […] both on the political leadership as well as on the administrative machinery for dismantling of however, now the regulations additionally mention decision-making by the everything, because […] when you want to develop an area, if there is some Municipal Commissioner (DCPR, 2018: 405). For Grade III buildings, committee heritage structure, there a lot of commercial forces come into play which want input is no longer required for what the DCPR (2018: 404-5) calls the heritage structure dismantled and the area commercially exploited. So, it's “minor/structural repairs” and “periodic maintenance”. These repairs now only a constantly, these pressures are there which are keeping nibbling away at heritage from time to time.” (Interviewee 1b, Heritage Committee, 2021) require the Municipal Commissioner’s approval (DCPR, 2018: 405-6). Overall, the current regulations are more change-oriented and less in the hands of the These statements show that politics is deeply embedded in the planning system, committee. They enable change by way of demolition, which the media reports, with listed heritage being the casualty. would be “a blow to the city’s heritage” (Purohit, 2015). There are problems with the way both politicians and conservationists see The government and existing policy side-line heritage conservation. However, conservation in planning. Politicians are inspired by the east, while for Interviewee 22b (academic, 2021), the regulation route is not the way to go conservationists, by the west, “but no one sees the centre or the real realistic when it comes to heritage conservation, and it has in fact been detrimental to situation” (Interviewee 17, Heritage Committee, 2021). This implies that “heritage buildings”. They critique actors in the current system, both planners and politicians are interested in building and its monetary value. Places like Shanghai conservationists. and Singapore symbolise progress and are frequently cited as model cities to aspire to. Conservationists on the other hand, look to the west, particularly Britain and “This is what planners and largely […] the activist group think, that […] you do it through legislation and regulation, but with this legislation regulation, its “conservatory environment” (Interviewee 17b, Heritage Committee, 2021). nothing can ever happen […] because heritage is a cultural [form?] and it is This is a controlled environment not replicable in an Indian context where needs impossible fundamentally to legislate culture […].” (Interviewee 22b, and aspirations are different (Interviewee 17, Heritage Committee, 2021). academic, 2021) Conservation in India needs to be flexible, recognise the needs of people, and take Regulations and legislation are only one aspect, a techno-legal one that cannot into consideration wider social and economic concerns (Interviewee 17b, Heritage govern cultural issues surrounding people’s lives, work, attachment to places, and Committee, 2021). so on (Interviewee, 22b, academic, 2021). According to them, the heritage There has also been a policy change in heritage regulations in Mumbai. This is discourse needs to emerge from an economic, rather than legislative context by way the most recent dilution of heritage regulations in Development Control (Interviewee 22b, academic, 2021). and Promotion Regulations (DCPR, 2018, from its previous version, the Development Control Regulations (DCR, 2008). Despite their enduring focus on building material, the latest guidelines subvert the previous guidelines with respect to preservation. The scope of permissible physical changes to listed buildings has 136 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 8: PRESERVATION (MUMBAI METRO) • 137 have on occasion demanded that the committee be dissolved because it is an been modified. Where previously, additions in the vicinity of Grade I structures obstacle to development projects (Vasudevan, 2015). Two Heritage Committee were forbidden (DCR, 2008: 227), they are now allowed under certain conditions members talk about how politicians favour private developers: (DCPR, 2018: 404). Previously, there were various conditions for the reconstruction of Grade III buildings (DCR, 2008: 227-8), now they are left to the “[…] sometimes in Bombay, one has to be careful […] sometimes the builders and developers lobby will directly work through the Chief Minister. discretion of the Municipal Commissioner (DCPR, 2018: 405). The additional And many times, the integrity of political masters cannot necessarily be taken condition for demolition of Grade III buildings is now that they must be for granted. So, all that kind of conflict will always happen. […] Especially in completely documented before demolition (DCPR, 2018: 406). Mumbai, where real estate and reconstruction and repairs and things of that kind are a big, prized kind of things, […] involving crores of rupees.” The dilution of the regulations also affects the reach of the Heritage Committee (Interviewee 13b, Heritage Committee, 2021) as seen in repair works permissible for Grade I and III buildings. For Grade I buildings, repairs previously required input from the committee (DCR, 2008: 228), “[…] there are a lot of pressures which are, brought […] both on the political leadership as well as on the administrative machinery for dismantling of however, now the regulations additionally mention decision-making by the everything, because […] when you want to develop an area, if there is some Municipal Commissioner (DCPR, 2018: 405). For Grade III buildings, committee heritage structure, there a lot of commercial forces come into play which want input is no longer required for what the DCPR (2018: 404-5) calls the heritage structure dismantled and the area commercially exploited. So, it's “minor/structural repairs” and “periodic maintenance”. These repairs now only a constantly, these pressures are there which are keeping nibbling away at heritage from time to time.” (Interviewee 1b, Heritage Committee, 2021) require the Municipal Commissioner’s approval (DCPR, 2018: 405-6). Overall, the current regulations are more change-oriented and less in the hands of the These statements show that politics is deeply embedded in the planning system, committee. They enable change by way of demolition, which the media reports, with listed heritage being the casualty. would be “a blow to the city’s heritage” (Purohit, 2015). There are problems with the way both politicians and conservationists see The government and existing policy side-line heritage conservation. However, conservation in planning. Politicians are inspired by the east, while for Interviewee 22b (academic, 2021), the regulation route is not the way to go conservationists, by the west, “but no one sees the centre or the real realistic when it comes to heritage conservation, and it has in fact been detrimental to situation” (Interviewee 17, Heritage Committee, 2021). This implies that “heritage buildings”. They critique actors in the current system, both planners and politicians are interested in building and its monetary value. Places like Shanghai conservationists. and Singapore symbolise progress and are frequently cited as model cities to aspire to. Conservationists on the other hand, look to the west, particularly Britain and “This is what planners and largely […] the activist group think, that […] you do it through legislation and regulation, but with this legislation regulation, its “conservatory environment” (Interviewee 17b, Heritage Committee, 2021). nothing can ever happen […] because heritage is a cultural [form?] and it is This is a controlled environment not replicable in an Indian context where needs impossible fundamentally to legislate culture […].” (Interviewee 22b, and aspirations are different (Interviewee 17, Heritage Committee, 2021). academic, 2021) Conservation in India needs to be flexible, recognise the needs of people, and take Regulations and legislation are only one aspect, a techno-legal one that cannot into consideration wider social and economic concerns (Interviewee 17b, Heritage govern cultural issues surrounding people’s lives, work, attachment to places, and Committee, 2021). so on (Interviewee, 22b, academic, 2021). According to them, the heritage There has also been a policy change in heritage regulations in Mumbai. This is discourse needs to emerge from an economic, rather than legislative context by way the most recent dilution of heritage regulations in Development Control (Interviewee 22b, academic, 2021). and Promotion Regulations (DCPR, 2018, from its previous version, the Development Control Regulations (DCR, 2008). Despite their enduring focus on building material, the latest guidelines subvert the previous guidelines with respect to preservation. The scope of permissible physical changes to listed buildings has 138 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 8: PRESERVATION (MUMBAI METRO) • 139 Role of the Heritage Committee Further, despite the Committee’s uniform formal mandate to deal with building permissions, its heterogenous composition means that members have their own The Heritage Committee has an institutional mandate which offers little wiggle professional and intellectual starting points. These can sometimes struggle against room for dealing with listed heritage outside the scope of preservation. It is the committee mandate and are not even always the same for individual members. notified by the Urban Development Department of Maharashtra state and So, committee members can simultaneously be architects as well as academics or administered by the Municipality. The Committee’s main task is to weigh in on simply conservation enthusiasts. One committee member, referring to their three and advise the Municipal Commissioner on building permissions with respect to different professional roles, states: listed heritage. When a planning proposal is submitted to the Development Plan department of the Municipality, and is seen to encounter listed heritage, it is “[…] these are three people. […] what would you choose me to behave as referred to the Heritage Committee. They vet the project from the point of view […]?” (Interviewee 7b, Heritage Committee, 2022) of listed heritage before allowing it to proceed. In this context, the Heritage This quote is a reflection of the various hats a committee member might wear. For Committee’s role is largely limited to permissions and consideration of urban the interviewee, as Heritage Committee member their job is to represent the planning and development projects. Further, the regulations that they work with, Municipality and to see to it that the regulations are followed, regardless of whether have in their scope a material fabric focus, with options ranging only from they personally agree with the building proposal or not (Interviewee 7b, Heritage preservation to demolition (as the spectrum of grading reflects). Against this Committee, 2022). backdrop of limited options, the role of the committee crystallises into one of Despites the constrictions of the regulations, the Heritage Committee attempts pushing for preservation. to go beyond dealing with physical loss to individually listed heritage buildings, and Even the preservation mandate is hard to execute, given that the odds are raises wider urban planning issues. This is seen in the metro, as they attempt to systemically stacked against the functioning of the Heritage Committee. It is an prevent congestion in the area, by demanding restrictions on building potential by advisory committee with no regulatory powers. The appointment of the way of incentive Floor Space Index to developers (MHCC meeting minutes, 8 committee, which takes place every three years, is itself not something that cannot November 2013). Congestion is the result of car traffic, and accordingly, be taken for granted. This was the case in 2011, when the Urban Development Interviewee 17b (Heritage Committee, 2023) states that the regulations should Department did not renew the committee’s term in time, and the city did not have disallow the construction of car parks in buildings if metro use is to be encouraged. a Heritage Committee for nearly a year (Express News Service, 2015). During this This recommendation, in addressing the possibility of congestion, lies outside the period, as a former Heritage Committee chairperson states, many listed heritage purview of individual buildings but within the experience of the area in general. It buildings were lost (Ranganathan, in Vasudevan, 2015). The same concern crept further shows a concern for rethinking building regulations in “heritage” areas, up in 2015 (Vasudevan, 2015). outside of the committee’s mandate. The Heritage Committee consists of a mix of appointed and nominated The Heritage Committee further questioned the planning procedure, asking members, usually chaired by a retired bureaucrat. Members are from the whether other utilities and infrastructure projects in the area had been considered Municipality, architects, structural engineers, and historians, to name a few (MHCC meeting minutes, 26 November 2013). They asked that not only heritage professions. The composition of the committee confirms its focus on built structures but also utilities and traffic and pedestrian movement be mapped on the heritage. One member states: drawings (MHCC meeting minutes, 26 November 2013). They even questioned “It is important to have professional architects and professional […] the very basis of constructing a metro in that part of the city, asking whether “it structural engineers, who understand the intricacies of construction, how to [was] really necessary to have a new mode of transport in the form of [the metro]” preserve and conserve a particular feature without damaging the basic (MHCC meeting minutes, 8 November 2013). They raised concerns with having characteristics of the feature” (Interviewee 13b, Heritage Committee, 2021) “so many Metro stations in close vicinity of the existing railway stations” (MHCC meeting minutes, 26 November 2013). Equally, they asked why the metro wasn’t 138 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 8: PRESERVATION (MUMBAI METRO) • 139 Role of the Heritage Committee Further, despite the Committee’s uniform formal mandate to deal with building permissions, its heterogenous composition means that members have their own The Heritage Committee has an institutional mandate which offers little wiggle professional and intellectual starting points. These can sometimes struggle against room for dealing with listed heritage outside the scope of preservation. It is the committee mandate and are not even always the same for individual members. notified by the Urban Development Department of Maharashtra state and So, committee members can simultaneously be architects as well as academics or administered by the Municipality. The Committee’s main task is to weigh in on simply conservation enthusiasts. One committee member, referring to their three and advise the Municipal Commissioner on building permissions with respect to different professional roles, states: listed heritage. When a planning proposal is submitted to the Development Plan department of the Municipality, and is seen to encounter listed heritage, it is “[…] these are three people. […] what would you choose me to behave as referred to the Heritage Committee. They vet the project from the point of view […]?” (Interviewee 7b, Heritage Committee, 2022) of listed heritage before allowing it to proceed. In this context, the Heritage This quote is a reflection of the various hats a committee member might wear. For Committee’s role is largely limited to permissions and consideration of urban the interviewee, as Heritage Committee member their job is to represent the planning and development projects. Further, the regulations that they work with, Municipality and to see to it that the regulations are followed, regardless of whether have in their scope a material fabric focus, with options ranging only from they personally agree with the building proposal or not (Interviewee 7b, Heritage preservation to demolition (as the spectrum of grading reflects). Against this Committee, 2022). backdrop of limited options, the role of the committee crystallises into one of Despites the constrictions of the regulations, the Heritage Committee attempts pushing for preservation. to go beyond dealing with physical loss to individually listed heritage buildings, and Even the preservation mandate is hard to execute, given that the odds are raises wider urban planning issues. This is seen in the metro, as they attempt to systemically stacked against the functioning of the Heritage Committee. It is an prevent congestion in the area, by demanding restrictions on building potential by advisory committee with no regulatory powers. The appointment of the way of incentive Floor Space Index to developers (MHCC meeting minutes, 8 committee, which takes place every three years, is itself not something that cannot November 2013). Congestion is the result of car traffic, and accordingly, be taken for granted. This was the case in 2011, when the Urban Development Interviewee 17b (Heritage Committee, 2023) states that the regulations should Department did not renew the committee’s term in time, and the city did not have disallow the construction of car parks in buildings if metro use is to be encouraged. a Heritage Committee for nearly a year (Express News Service, 2015). During this This recommendation, in addressing the possibility of congestion, lies outside the period, as a former Heritage Committee chairperson states, many listed heritage purview of individual buildings but within the experience of the area in general. It buildings were lost (Ranganathan, in Vasudevan, 2015). The same concern crept further shows a concern for rethinking building regulations in “heritage” areas, up in 2015 (Vasudevan, 2015). outside of the committee’s mandate. The Heritage Committee consists of a mix of appointed and nominated The Heritage Committee further questioned the planning procedure, asking members, usually chaired by a retired bureaucrat. Members are from the whether other utilities and infrastructure projects in the area had been considered Municipality, architects, structural engineers, and historians, to name a few (MHCC meeting minutes, 26 November 2013). They asked that not only heritage professions. The composition of the committee confirms its focus on built structures but also utilities and traffic and pedestrian movement be mapped on the heritage. One member states: drawings (MHCC meeting minutes, 26 November 2013). They even questioned “It is important to have professional architects and professional […] the very basis of constructing a metro in that part of the city, asking whether “it structural engineers, who understand the intricacies of construction, how to [was] really necessary to have a new mode of transport in the form of [the metro]” preserve and conserve a particular feature without damaging the basic (MHCC meeting minutes, 8 November 2013). They raised concerns with having characteristics of the feature” (Interviewee 13b, Heritage Committee, 2021) “so many Metro stations in close vicinity of the existing railway stations” (MHCC meeting minutes, 26 November 2013). Equally, they asked why the metro wasn’t 140 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 8: PRESERVATION (MUMBAI METRO) • 141 being extended into the nearby central business district (MHCC meeting minutes, Economically speaking, interviewees comment on the absence of financial 8 November 2013). As Interviewee 17b (Heritage Committee, 2021) elaborates, governmental incentives for conservation and comment that conservation should extending it would have served some purpose since the eastern waterfront of the be tied in with financial incentives (Interviewee 17b, Heritage Committee, 2021). city is opening up. This reflects that the Heritage Committee, despite their limited “[Heritage conservation] has to be flexible, it has to adjust to the needs of the mandate to deal with building permissions, attempt to reach into areas of city people. You can’t say, don’t change this, don’t change that. […] you’re not planning outside the bounds of physical and structural issues concerning listed giving any incentives. You’re not giving any rebates, you’re not giving a tax heritage. discount. You’re just saying do this, do this.” (Interviewee 17b, Heritage Committee, 2021) Conservation beyond material preservation The interviewee argues for keeping heritage at the centre while also plugging into Overall, the preservation actions in the metro and of conservation in general, other concerns, commenting that heritage can generate employment, arts and reflect the silo built into the planning system and transmitted, albeit patchily, to crafts, and sustainability. those who work within it. Practitioners and academics, however, recognise the The wider context is emphasised by Interviewee 22b (academic, 2021) who limits of current practice. stresses the need to look at the wider political economy. There is a need for an The preservation focus keeps listed heritage dissociated from its wider context, entire ecosystem around heritage, an industry with a “very thick set of agents and not only physically, but also economically and socially. In the case of physical actors and stakeholders” (Interviewee 22b, academic, 2021). context, Interviewee 17b (Heritage Committee, 2021) says that individual built Overall, this section has shown that conservation and urban planning as elements are conserved in isolation from their wider settings. Interviewee 2b systemically separated, a factor that also reflects in the metro case. (Heritage Committee, 2022) hints at the need for actions that add to historic environments rather than simply keep them away while planning new projects, and DN Road and colonial nostalgia critique the existing approach. Preservation of both physical and visual integrity take shape in the responses on “[…] when you take any government agency, or any of these private DN Road. DN Road is an especially significant expression of the former colonial infrastructure players, the approach is not how they can conserve or add to the heritage, but is how they can avoid conflict with the heritage. That is the city and the focus of several conservation initiatives. The road, formerly Hornby approach, which perhaps […] does not go well with activists, heritage Road, ran along the inner edge of the erstwhile fort walls. It became important activists or conservationists.” (Interviewee 2b, Heritage Committee, 2022) when the walls were razed in the 1860s, opening up space for construction (Narain Lambah and MMR-HCS, 2002: 3). While the individual buildings could have their A move beyond this constructed separation according to them would involve own façade designs, each was supposed to have an arcade at the ground level, to looking at conservation in a productive, additive way. They elaborate: string them together into a unified entity (Mehrotra, 1997: 27). The road was later ““Add” in the sense […] to give a positive consideration, perhaps create a renamed after Dadabhai Naoroji, a highly influential Indian nationalist leader. nice setting around through your work or anything like that. Not all structures Branded “The Heritage Mile”, DN Road has received a lot of attention from or sites are in proper condition or good condition. So, maybe they could, wherever they pass through, they could add some kind of setting or […] give conservationists over the past few decades. It is considered important for its some value addition to that heritage structure.” (Interviewee 2b, Heritage eclectic streetscape, pedestrian arcade, and for being one of the first of its kind in Committee, 2022) planning (Narain Lambah, n.d.). The Bombay Heritage Regulations of 1995 declared the road a “heritage streetscape” and each building on the stretch was This view places individual buildings in their wider physical contexts and brings in listed with Grade II status (Narain Lambah, n.d.). The MMR-HCS conservation the focus on physical additivity to historic environments. body, in its first assignment, commissioned the streetscape project for the road, a documentation of the entire stretch with design recommendations for “heritage 140 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 8: PRESERVATION (MUMBAI METRO) • 141 being extended into the nearby central business district (MHCC meeting minutes, Economically speaking, interviewees comment on the absence of financial 8 November 2013). As Interviewee 17b (Heritage Committee, 2021) elaborates, governmental incentives for conservation and comment that conservation should extending it would have served some purpose since the eastern waterfront of the be tied in with financial incentives (Interviewee 17b, Heritage Committee, 2021). city is opening up. This reflects that the Heritage Committee, despite their limited “[Heritage conservation] has to be flexible, it has to adjust to the needs of the mandate to deal with building permissions, attempt to reach into areas of city people. You can’t say, don’t change this, don’t change that. […] you’re not planning outside the bounds of physical and structural issues concerning listed giving any incentives. You’re not giving any rebates, you’re not giving a tax heritage. discount. You’re just saying do this, do this.” (Interviewee 17b, Heritage Committee, 2021) Conservation beyond material preservation The interviewee argues for keeping heritage at the centre while also plugging into Overall, the preservation actions in the metro and of conservation in general, other concerns, commenting that heritage can generate employment, arts and reflect the silo built into the planning system and transmitted, albeit patchily, to crafts, and sustainability. those who work within it. Practitioners and academics, however, recognise the The wider context is emphasised by Interviewee 22b (academic, 2021) who limits of current practice. stresses the need to look at the wider political economy. There is a need for an The preservation focus keeps listed heritage dissociated from its wider context, entire ecosystem around heritage, an industry with a “very thick set of agents and not only physically, but also economically and socially. In the case of physical actors and stakeholders” (Interviewee 22b, academic, 2021). context, Interviewee 17b (Heritage Committee, 2021) says that individual built Overall, this section has shown that conservation and urban planning as elements are conserved in isolation from their wider settings. Interviewee 2b systemically separated, a factor that also reflects in the metro case. (Heritage Committee, 2022) hints at the need for actions that add to historic environments rather than simply keep them away while planning new projects, and DN Road and colonial nostalgia critique the existing approach. Preservation of both physical and visual integrity take shape in the responses on “[…] when you take any government agency, or any of these private DN Road. DN Road is an especially significant expression of the former colonial infrastructure players, the approach is not how they can conserve or add to the heritage, but is how they can avoid conflict with the heritage. That is the city and the focus of several conservation initiatives. The road, formerly Hornby approach, which perhaps […] does not go well with activists, heritage Road, ran along the inner edge of the erstwhile fort walls. It became important activists or conservationists.” (Interviewee 2b, Heritage Committee, 2022) when the walls were razed in the 1860s, opening up space for construction (Narain Lambah and MMR-HCS, 2002: 3). While the individual buildings could have their A move beyond this constructed separation according to them would involve own façade designs, each was supposed to have an arcade at the ground level, to looking at conservation in a productive, additive way. They elaborate: string them together into a unified entity (Mehrotra, 1997: 27). The road was later ““Add” in the sense […] to give a positive consideration, perhaps create a renamed after Dadabhai Naoroji, a highly influential Indian nationalist leader. nice setting around through your work or anything like that. Not all structures Branded “The Heritage Mile”, DN Road has received a lot of attention from or sites are in proper condition or good condition. So, maybe they could, conservationists over the past few decades. It is considered important for its wherever they pass through, they could add some kind of setting or […] give some value addition to that heritage structure.” (Interviewee 2b, Heritage eclectic streetscape, pedestrian arcade, and for being one of the first of its kind in Committee, 2022) planning (Narain Lambah, n.d.). The Bombay Heritage Regulations of 1995 declared the road a “heritage streetscape” and each building on the stretch was This view places individual buildings in their wider physical contexts and brings in listed with Grade II status (Narain Lambah, n.d.). The MMR-HCS conservation the focus on physical additivity to historic environments. body, in its first assignment, commissioned the streetscape project for the road, a documentation of the entire stretch with design recommendations for “heritage 142 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 8: PRESERVATION (MUMBAI METRO) • 143 sensitive street furniture and signage” (Narain Lambah, n.d.). This resulted in the 17b, 2021). The Heritage Committee even referred to DN Road fondly, as the first handbook of urban conservation guidelines in the country (Narain Lambah, Heritage Mile, and stated its importance as a “major artery” for pedestrians n.d.). The project spawned The Heritage Mile association, a non-profit of tenants, (MHCC meeting minutes, 26 August 2014). This was a reference to the Victorian shopkeepers, and owners on the road to work towards its conservation (Narain arcade. The arcade, shown in Figure 30, is considered an important building Lambah, 2009). The architect behind the streetscape project, Abha Narain element (Interviewee 17b, Heritage Committee, 2021). Lambah, went on to win the Unesco Asia-Pacific Heritage Award of Merit for this project (Abha Narain Lambah and Associates, n.d.). DN Road is part of the Unesco-listed Victorian and Art Deco Ensemble World Heritage Site, inscribed in 2018, and one row of its buildings are in the buffer of the CST World Heritage Site. These are two of the three World Heritage Sites in Mumbai. All this shows that DN Road and its buildings are considered especially significant in conservation practice. Figure 30: Arcade on DN Road Photograph: Maitri Dore (2022) One committee member says the uniqueness of the stretch merits a demand for track realignment: “[…] the Heritage Mile is the only part of the city where you find a continuous set of heritage buildings […]” (Interviewee 1b, Heritage Committee, 2021) Figure 29: Metro construction on DN Road DN Road is considered a microcosm of valuable historic buildings and its visual Photograph: Maitri Dore (2022) integrity, crucial. In this context, one member refers to the design of the new overground structures of the station: The importance of DN Road is expressed in the metro case by both the Heritage “How do you connect a metro in such a way that you camouflage this coming Committee and Metro Rail Company. Members of the Heritage Committee out and not destroy this city, the cityscape, the streetscape? […] So, now invoked the former fort walls, stating that their foundations were of when we are doing something let us respect the existing [DN Road]. Do your “archaeological importance and excavation of D.N. Road [would] obstruct and bloody metro station, I don’t care, but why do you destroy [DN Road]? Take destroy the archaeological remains dating back from 18th Century” (MHCC out an exit into an alley, into a lane, why destroy [DN Road]? Something like that. You can do that if you wish to. You should also take care to see that the meeting minutes, 26 August 2014). The importance of the fort walls is also foundation of the buildings on [DN] Road are not shifted” (Interviewee 7b, mentioned by individual committee members (Interviewee 1b, 2021; Interviewee Heritage Committee, 2022) 142 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 8: PRESERVATION (MUMBAI METRO) • 143 sensitive street furniture and signage” (Narain Lambah, n.d.). This resulted in the 17b, 2021). The Heritage Committee even referred to DN Road fondly, as the first handbook of urban conservation guidelines in the country (Narain Lambah, Heritage Mile, and stated its importance as a “major artery” for pedestrians n.d.). The project spawned The Heritage Mile association, a non-profit of tenants, (MHCC meeting minutes, 26 August 2014). This was a reference to the Victorian shopkeepers, and owners on the road to work towards its conservation (Narain arcade. The arcade, shown in Figure 30, is considered an important building Lambah, 2009). The architect behind the streetscape project, Abha Narain element (Interviewee 17b, Heritage Committee, 2021). Lambah, went on to win the Unesco Asia-Pacific Heritage Award of Merit for this project (Abha Narain Lambah and Associates, n.d.). DN Road is part of the Unesco-listed Victorian and Art Deco Ensemble World Heritage Site, inscribed in 2018, and one row of its buildings are in the buffer of the CST World Heritage Site. These are two of the three World Heritage Sites in Mumbai. All this shows that DN Road and its buildings are considered especially significant in conservation practice. Figure 30: Arcade on DN Road Photograph: Maitri Dore (2022) One committee member says the uniqueness of the stretch merits a demand for track realignment: “[…] the Heritage Mile is the only part of the city where you find a continuous set of heritage buildings […]” (Interviewee 1b, Heritage Committee, 2021) Figure 29: Metro construction on DN Road DN Road is considered a microcosm of valuable historic buildings and its visual Photograph: Maitri Dore (2022) integrity, crucial. In this context, one member refers to the design of the new overground structures of the station: The importance of DN Road is expressed in the metro case by both the Heritage “How do you connect a metro in such a way that you camouflage this coming Committee and Metro Rail Company. Members of the Heritage Committee out and not destroy this city, the cityscape, the streetscape? […] So, now invoked the former fort walls, stating that their foundations were of when we are doing something let us respect the existing [DN Road]. Do your “archaeological importance and excavation of D.N. Road [would] obstruct and bloody metro station, I don’t care, but why do you destroy [DN Road]? Take destroy the archaeological remains dating back from 18th Century” (MHCC out an exit into an alley, into a lane, why destroy [DN Road]? Something like that. You can do that if you wish to. You should also take care to see that the meeting minutes, 26 August 2014). The importance of the fort walls is also foundation of the buildings on [DN] Road are not shifted” (Interviewee 7b, mentioned by individual committee members (Interviewee 1b, 2021; Interviewee Heritage Committee, 2022) 144 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 8: PRESERVATION (MUMBAI METRO) • 145 The Heritage Committee was also concerned with the location of the entry and “[…] deteriorating facades, buildings protected by the Rent Control Act and exit points of the Hutatma Chowk Station as being “an eyesore on DN Road” ugly shop signs that obscured the beautiful gothic and Victorian architecture” (Narain Lambah, 2009) (MHCC meeting minutes, 8 January 2014). They further saw increased building potential by way of additional Floor Space Index (FSI) as detrimental to the The architect’s work on DN Road involved proposals for managing the aesthetics experience road more generally. on DN Road by creating an identity for it, though guidelines on standardised shop signage, street furniture, removal of billboards, and so on (Narain Lambah, 2009). “So, you want to redevelop DN Road also. So, then what are you left with?” (Interviewee 17b, Heritage Committee, 2021) These guidelines were expressed in a formally recognised handbook (Narain Lambah and MMR-HCS, 2002). The guidelines form a reference for street These statements point to the exceptional value of DN Road. Its value is cited by furniture in the metro case, as proposed by the consulting architects (MHCC the Metro Rail Company as well, in their design considerations of the Hutatma meeting minutes, 31 July 2018). The authors of the handbook cite the road’s Chowk Station (Maple and MMRCL, 2020: 64). One representative further stresses crumbling aesthetic condition as part of the reason for writing the guidelines. the importance of preserving its visual integrity, stating that a roofless metro for Hutatma Chowk Station is important in order to make the rest of the buildings on “The elegant architecture of many historic buildings has been defaced by incongruous air-conditioning units, poorly designed sign boards, addition of DN Road “very clear and visible” and without “hindrance [when] viewing them” upper floors and changes to the original colour scheme and fenestration. The (Interviewee 10b, Metro Rail Company, 2022). These aims are operationalised bustling arcades are further congested with a multitude of hawkers and street through the location, design materials, and stylistic interventions, characterised by dwellers, while the pavements suffer from a near breakdown of civic infrastructure with inadequate and poorly designed street furniture.” (Narain the interviewees as either “period” or “contemporary” in style. Both types, though Lambah and MMR-HCS, 2002: 6) different in execution, have the same goal of foregrounding the surrounding historic environment. There is a concern with keeping the buildings on DN Road free from being The aim for visual integrity in the metro speaks to the more general mention hampered by what the authors consider visual hindrances, either in the form of of visual integrity of “heritage precincts” in the regulations. As with the permissible certain material or human presences. scope of physical changes to buildings, these regulations too have been watered The DN Road streetscape guidelines reflect a colonial nostalgia, as seen in the down. The previous regulations stated that the skyline of buildings in precincts be fond reminiscing of the mighty spine that the road once was. maintained in sync with the surroundings “without any high rise development” […] this stretch became an integral part of the city’s ceremonial axis, which (DCR, 2008: 225). The latest regulations tone down this guideline, asking for took the visitor coming by boat from the Gateway of India, down to Victoria maintenance of the skyline “as far as possible” (DCPR, 2018: 401). Regardless, railway terminus, on his journey to the great Indian hinterland.” (Narain high rise buildings are allowed in precincts, thereby resulting in a break in visual Lambah and MMR-HCS, 2002: 3). continuity of the historical built environment. A recent example of this is seen in The sense of nostalgia for a past that was better than the present is also expressed the permission granted for the construction of a nearly 70m skyscraper in the Fort by the architect who led the project: heritage precinct (HT Correspondent, 2023). DN Road is located in the Fort precinct. “I’m not saying that the city should shy from development, just that there is The aims of the metro to preserve the visual integrity of DN Road dovetail no need to trample on its history in the process. People keep talking about turning Mumbai into another Singapore. I think we should turn it back into into the general conservation aims for DN Road historically. The architect who Bombay.” (Narain Lambah, 2009) led the DN Road streetscape project in the 1990s writes about most of the buildings being unlisted (Narain Lambah, 2009). She refers to: Here, a nod to the colonial past is seen in the architect’s aspirational usage of the city’s British-given name. 144 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 8: PRESERVATION (MUMBAI METRO) • 145 The Heritage Committee was also concerned with the location of the entry and “[…] deteriorating facades, buildings protected by the Rent Control Act and exit points of the Hutatma Chowk Station as being “an eyesore on DN Road” ugly shop signs that obscured the beautiful gothic and Victorian architecture” (Narain Lambah, 2009) (MHCC meeting minutes, 8 January 2014). They further saw increased building potential by way of additional Floor Space Index (FSI) as detrimental to the The architect’s work on DN Road involved proposals for managing the aesthetics experience road more generally. on DN Road by creating an identity for it, though guidelines on standardised shop signage, street furniture, removal of billboards, and so on (Narain Lambah, 2009). “So, you want to redevelop DN Road also. So, then what are you left with?” (Interviewee 17b, Heritage Committee, 2021) These guidelines were expressed in a formally recognised handbook (Narain Lambah and MMR-HCS, 2002). The guidelines form a reference for street These statements point to the exceptional value of DN Road. Its value is cited by furniture in the metro case, as proposed by the consulting architects (MHCC the Metro Rail Company as well, in their design considerations of the Hutatma meeting minutes, 31 July 2018). The authors of the handbook cite the road’s Chowk Station (Maple and MMRCL, 2020: 64). One representative further stresses crumbling aesthetic condition as part of the reason for writing the guidelines. the importance of preserving its visual integrity, stating that a roofless metro for Hutatma Chowk Station is important in order to make the rest of the buildings on “The elegant architecture of many historic buildings has been defaced by incongruous air-conditioning units, poorly designed sign boards, addition of DN Road “very clear and visible” and without “hindrance [when] viewing them” upper floors and changes to the original colour scheme and fenestration. The (Interviewee 10b, Metro Rail Company, 2022). These aims are operationalised bustling arcades are further congested with a multitude of hawkers and street through the location, design materials, and stylistic interventions, characterised by dwellers, while the pavements suffer from a near breakdown of civic infrastructure with inadequate and poorly designed street furniture.” (Narain the interviewees as either “period” or “contemporary” in style. Both types, though Lambah and MMR-HCS, 2002: 6) different in execution, have the same goal of foregrounding the surrounding historic environment. There is a concern with keeping the buildings on DN Road free from being The aim for visual integrity in the metro speaks to the more general mention hampered by what the authors consider visual hindrances, either in the form of of visual integrity of “heritage precincts” in the regulations. As with the permissible certain material or human presences. scope of physical changes to buildings, these regulations too have been watered The DN Road streetscape guidelines reflect a colonial nostalgia, as seen in the down. The previous regulations stated that the skyline of buildings in precincts be fond reminiscing of the mighty spine that the road once was. maintained in sync with the surroundings “without any high rise development” […] this stretch became an integral part of the city’s ceremonial axis, which (DCR, 2008: 225). The latest regulations tone down this guideline, asking for took the visitor coming by boat from the Gateway of India, down to Victoria maintenance of the skyline “as far as possible” (DCPR, 2018: 401). Regardless, railway terminus, on his journey to the great Indian hinterland.” (Narain high rise buildings are allowed in precincts, thereby resulting in a break in visual Lambah and MMR-HCS, 2002: 3). continuity of the historical built environment. A recent example of this is seen in The sense of nostalgia for a past that was better than the present is also expressed the permission granted for the construction of a nearly 70m skyscraper in the Fort by the architect who led the project: heritage precinct (HT Correspondent, 2023). DN Road is located in the Fort precinct. “I’m not saying that the city should shy from development, just that there is The aims of the metro to preserve the visual integrity of DN Road dovetail no need to trample on its history in the process. People keep talking about turning Mumbai into another Singapore. I think we should turn it back into into the general conservation aims for DN Road historically. The architect who Bombay.” (Narain Lambah, 2009) led the DN Road streetscape project in the 1990s writes about most of the buildings being unlisted (Narain Lambah, 2009). She refers to: Here, a nod to the colonial past is seen in the architect’s aspirational usage of the city’s British-given name. 146 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 8: PRESERVATION (MUMBAI METRO) • 147 DN Road needs to also be looked at in the context of the wider Fort area – the the former to the movement’s elitism. The longing for a pristine environment is former colonial core of the city. It was meticulously planned by the colonial what he identifies as “a pride to claim a European legacy and an aspiration for government when the walls were razed (Mehrotra, 1997). The urban plans instated living in a European environment without hawkers in the arcades and air around the former fort were perhaps the first of their kind in colonial India conditioners on building facades” (Shetty, 2004). In this scheme of things, (Mehrotra, 1997: 26). Today, Fort has an overwhelming proportion of listed interventions such as new development projects are variously framed as heritage, and forms its own heritage precinct consisting of 14 sub-precincts. As “abrupt/hazardous/insensitive/threatening” to the historic environment (Shetty, the heritage activist and local resident, Nayana Kathpalia, and conservation 2004). In his opinion, hawkers and high-rise buildings that are seen as a threat to architect, Abha Narain Lambah describe in their conservation manual: the curated aesthetics laid out by some heritage activists, are in fact “functions of the economy” (Shetty, 2004). “The Fort precinct is the largest and most monumental or all the precincts in the city. Consisting of the bulk of the city’s landmark buildings, this area was Nostalgia too is a part of the movement’s roots, soaked in a colonial focus and defined by the old fort ramparts of the British town. Though the walls were European tropes (Nakamura, 2014: 7). Mehrotra (2004: 27) too refers to nostalgia brought down in the mid 19th century, the name persists and the area, even as a dominant part of the movement, in what he calls “the postcard city today is the heart of the city’s commercial and institutional district.” (Kathpalia and Narain Lambah, 2002: 31) syndrome”. Shetty (2004) refers to the nostalgia in his analysis of the link between historiography and the heritage discourse, as he points out that in India, Fort has been the focus of numerous conservation efforts, plans, and publications “champions of heritage repeatedly use history of the “glorious past” as the primary over the past few decades (cf. Mehrotra and Nest, 1994; Mehrotra, 1997; Urban and the only defining framework for valuing something as heritage”. Design Research Institute and Marg, 2000; Rachana Sansad Academy of Architecture and MMR-HCS, 2002; Mehrotra, 2000; Urban Design Research Preservation outside listed historic Institute, 2004; and several more). The Fort area is also home to an affluent, highly educated citizenry, that actively champions heritage protections. As the media environments reports, this citizen activism formed the beginnings of the movement that led to Claims to preservation are also mobilised by non-institutional actors such as Unesco listing for the city’s Art Deco and Victorian Gothic clusters of buildings NGOs, religious groups, and ordinary citizens in cases of affected unlisted historic in 2018 (Kulkarni, 2018). It is also seen in how one residents’ associations, through environments. This section looks at their demands for preservation of values their activism, took over the management of a Grade I-listed city park from the attached to green areas, houses and workplaces, and religious built forms. state government (Mehrotra, 2004). The aesthetic approach to DN Road and conservation in Fort more generally Green areas can be situated in a wider context of colonial nostalgia that pervades the conservation movement in Mumbai. According to Nakamura (2014: 19), “urban A major issue with respect to the metro was in the context of the Aarey forest at heritage, in its current conception, reduces the history of Mumbai to colonial the northern end of the line. Aarey is an urban forest of approximately 3000 acres, achievement, nostalgia, and elitist esthetics”. For Mehrotra (1997: 30), the presence and environmental activists and NGOs had opposed the plan for a depot there of illegal hawking in DN Road’s Victorian arcades is symbolic of the clash between and protested against the felling of trees for the purpose (Save Aarey website, contemporary use and the elitism associated with conservation as the preservation 2017). According to some reports, the toll on trees would be over 2500 (DNA of a certain image of the city. Hawkers are symbolic of the “kinetic” city, which is Correspondent, 2019). At least 12 petitions were reported to have been filed in the embodied by a constantly shifting urbanism that must be considered in urban Bombay High Court (DNA Correspondent, 2019). Objections to having a metro planning (Mehrotra, 2007). depot at Aarey were based on the loss of trees and correspondingly, the flora and The aesthetic focus and nostalgia for a certain version of the past was fauna they sustain, including some endemic species (Livemint, 2022). Animals in embedded in the heritage movement since the early 1990s. Shetty (2004), connects Aarey include leopards, scorpions, and various snakes (Kolachalam, 2022). The 146 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 8: PRESERVATION (MUMBAI METRO) • 147 DN Road needs to also be looked at in the context of the wider Fort area – the the former to the movement’s elitism. The longing for a pristine environment is former colonial core of the city. It was meticulously planned by the colonial what he identifies as “a pride to claim a European legacy and an aspiration for government when the walls were razed (Mehrotra, 1997). The urban plans instated living in a European environment without hawkers in the arcades and air around the former fort were perhaps the first of their kind in colonial India conditioners on building facades” (Shetty, 2004). In this scheme of things, (Mehrotra, 1997: 26). Today, Fort has an overwhelming proportion of listed interventions such as new development projects are variously framed as heritage, and forms its own heritage precinct consisting of 14 sub-precincts. As “abrupt/hazardous/insensitive/threatening” to the historic environment (Shetty, the heritage activist and local resident, Nayana Kathpalia, and conservation 2004). In his opinion, hawkers and high-rise buildings that are seen as a threat to architect, Abha Narain Lambah describe in their conservation manual: the curated aesthetics laid out by some heritage activists, are in fact “functions of the economy” (Shetty, 2004). “The Fort precinct is the largest and most monumental or all the precincts in the city. Consisting of the bulk of the city’s landmark buildings, this area was Nostalgia too is a part of the movement’s roots, soaked in a colonial focus and defined by the old fort ramparts of the British town. Though the walls were European tropes (Nakamura, 2014: 7). Mehrotra (2004: 27) too refers to nostalgia brought down in the mid 19th century, the name persists and the area, even as a dominant part of the movement, in what he calls “the postcard city today is the heart of the city’s commercial and institutional district.” (Kathpalia and Narain Lambah, 2002: 31) syndrome”. Shetty (2004) refers to the nostalgia in his analysis of the link between historiography and the heritage discourse, as he points out that in India, Fort has been the focus of numerous conservation efforts, plans, and publications “champions of heritage repeatedly use history of the “glorious past” as the primary over the past few decades (cf. Mehrotra and Nest, 1994; Mehrotra, 1997; Urban and the only defining framework for valuing something as heritage”. Design Research Institute and Marg, 2000; Rachana Sansad Academy of Architecture and MMR-HCS, 2002; Mehrotra, 2000; Urban Design Research Preservation outside listed historic Institute, 2004; and several more). The Fort area is also home to an affluent, highly educated citizenry, that actively champions heritage protections. As the media environments reports, this citizen activism formed the beginnings of the movement that led to Claims to preservation are also mobilised by non-institutional actors such as Unesco listing for the city’s Art Deco and Victorian Gothic clusters of buildings NGOs, religious groups, and ordinary citizens in cases of affected unlisted historic in 2018 (Kulkarni, 2018). It is also seen in how one residents’ associations, through environments. This section looks at their demands for preservation of values their activism, took over the management of a Grade I-listed city park from the attached to green areas, houses and workplaces, and religious built forms. state government (Mehrotra, 2004). The aesthetic approach to DN Road and conservation in Fort more generally Green areas can be situated in a wider context of colonial nostalgia that pervades the conservation movement in Mumbai. According to Nakamura (2014: 19), “urban A major issue with respect to the metro was in the context of the Aarey forest at heritage, in its current conception, reduces the history of Mumbai to colonial the northern end of the line. Aarey is an urban forest of approximately 3000 acres, achievement, nostalgia, and elitist esthetics”. For Mehrotra (1997: 30), the presence and environmental activists and NGOs had opposed the plan for a depot there of illegal hawking in DN Road’s Victorian arcades is symbolic of the clash between and protested against the felling of trees for the purpose (Save Aarey website, contemporary use and the elitism associated with conservation as the preservation 2017). According to some reports, the toll on trees would be over 2500 (DNA of a certain image of the city. Hawkers are symbolic of the “kinetic” city, which is Correspondent, 2019). At least 12 petitions were reported to have been filed in the embodied by a constantly shifting urbanism that must be considered in urban Bombay High Court (DNA Correspondent, 2019). Objections to having a metro planning (Mehrotra, 2007). depot at Aarey were based on the loss of trees and correspondingly, the flora and The aesthetic focus and nostalgia for a certain version of the past was fauna they sustain, including some endemic species (Livemint, 2022). Animals in embedded in the heritage movement since the early 1990s. Shetty (2004), connects Aarey include leopards, scorpions, and various snakes (Kolachalam, 2022). The 148 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 8: PRESERVATION (MUMBAI METRO) • 149 social costs from the damage to the natural environment at Aarey was also a and the temporary or permanent displacement of over 900 building structures and concern, since many tribal communities reside in Aarey and depend on the forest’s informal dwellings like hutments (2011: 9-8). ecosystem (Kolachalam, 2022). According to media reports, the shed would Some of the areas being affected are Girgaon and Kalbadevi in the vicinity of displace 3500 tribal families, resulting in the loss of homes and livelihoods (Kaskar, the metro stations. Over 750 families are cited as being affected by the 2023). construction (Maple and MMRCL, 2020: 438). The inhabitants of this area cite The issue around Aarey is also politically charged. The Save Aarey Movement having adequate transport facilities and the difficulties of resettlement, and gathered political support (Rawal, 2020). When the party backing the movement demand realignment (Maple and MMRCL, 2020: 440). The social toll is apparent came to power in the state in October 2019, they moved the planned metro depot in the notes from the public consultation process and suggest the social and to a different plot of land. They further declared plans to legally protect 600 acres community value that its residents hold. One of the grievances recorded states: of the total acreage of Aarey as a designated reserved forest (Chatterjee, 2020). In “Here these families are staying since last 50 yrs. Their many generations have July 2022, when a different government came to power, one of the first actions been staying there at the same place.” (Maple and MMRCL, 2020: 440) they took was to reinstate the metro depot back at the Aarey plot (Phadke, 2022). This is where construction is currently underway. Political feuding between the One inhabitant, speaking to the media, said she had lived in the area for 40 years state and national level governments is seen to play out in the decisions about the and did not want to be resettled in a far-off location (Patankar, in Ganapatye, metro depot. 2018). The attachment to the area runs deep. Activists also agitated against the destruction of mangroves for the metro’s Similar attachment is seen in the case of people livings in chawls. Chawls are a construction (Naik, 2016). Mangroves, that lie in the boundary between water and typology of communal living developed from the 19th century in Mumbai. They land, are fragile ecosystems that protect the coast, among other ecological benefits support a social fabric among its residents enabled by common amenities like (The Nature Conservancy, 2023). The Metro Rail Company too acknowledges the courtyards, corridors, and open spaces. The media reported the demolition of impacts to them from the project (Rites and MMRCL, 2011: 9-23). Based on media three chawls in the Girgaon area. On report quoted an inhabitant who said: reports, this issue however gained greater prominence in the context of other large “We are attached not only to our property but also to the area. It has its infrastructure projects in the city (Shantha, 2019). unique culture and ethos. We are not willing to shift.” (Unnamed resident, in Mehta and Jain, 2019) Houses and workplaces The inhabitants of the chawls will have to move into high-rise buildings in the The metro goes under several densely packed areas of the city with narrow widths. same location. However, the embedded social value of the chawls is considered This means houses and workplaces have had to be demolished and people have irreplaceable even with the new construction on the same site (Borpujari, 2019). had to be displaced. Rehabilitation of dwellings and resettlement of affected One resident highlights the expected loss of sense of community: inhabitants is a provision in the law. This aims “at assisting people during resettlement and also in improving or at least restoring their former standards of “We cried a lot, because we knew that it was the last party together and that all of us would be spread out in different directions. Even if we all get back living and income earning capacity” (Maple and MMRCL, 2020: 45). Resettlement together in the new houses that are developed for us, it won’t be the same.” may be temporary, for the period of construction, or permanent. Either way, the (Gawde, in Borpujari, 2019) Metro Rail Company was met with opposition from inhabitants unwilling to move. Consequently, they demanded realignment of the track. The chawl typology of housing exemplifies a historic environment with social and According to the Metro Rail Company’s estimates, 1520 families were going to community value that does not readily get codified as heritage. According to be affected since their homes were in the corridor path (Rites and MMRCL, 2011: Interviewee 22b (2021), the formulation of “heritage” in the beginning of xxiii). These figures correspond to 6074 people (Rites and MMRCL, 2011: 9-17) conservation movement in the 1990s excluded chawls. 148 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 8: PRESERVATION (MUMBAI METRO) • 149 social costs from the damage to the natural environment at Aarey was also a and the temporary or permanent displacement of over 900 building structures and concern, since many tribal communities reside in Aarey and depend on the forest’s informal dwellings like hutments (2011: 9-8). ecosystem (Kolachalam, 2022). According to media reports, the shed would Some of the areas being affected are Girgaon and Kalbadevi in the vicinity of displace 3500 tribal families, resulting in the loss of homes and livelihoods (Kaskar, the metro stations. Over 750 families are cited as being affected by the 2023). construction (Maple and MMRCL, 2020: 438). The inhabitants of this area cite The issue around Aarey is also politically charged. The Save Aarey Movement having adequate transport facilities and the difficulties of resettlement, and gathered political support (Rawal, 2020). When the party backing the movement demand realignment (Maple and MMRCL, 2020: 440). The social toll is apparent came to power in the state in October 2019, they moved the planned metro depot in the notes from the public consultation process and suggest the social and to a different plot of land. They further declared plans to legally protect 600 acres community value that its residents hold. One of the grievances recorded states: of the total acreage of Aarey as a designated reserved forest (Chatterjee, 2020). In “Here these families are staying since last 50 yrs. Their many generations have July 2022, when a different government came to power, one of the first actions been staying there at the same place.” (Maple and MMRCL, 2020: 440) they took was to reinstate the metro depot back at the Aarey plot (Phadke, 2022). This is where construction is currently underway. Political feuding between the One inhabitant, speaking to the media, said she had lived in the area for 40 years state and national level governments is seen to play out in the decisions about the and did not want to be resettled in a far-off location (Patankar, in Ganapatye, metro depot. 2018). The attachment to the area runs deep. Activists also agitated against the destruction of mangroves for the metro’s Similar attachment is seen in the case of people livings in chawls. Chawls are a construction (Naik, 2016). Mangroves, that lie in the boundary between water and typology of communal living developed from the 19th century in Mumbai. They land, are fragile ecosystems that protect the coast, among other ecological benefits support a social fabric among its residents enabled by common amenities like (The Nature Conservancy, 2023). The Metro Rail Company too acknowledges the courtyards, corridors, and open spaces. The media reported the demolition of impacts to them from the project (Rites and MMRCL, 2011: 9-23). Based on media three chawls in the Girgaon area. On report quoted an inhabitant who said: reports, this issue however gained greater prominence in the context of other large “We are attached not only to our property but also to the area. It has its infrastructure projects in the city (Shantha, 2019). unique culture and ethos. We are not willing to shift.” (Unnamed resident, in Mehta and Jain, 2019) Houses and workplaces The inhabitants of the chawls will have to move into high-rise buildings in the The metro goes under several densely packed areas of the city with narrow widths. same location. However, the embedded social value of the chawls is considered This means houses and workplaces have had to be demolished and people have irreplaceable even with the new construction on the same site (Borpujari, 2019). had to be displaced. Rehabilitation of dwellings and resettlement of affected One resident highlights the expected loss of sense of community: inhabitants is a provision in the law. This aims “at assisting people during resettlement and also in improving or at least restoring their former standards of “We cried a lot, because we knew that it was the last party together and that all of us would be spread out in different directions. Even if we all get back living and income earning capacity” (Maple and MMRCL, 2020: 45). Resettlement together in the new houses that are developed for us, it won’t be the same.” may be temporary, for the period of construction, or permanent. Either way, the (Gawde, in Borpujari, 2019) Metro Rail Company was met with opposition from inhabitants unwilling to move. Consequently, they demanded realignment of the track. The chawl typology of housing exemplifies a historic environment with social and According to the Metro Rail Company’s estimates, 1520 families were going to community value that does not readily get codified as heritage. According to be affected since their homes were in the corridor path (Rites and MMRCL, 2011: Interviewee 22b (2021), the formulation of “heritage” in the beginning of xxiii). These figures correspond to 6074 people (Rites and MMRCL, 2011: 9-17) conservation movement in the 1990s excluded chawls. 150 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 8: PRESERVATION (MUMBAI METRO) • 151 “Built form was not related to life. […] So, […] when it came to protect the representative from the Metro Rail Company cites the loss of livelihoods during chawls nobody […] said anything […] because they were dilapidated, […] they did not look very good, […] they were kind of silent about it, but chawls the construction period, particularly felt by small shopkeepers. They note that if a provide a life which was very, very durable, and very, very low in terms of shopkeeper is forced to move out temporarily during the construction period, resource consumption. For example, chawl provides the best care. For older, when they come back, their former customers would have switched to other people who are vulnerable. So, these dimensions of heritage of buildings, shopkeepers resulting in a loss of business for the returnee (Interviewee 10b, which were old, supported life forms in much cheaper ways and in ways which […] put together the community etc, that never became the argument Metro Rail Company, 2022). Though the shopkeeper is monetarily compensated, for heritage conservation. Heritage conservation became about good-looking the loss of clientele is unquantifiable and remains uncompensated (Interviewee buildings and good-looking neighbourhoods.” (Interviewee 22b, academic, 10b, 2022). The interviewee states: 2021) “So that factor, where and how to manage that, that I'm not able to The statement shows that chawls, despite being built forms, did not get listed as understand..” (Interviewee 10b, Metro Rail Company, 2022). heritage in the way other, more monumental built forms did, because of their presumed absence of value. In another case, the interviewee points to an area of the city, where no buildings are being touched but barricades have been installed. These result in shops being blocked. Here, in material terms the shop is unscathed, but the barricading could result in difficulty for customers trying to find the shop. “That shop-owner has lost that customer. And reaching that shop has become so difficult because that barricades have entry […] or punctures at certain locations only. So, [his] regular customer also may have gone down. So, this is an intangible fact where I'm not touching the shop, but a hindrance [created?] because of me is actually impacting his life and his income, and there I cannot […] do anything.” (Interviewee 10b, Metro Rail Company, 2022) This case highlights impacts from the construction period that could outlive it. In other cases, the impact, by way of resettlement and rehabilitation can be beneficial, as outlined by the interviewee. Some sellers benefit from the compensation they receive from the Metro Rail Company and are able to expand their businesses and also get more area for their houses or shops than they previously had (Interviewee 10b, Metro Rail Company, 2022). The interviewee also cites the examples of a banana seller and paan (betel leaf) seller, who got a better deal from the monetary compensation (Interviewee 10b, Metro Rail Company, 2021). The contrast in how people are affected is not lost on the interviewee: Figure 31: Representative image of community space in chawls Photograph: urbzoo, CC BY 2.0, via Wikimedia Commons “[…] there's one example, where […] because it is within a legal framework, I'm telling him, ask for this, you will get it and this is better for you, and maybe that particular [banana seller] is getting not 100%, but 110%, he's Workplaces and livelihoods have also been affected. The difficulty in taking care getting more, whereas the person in [area previously mentioned] is losing and of some of these impacts is acknowledged by the metro developers as well, some that I'm not able to capture it in a legal framework. And because it is not in a of whom despair at the absence of formal solutions available to them. A legal framework, I'm not able to offer anything to him.” (Interviewee 10b, Metro Rail Company, 2022). 150 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 8: PRESERVATION (MUMBAI METRO) • 151 “Built form was not related to life. […] So, […] when it came to protect the representative from the Metro Rail Company cites the loss of livelihoods during chawls nobody […] said anything […] because they were dilapidated, […] they did not look very good, […] they were kind of silent about it, but chawls the construction period, particularly felt by small shopkeepers. They note that if a provide a life which was very, very durable, and very, very low in terms of shopkeeper is forced to move out temporarily during the construction period, resource consumption. For example, chawl provides the best care. For older, when they come back, their former customers would have switched to other people who are vulnerable. So, these dimensions of heritage of buildings, shopkeepers resulting in a loss of business for the returnee (Interviewee 10b, which were old, supported life forms in much cheaper ways and in ways which […] put together the community etc, that never became the argument Metro Rail Company, 2022). Though the shopkeeper is monetarily compensated, for heritage conservation. Heritage conservation became about good-looking the loss of clientele is unquantifiable and remains uncompensated (Interviewee buildings and good-looking neighbourhoods.” (Interviewee 22b, academic, 10b, 2022). The interviewee states: 2021) “So that factor, where and how to manage that, that I'm not able to The statement shows that chawls, despite being built forms, did not get listed as understand..” (Interviewee 10b, Metro Rail Company, 2022). heritage in the way other, more monumental built forms did, because of their presumed absence of value. In another case, the interviewee points to an area of the city, where no buildings are being touched but barricades have been installed. These result in shops being blocked. Here, in material terms the shop is unscathed, but the barricading could result in difficulty for customers trying to find the shop. “That shop-owner has lost that customer. And reaching that shop has become so difficult because that barricades have entry […] or punctures at certain locations only. So, [his] regular customer also may have gone down. So, this is an intangible fact where I'm not touching the shop, but a hindrance [created?] because of me is actually impacting his life and his income, and there I cannot […] do anything.” (Interviewee 10b, Metro Rail Company, 2022) This case highlights impacts from the construction period that could outlive it. In other cases, the impact, by way of resettlement and rehabilitation can be beneficial, as outlined by the interviewee. Some sellers benefit from the compensation they receive from the Metro Rail Company and are able to expand their businesses and also get more area for their houses or shops than they previously had (Interviewee 10b, Metro Rail Company, 2022). The interviewee also cites the examples of a banana seller and paan (betel leaf) seller, who got a better deal from the monetary compensation (Interviewee 10b, Metro Rail Company, 2021). The contrast in how people are affected is not lost on the interviewee: Figure 31: Representative image of community space in chawls Photograph: urbzoo, CC BY 2.0, via Wikimedia Commons “[…] there's one example, where […] because it is within a legal framework, I'm telling him, ask for this, you will get it and this is better for you, and maybe that particular [banana seller] is getting not 100%, but 110%, he's Workplaces and livelihoods have also been affected. The difficulty in taking care getting more, whereas the person in [area previously mentioned] is losing and of some of these impacts is acknowledged by the metro developers as well, some that I'm not able to capture it in a legal framework. And because it is not in a of whom despair at the absence of formal solutions available to them. A legal framework, I'm not able to offer anything to him.” (Interviewee 10b, Metro Rail Company, 2022). 152 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 8: PRESERVATION (MUMBAI METRO) • 153 These responses reflect that many of the affected people fall in the cracks of a communities when it comes to religious sites. The former see heritage in physical planning system that does not have the tools to deal with certain social impacts. fabric and historic, architectural, and/or aesthetic values, while the latter, in terms The displacement of people for the construction of the metro is, as seen in media of spiritual values (Sharma, 2012: 62). In some cases, these two may align, as seen reports, part of a general pattern in infrastructure projects. (Ganapatye, 2018). in the listed Parsi fire temples, but in the vast majority, they don’t. Sharma (2012: 62) argues for the two types of values to be considered jointly. Religious built forms To summarise the section, values attached to green areas, unlisted houses and Preservation is also sought for unlisted religious structures, as seen in the case of workplaces, and religious built forms lie outside heritage and conservation a 110-year-old cross, holy for the Catholic community, in the path of the metro considerations. This is emphasised by a member of the Municipality who states construction. The Metro Rail Company relocated the cross by 20m after that those kinds of issues “are very far away from heritage, so [they] are not directly consultation with the community, represented by the Bombay Catholic Sabha involved in that” (Interviewee 15b, Municipality, 2022). Nevertheless, as the (Council). Their original request was that the track be realigned, failing which the examples show, civil society members still seek to preserve these values, regardless community was willing for the cross to be moved if it was done without hurting of whether the environments or objects are codified as heritage or not. the sentiments of the community (Interviewee 24b, Bombay Catholic Sabha, Overall, the chapter analyses the preservation of physical and visual integrity in 2022). The move of the cross was amicable (Interviewee 24b, 2022), and further, the metro as being a reflection of the broader context of conservation in the not seen to impact the religious value of the cross: planning system in Mumbai. The way that conservation and urban planning are institutionalised renders historic environments and urban planning projects as “It was done in one piece. See, the sacredness is of the cross, sacredness is separated. This is seen in the way listed heritage is understood in the regulations not the place where the cross was established. The sacredness continues and correspondingly, how Heritage Committee members, planners, and politicians wherever it is placed.” (Interviewee 24b, Bombay Catholic Sabha, 2022) seek to deal with conservation of listed heritage. The preservation of visual The cross was moved with the offer of prayers at the former and new locations integrity of historic environments in the metro, as seen through the actions on DN for its safe and secure relocation (Shelar, 2017; Interviewee 24b, Bombay Catholic Road, reveal a focus on aesthetics which is linked to colonial nostalgia from the Sabha, 2022). heritage movements beginnings in Mumbai. Lastly, the chapter describes some Cases of religious buildings lying in metro routes are common. As a instances of preservation of values that do not fall within the official planning representative of the Regional Development Authority, states, unlisted religious framework, thereby revealing the presence of values attached to other material buildings that come in the routes of metro projects are routinely demolished and forms. Though compensation actions are absent in the metro and there is no rebuilt (Interviewee 12b, 2022). However, the concerned religious groups oppose provision for it in policy, individual actors express aspirations for conservation of demolition. This is seen across the board, whether the structures are temples, historic environments that is change-oriented, flexible, and not restricted to built mosques, churches, or cemeteries (FPJ Bureau, 2019b; Interviewee 16b, Regional environments alone. Development Authority, 2022; Phadke, 2012; D’Mello, 2009; Times News Network, 2019; Baliga, 2019). From the urban planning perspective, since these spaces are not codified as heritage, they are not considered to have heritage value. This is reflected in a Metro Rail Company representative’s statement: “You see, heritage and religious issues are completely different. Why are you mixing both of them?” (Interviewee 11b, Metro Rail Company, 2022) This differentiation in practice is in alignment with what Sharma (2012: 62) writes about the disjunct between conservation for professionals and for local 152 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 8: PRESERVATION (MUMBAI METRO) • 153 These responses reflect that many of the affected people fall in the cracks of a communities when it comes to religious sites. The former see heritage in physical planning system that does not have the tools to deal with certain social impacts. fabric and historic, architectural, and/or aesthetic values, while the latter, in terms The displacement of people for the construction of the metro is, as seen in media of spiritual values (Sharma, 2012: 62). In some cases, these two may align, as seen reports, part of a general pattern in infrastructure projects. (Ganapatye, 2018). in the listed Parsi fire temples, but in the vast majority, they don’t. Sharma (2012: 62) argues for the two types of values to be considered jointly. Religious built forms To summarise the section, values attached to green areas, unlisted houses and Preservation is also sought for unlisted religious structures, as seen in the case of workplaces, and religious built forms lie outside heritage and conservation a 110-year-old cross, holy for the Catholic community, in the path of the metro considerations. This is emphasised by a member of the Municipality who states construction. The Metro Rail Company relocated the cross by 20m after that those kinds of issues “are very far away from heritage, so [they] are not directly consultation with the community, represented by the Bombay Catholic Sabha involved in that” (Interviewee 15b, Municipality, 2022). Nevertheless, as the (Council). Their original request was that the track be realigned, failing which the examples show, civil society members still seek to preserve these values, regardless community was willing for the cross to be moved if it was done without hurting of whether the environments or objects are codified as heritage or not. the sentiments of the community (Interviewee 24b, Bombay Catholic Sabha, Overall, the chapter analyses the preservation of physical and visual integrity in 2022). The move of the cross was amicable (Interviewee 24b, 2022), and further, the metro as being a reflection of the broader context of conservation in the not seen to impact the religious value of the cross: planning system in Mumbai. The way that conservation and urban planning are institutionalised renders historic environments and urban planning projects as “It was done in one piece. See, the sacredness is of the cross, sacredness is separated. This is seen in the way listed heritage is understood in the regulations not the place where the cross was established. The sacredness continues and correspondingly, how Heritage Committee members, planners, and politicians wherever it is placed.” (Interviewee 24b, Bombay Catholic Sabha, 2022) seek to deal with conservation of listed heritage. The preservation of visual The cross was moved with the offer of prayers at the former and new locations integrity of historic environments in the metro, as seen through the actions on DN for its safe and secure relocation (Shelar, 2017; Interviewee 24b, Bombay Catholic Road, reveal a focus on aesthetics which is linked to colonial nostalgia from the Sabha, 2022). heritage movements beginnings in Mumbai. Lastly, the chapter describes some Cases of religious buildings lying in metro routes are common. As a instances of preservation of values that do not fall within the official planning representative of the Regional Development Authority, states, unlisted religious framework, thereby revealing the presence of values attached to other material buildings that come in the routes of metro projects are routinely demolished and forms. Though compensation actions are absent in the metro and there is no rebuilt (Interviewee 12b, 2022). However, the concerned religious groups oppose provision for it in policy, individual actors express aspirations for conservation of demolition. This is seen across the board, whether the structures are temples, historic environments that is change-oriented, flexible, and not restricted to built mosques, churches, or cemeteries (FPJ Bureau, 2019b; Interviewee 16b, Regional environments alone. Development Authority, 2022; Phadke, 2012; D’Mello, 2009; Times News Network, 2019; Baliga, 2019). From the urban planning perspective, since these spaces are not codified as heritage, they are not considered to have heritage value. This is reflected in a Metro Rail Company representative’s statement: “You see, heritage and religious issues are completely different. Why are you mixing both of them?” (Interviewee 11b, Metro Rail Company, 2022) This differentiation in practice is in alignment with what Sharma (2012: 62) writes about the disjunct between conservation for professionals and for local Chapter 9: Compensation through storytelling and storyreading in the West Link Compensation for historic environment loss in the West Link takes the form of compensate-by-strengthening and compensate-by-creating, as analysed using the analytical tool developed, and shown in Figure 32. Figure 32: Compensation in the West Link Diagram: Maitri Dore (2023) Compensation can also be analysed through the intentions behind the actions, i.e., to convey “stories” about the historic environment. This is consistently emphasised by both sets of actors in their various action plans (STA, 2016a: 6; STA, 2023: 6; City Museum, 2017: 3; City Museum, 2018; 4). Stories are conveyed either through storytelling or “storyreading”, a concept developed in the analysis. In storytelling, stories about the historic city are conveyed using interpretive tools. In storyreading, stories are conveyed using spatial tools. The chapter consists of two sections, one each for analysing compensation as storytelling and storyreading. Storytelling however forms the bulk of the analysis. Compensation as storytelling Storytelling is analysed in four sub-sections: stories as historical information based on lost material; story selection; stories as visible and readable; and the scope of storytelling. Chapter 9: Compensation through storytelling and storyreading in the West Link Compensation for historic environment loss in the West Link takes the form of compensate-by-strengthening and compensate-by-creating, as analysed using the analytical tool developed, and shown in Figure 32. Figure 32: Compensation in the West Link Diagram: Maitri Dore (2023) Compensation can also be analysed through the intentions behind the actions, i.e., to convey “stories” about the historic environment. This is consistently emphasised by both sets of actors in their various action plans (STA, 2016a: 6; STA, 2023: 6; City Museum, 2017: 3; City Museum, 2018; 4). Stories are conveyed either through storytelling or “storyreading”, a concept developed in the analysis. In storytelling, stories about the historic city are conveyed using interpretive tools. In storyreading, stories are conveyed using spatial tools. The chapter consists of two sections, one each for analysing compensation as storytelling and storyreading. Storytelling however forms the bulk of the analysis. Compensation as storytelling Storytelling is analysed in four sub-sections: stories as historical information based on lost material; story selection; stories as visible and readable; and the scope of storytelling. 156 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 9: COMPENSATION THROUGH STORYTELLING AND STORYREADING (WEST LINK) • 157 Stories as historical information based on lost material The various storytelling actions proposed, however, depend on differing degrees of loss. The STA gleans and conveys stories based on the specific ancient remains The actors understand stories as historical information or factual knowledge about found during the excavations at specific sites. the past. The City’s historic environment group speaks of stories in relation to knowledge about the historic environment (Interviewee 7a, CHEG, 2021; “A proposal for a cultural-historical framework has been developed which Interviewee 8a, CHEG, 2021). And as a representative of the STA states: identifies the historical narrative deemed most relevant to each location. The story is linked to the knowledge that has been produced in the archaeological “Compensation measures will increase my knowledge”. (Interviewee 1a, excavations at the site. Creating and working within a framework contributes STA, 2021b) to strengthening a certain story about the history of the place.” (STA, 2023: 8, author’s translation) Stories as a form of knowledge are further attached to the physical historic environment. They are therefore seen to be lost with historic environment loss Dealing with the remains is enshrined in their legal mandate by way of Condition caused by the West Link. This is seen in the ways the actors refer to the stories in 1. This speaks of “making visible” and incorporating the found “ancient remains”. relation to the lost historical environment: The City’s historic environment group on the other hand proposes storytelling actions based on the affected areas more generally; their reliance on the exact finds “[…] if you take away parts of the physical wall, maybe the knowledge that is limited. we could, well, it goes away, and then maybe the immaterial stories and so on, goes away with it”. (Interviewee 8a, CHEG, 2021) Story selection The connection between stories and remains is echoed by Interviewee 7a (CHEG, Stories are subsets of the entire breadth of historical information and different 2021) who refers to the West Link as “digging away parts of history”. For them, stories are told at different affected sites. As the STA (2023: 8) acknowledges, a as long as there are physical remains underground, they offer the possibility of site can hold several stories and their actions involve selection – for each site, a yielding knowledge, but once taken away, that is no longer possible (Interviewee “certain story” is “identified” (STA, 2023: 8). 7a, CHEG, 2021). These ideas are in keeping with what Mason and Avrami (2002: The stories are selected based on the lost physical parts of the national interest 20-21) note about archaeological sites having an intrinsic capacity to convey (Interviewee 1a, STA, 2020a; Interviewee 7a, CHEG, 2021; Interviewee 8a, historical information: CHEG, 2021). These areas, as identified by the P3 ruling, are: “Cultural materials and artifacts of the past, one can say, have an inherent • The moated fortified city of Gothenburg “story telling” capacity. In the case of archaeological sites, this is poignantly • Skansen Lejonet tower/Gullberg hill evident. As the legacy of a past civilization, as a collection of artifacts and • The Kungsparken green area and the Nya Allén road within it settings with inherent narrative power, archaeological sites have an intrinsic potential for providing, among other things, historical information.” (Mason • Johanneberg landeri and Avrami, 2002: 20-21) These four sites are mobilised to tell two main stories, the fortified city story and the landeri story. Their centrality to storytelling is evident in the City Museum’s This “inherent narrative power” of physical objects speaks to their research value, action plans (2017; 2018) and substantiated by the actors (Interviewee 1a, STA, as defined by Mason and Avrami (2002: 16). This value is mobilised by the actors, 2021b; Interviewee 7a, CHEG, 2021). as they choose parts of historical information as stories to make available. The first main story is that of the fortified city. This story largely covers the Accordingly, storytelling actions in the West Link aim to deal with the loss of moated fortified city, but also draws on the Skansen Lejonet tower on Gullberg historical environments. As one interviewee asks: hill, and to an extent the Kungsparken green area which was built on the razed “[…] how can we with the West Link tell part of the story that we in one way walls. The moated part of the fortified city began to be laid out in 1621 and or another have destroyed?” (Interviewee 1a, STA, 2021a) demolition of the fortification walls began in 1807. Though the moated fortified 156 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 9: COMPENSATION THROUGH STORYTELLING AND STORYREADING (WEST LINK) • 157 Stories as historical information based on lost material The various storytelling actions proposed, however, depend on differing degrees of loss. The STA gleans and conveys stories based on the specific ancient remains The actors understand stories as historical information or factual knowledge about found during the excavations at specific sites. the past. The City’s historic environment group speaks of stories in relation to knowledge about the historic environment (Interviewee 7a, CHEG, 2021; “A proposal for a cultural-historical framework has been developed which Interviewee 8a, CHEG, 2021). And as a representative of the STA states: identifies the historical narrative deemed most relevant to each location. The story is linked to the knowledge that has been produced in the archaeological “Compensation measures will increase my knowledge”. (Interviewee 1a, excavations at the site. Creating and working within a framework contributes STA, 2021b) to strengthening a certain story about the history of the place.” (STA, 2023: 8, author’s translation) Stories as a form of knowledge are further attached to the physical historic environment. They are therefore seen to be lost with historic environment loss Dealing with the remains is enshrined in their legal mandate by way of Condition caused by the West Link. This is seen in the ways the actors refer to the stories in 1. This speaks of “making visible” and incorporating the found “ancient remains”. relation to the lost historical environment: The City’s historic environment group on the other hand proposes storytelling actions based on the affected areas more generally; their reliance on the exact finds “[…] if you take away parts of the physical wall, maybe the knowledge that is limited. we could, well, it goes away, and then maybe the immaterial stories and so on, goes away with it”. (Interviewee 8a, CHEG, 2021) Story selection The connection between stories and remains is echoed by Interviewee 7a (CHEG, Stories are subsets of the entire breadth of historical information and different 2021) who refers to the West Link as “digging away parts of history”. For them, stories are told at different affected sites. As the STA (2023: 8) acknowledges, a as long as there are physical remains underground, they offer the possibility of site can hold several stories and their actions involve selection – for each site, a yielding knowledge, but once taken away, that is no longer possible (Interviewee “certain story” is “identified” (STA, 2023: 8). 7a, CHEG, 2021). These ideas are in keeping with what Mason and Avrami (2002: The stories are selected based on the lost physical parts of the national interest 20-21) note about archaeological sites having an intrinsic capacity to convey (Interviewee 1a, STA, 2020a; Interviewee 7a, CHEG, 2021; Interviewee 8a, historical information: CHEG, 2021). These areas, as identified by the P3 ruling, are: “Cultural materials and artifacts of the past, one can say, have an inherent • The moated fortified city of Gothenburg “story telling” capacity. In the case of archaeological sites, this is poignantly • Skansen Lejonet tower/Gullberg hill evident. As the legacy of a past civilization, as a collection of artifacts and • The Kungsparken green area and the Nya Allén road within it settings with inherent narrative power, archaeological sites have an intrinsic potential for providing, among other things, historical information.” (Mason • Johanneberg landeri and Avrami, 2002: 20-21) These four sites are mobilised to tell two main stories, the fortified city story and the landeri story. Their centrality to storytelling is evident in the City Museum’s This “inherent narrative power” of physical objects speaks to their research value, action plans (2017; 2018) and substantiated by the actors (Interviewee 1a, STA, as defined by Mason and Avrami (2002: 16). This value is mobilised by the actors, 2021b; Interviewee 7a, CHEG, 2021). as they choose parts of historical information as stories to make available. The first main story is that of the fortified city. This story largely covers the Accordingly, storytelling actions in the West Link aim to deal with the loss of moated fortified city, but also draws on the Skansen Lejonet tower on Gullberg historical environments. As one interviewee asks: hill, and to an extent the Kungsparken green area which was built on the razed “[…] how can we with the West Link tell part of the story that we in one way walls. The moated part of the fortified city began to be laid out in 1621 and or another have destroyed?” (Interviewee 1a, STA, 2021a) demolition of the fortification walls began in 1807. Though the moated fortified 158 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 9: COMPENSATION THROUGH STORYTELLING AND STORYREADING (WEST LINK) • 159 city forms only part of the national interest, it is considered extremely important scale of Johanneberg landeri as well as a collective landeri story. The stories in to the national interest as a whole (STA, 2016a: 25; City Museum, 2017: 4). general concern the various people who lived on the landeri and its activities from The fortified city story captures the official birth of Gothenburg as a defence the time (STA, 2023: 45; City Museum, 2018: 27). With respect to Johanneberg outpost and later trading centre. The chosen stories are the 17th and 18th century landeri the STA (2023: 49) suggest the narrative themes of “women’s landeri”, histories (STA, 2023: 15; 31; Interviewee 7a, CHEG, 2021; Interviewee 9a, CHEG, “Jewish landeri”, “family structure”, and “gardener”. 2021). The fortified city story is considered pivotal to what the present-day city The actors are aware of their role in the selection of stories. Interviewee 7a stands for: (CHEG, 2021) acknowledges that they sometimes find there to be an overemphasis on the birth of Gothenburg and its fortification history. However, “Because the fortifications around the city is a great deal of what the birth of Gothenburg is. The beginning of Gothenburg is a fortified city. And that's they also see this as understandable in the light of the West Link affecting ancient why we are there. That's why the city's situation [is] where it is. And remains from that particular period. Relatedly the actors point to other stories that nowadays, a lot of those fortifications are very hard to read […] in the are left out, ones unrelated to the birth of the fortified city, while physically in the cityscape. So somehow […] that story, […] that narrative needs to go back into the city, is our idea” (Interviewee 9a, CHEG, 2021) same geographical area. These are the stories of the French Plot and the mass exodus to the USA (Interviewee 8a, CHEG, 2021; Interviewee 2a, STA, 2020). The story of the Skansen Lejonet tower forms part of the fortified city story. It The French Plot, which now lies close to the construction of the West Link, was was built in 1687 on Gullberg hill and together with its south-western counterpart swapped with the French state in 1784, in exchange for the island of St. Skansen Kronan was built to reinforce the moated fortified city. So, even though Bartholomew, a former French colony in the Caribbean (Det Gamla Göteborg, the tower physically lies outside the moated area of the fortified city, it connects 2018). The French got trading privileges in Gothenburg and the Swedish state to the fortified city story, as proposed by the actors (STA, 2016a: 25; City Museum, acquired a colony. Interviewee 8a (CHEG, 2021) mentions this plot as playing a 2017: 19). The story at Skansen Lejonet will narrate the new information role in Sweden’s participation in the colonial slave trade and as a dark, less- discovered based on the excavations there. This will be about the fortification discussed part of history (Interviewee 8a, CHEG, 2021). According to them, this history of Gullberg hill from the Middle Ages, before the official birth of story too should be told, as also the story of the mass emigration to the USA Gothenburg (STA, 2023: 11; Interviewee 7a, CHEG, 2021; Interviewee 9a, (Interviewee 8a, STA, 2021). Interviewee 2a (STA, 2020) too points to the Swedish CHEG, 2021). exodus as a valid story to tell. The exodus played out in the former fortified city. The Kungsparken green area is the third area that forms part of the fortified As Interviewee 2a (STA, 2020) states, this area was the last thing the emigrants saw city story. The park was built outside the moat on the fortification remains when before travelling to a new country. One interviewee succinctly summarised the the walls were razed in the 1800s. Accordingly, its story is connected to that of the need to tell alternative stories than those of the fortifications: fortifications and part of the actions proposed for the area (STA, 2016a: 26; City “So there are other stories, than just war with the Danes.” (Interviewee 8a, Museum, 2017: 4; 26; 2014: 3). The Kungsparken green area not only forms part CHEG, 2021) of storytelling, by way of its connection to the moated fortified city, but also, to a great extent, part of storyreading. Its role in storyreading is discussed later in the According to Interviewee 8a (CHEG, 2021), these alternative stories are parts of chapter. history that are both important and interesting to work with when working in this The second main story is that of the landeris, triggered by the physical impact on geographical area. The selection of these alternative stories is part of an ongoing Johanneberg landeri. The landeris are former agricultural areas outside the fortified discussion within the City (Interviewee 8a, CHEG, 2021). city that supplied produce to it after the city’s official founding in 1621. They were More generally, Interviewee 1a (STA, 2021a) acknowledges that stories are laid out at the end of the 1700s but mostly built in the 1800s (City Museum, 2014: selected in the present and what is chosen may change in the future based on what 13). The system started with the official birth of Gothenburg and were most active people want to remember. To them, it is nevertheless important not to let go of in the 1860s (City Museum, 2018: 4). The landeri story is conveyed both at the the excluded stories completely and document the reasons for leaving them out, 158 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 9: COMPENSATION THROUGH STORYTELLING AND STORYREADING (WEST LINK) • 159 city forms only part of the national interest, it is considered extremely important scale of Johanneberg landeri as well as a collective landeri story. The stories in to the national interest as a whole (STA, 2016a: 25; City Museum, 2017: 4). general concern the various people who lived on the landeri and its activities from The fortified city story captures the official birth of Gothenburg as a defence the time (STA, 2023: 45; City Museum, 2018: 27). With respect to Johanneberg outpost and later trading centre. The chosen stories are the 17th and 18th century landeri the STA (2023: 49) suggest the narrative themes of “women’s landeri”, histories (STA, 2023: 15; 31; Interviewee 7a, CHEG, 2021; Interviewee 9a, CHEG, “Jewish landeri”, “family structure”, and “gardener”. 2021). The fortified city story is considered pivotal to what the present-day city The actors are aware of their role in the selection of stories. Interviewee 7a stands for: (CHEG, 2021) acknowledges that they sometimes find there to be an overemphasis on the birth of Gothenburg and its fortification history. However, “Because the fortifications around the city is a great deal of what the birth of Gothenburg is. The beginning of Gothenburg is a fortified city. And that's they also see this as understandable in the light of the West Link affecting ancient why we are there. That's why the city's situation [is] where it is. And remains from that particular period. Relatedly the actors point to other stories that nowadays, a lot of those fortifications are very hard to read […] in the are left out, ones unrelated to the birth of the fortified city, while physically in the cityscape. So somehow […] that story, […] that narrative needs to go back into the city, is our idea” (Interviewee 9a, CHEG, 2021) same geographical area. These are the stories of the French Plot and the mass exodus to the USA (Interviewee 8a, CHEG, 2021; Interviewee 2a, STA, 2020). The story of the Skansen Lejonet tower forms part of the fortified city story. It The French Plot, which now lies close to the construction of the West Link, was was built in 1687 on Gullberg hill and together with its south-western counterpart swapped with the French state in 1784, in exchange for the island of St. Skansen Kronan was built to reinforce the moated fortified city. So, even though Bartholomew, a former French colony in the Caribbean (Det Gamla Göteborg, the tower physically lies outside the moated area of the fortified city, it connects 2018). The French got trading privileges in Gothenburg and the Swedish state to the fortified city story, as proposed by the actors (STA, 2016a: 25; City Museum, acquired a colony. Interviewee 8a (CHEG, 2021) mentions this plot as playing a 2017: 19). The story at Skansen Lejonet will narrate the new information role in Sweden’s participation in the colonial slave trade and as a dark, less- discovered based on the excavations there. This will be about the fortification discussed part of history (Interviewee 8a, CHEG, 2021). According to them, this history of Gullberg hill from the Middle Ages, before the official birth of story too should be told, as also the story of the mass emigration to the USA Gothenburg (STA, 2023: 11; Interviewee 7a, CHEG, 2021; Interviewee 9a, (Interviewee 8a, STA, 2021). Interviewee 2a (STA, 2020) too points to the Swedish CHEG, 2021). exodus as a valid story to tell. The exodus played out in the former fortified city. The Kungsparken green area is the third area that forms part of the fortified As Interviewee 2a (STA, 2020) states, this area was the last thing the emigrants saw city story. The park was built outside the moat on the fortification remains when before travelling to a new country. One interviewee succinctly summarised the the walls were razed in the 1800s. Accordingly, its story is connected to that of the need to tell alternative stories than those of the fortifications: fortifications and part of the actions proposed for the area (STA, 2016a: 26; City “So there are other stories, than just war with the Danes.” (Interviewee 8a, Museum, 2017: 4; 26; 2014: 3). The Kungsparken green area not only forms part CHEG, 2021) of storytelling, by way of its connection to the moated fortified city, but also, to a great extent, part of storyreading. Its role in storyreading is discussed later in the According to Interviewee 8a (CHEG, 2021), these alternative stories are parts of chapter. history that are both important and interesting to work with when working in this The second main story is that of the landeris, triggered by the physical impact on geographical area. The selection of these alternative stories is part of an ongoing Johanneberg landeri. The landeris are former agricultural areas outside the fortified discussion within the City (Interviewee 8a, CHEG, 2021). city that supplied produce to it after the city’s official founding in 1621. They were More generally, Interviewee 1a (STA, 2021a) acknowledges that stories are laid out at the end of the 1700s but mostly built in the 1800s (City Museum, 2014: selected in the present and what is chosen may change in the future based on what 13). The system started with the official birth of Gothenburg and were most active people want to remember. To them, it is nevertheless important not to let go of in the 1860s (City Museum, 2018: 4). The landeri story is conveyed both at the the excluded stories completely and document the reasons for leaving them out, 160 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 9: COMPENSATION THROUGH STORYTELLING AND STORYREADING (WEST LINK) • 161 for a day when those will be worth selecting (Interviewee 1a, STA, 2021a). The fortifications being “very hard to read in the cityscape” (Interviewee 9a, CHEG, National Heritage Board also acknowledges that story selection affects 2021), and “hard to understand” (Interviewee 10a, CHEG, 2022). They propose historiography and who and which stories get included (National Heritage Board, actions to enhance the “understanding, readability and experience of the fortified 2015: 17). Accordingly, they argue for a high level of reflexivity from experts city” (City Museum, 2017: 3). While the STA also references readability and the working with historic environments (National Heritage Board, 2015: 17). fortified city (STA, 2016a: 25; STA, 2023: 32), they do not propose specific actions Regardless of which stories are selected in the West Link, storytelling is for the to enable it. people of Gothenburg and those who visit it (Interviewee 1a, STA, 2021b; Readability differs from visibility. Visibility can be interpreted as being at the Interviewee 2a, STA, 2020; Interviewee 7a, CHEG, 2021; Interviewee 8a, CHEG, scale of individual sites, while readability is about enabling connectivity between 2021). The City Museum (2017: 5) also states that when the inhabitants were asked these individually visible stories. Both kick in in the context of the fortified city, for ideas on how to celebrate the city’s 400-year anniversary in 2021, many which is geographically much larger than the other three sites. It contains responded with a desire for its stories to be highlighted. individual sites within its geographical area, and represents a cohesive, self- contained story. The presence of multiple individual sites in physical proximity Stories as visible and readable makes it possible to make them individually visible, as well as to connect them and Compensation through storytelling is connected to the concepts of the “visibility” tell one story. So visibility and readability work together in the fortified city. and “readability” of stories in space. The other three sites, i.e., the Skansen Lejonet tower, Kungsparken green area, Visibility is enshrined in Condition 1, which asks that ancient remains be “made and Johanneberg landeri, do not embody self-standing stories of their own, but visible” or “synliggöras”. In the STA’s interpretation, “making visible” can be done plug into other stories. The Skansen Lejonet site is part of the fortified city story, at the location of the found remains or “by making the object or story visible in Johanneberg landeri is part of the landeri story, and Kungsparken is both part of the new facility” (STA, 2016a: 12, author’s translation). They enable visibility the fortified city story as well as the green heritage of Gothenburg. In the case of through their proposed actions exposing found objects, such as in Central and the landeri story and the green heritage story, they cover landeris and other green Haga Stations. There were similar plans for the built remains found on the eastern areas, respectively, that are far-flung from them (Interviewee 11a, CHEG, 2022). side at Skansen Lejonet, where they aimed to “[highlight] the history of the place Connecting them is therefore untenable, while in the case of the fortified city story, […] by making that tower visible” (STA, 2023: 12, author’s translation). it is more “manageable” in terms of area (Interviewee 11a, CHEG, 2022). Visibility Making the stories visible is also considered in terms of other actions, not therefore plays out at all the individual sites, while readability is only in the case of restricted to the excavated finds. These are seen in the City Museum’s (2017) the fortified city and its story. proposed actions for the fortified city, by way of reconstructing the former city gates and water barriers, for example. In reference to the fortified city, Interviewee Scope of storytelling 9a (CHEG, 2021) states, “the most important thing is that making the story Stories are told through physical compensation actions. This is in keeping with the visible” and Interviewee 7a (CHEG, 2020) refers to the fortifications needing to P3 ruling that mandates “concrete measures”. It is also how compensation is be “a visual part of the town”. It is also seen in the restoration of the former park understood by the actors. The STA and City’s historic environment group at Johanneberg landeri, to make it “visible again” (Interviewee 10a, CHEG, 2022). however differ on the scope of storytelling. This section analyses the differing While both sets of actors stress visibility of stories, for the STA, visibility is linked scopes in two sub-sections: geographical scope of storytelling and art in to found objects, while for the City’s historic environment group, it can also be storytelling. linked to newly built objects. Readability also forms part of storytelling for the City’s historic environment group, largely in the context of the fortified city. They refer to the story of the 160 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 9: COMPENSATION THROUGH STORYTELLING AND STORYREADING (WEST LINK) • 161 for a day when those will be worth selecting (Interviewee 1a, STA, 2021a). The fortifications being “very hard to read in the cityscape” (Interviewee 9a, CHEG, National Heritage Board also acknowledges that story selection affects 2021), and “hard to understand” (Interviewee 10a, CHEG, 2022). They propose historiography and who and which stories get included (National Heritage Board, actions to enhance the “understanding, readability and experience of the fortified 2015: 17). Accordingly, they argue for a high level of reflexivity from experts city” (City Museum, 2017: 3). While the STA also references readability and the working with historic environments (National Heritage Board, 2015: 17). fortified city (STA, 2016a: 25; STA, 2023: 32), they do not propose specific actions Regardless of which stories are selected in the West Link, storytelling is for the to enable it. people of Gothenburg and those who visit it (Interviewee 1a, STA, 2021b; Readability differs from visibility. Visibility can be interpreted as being at the Interviewee 2a, STA, 2020; Interviewee 7a, CHEG, 2021; Interviewee 8a, CHEG, scale of individual sites, while readability is about enabling connectivity between 2021). The City Museum (2017: 5) also states that when the inhabitants were asked these individually visible stories. Both kick in in the context of the fortified city, for ideas on how to celebrate the city’s 400-year anniversary in 2021, many which is geographically much larger than the other three sites. It contains responded with a desire for its stories to be highlighted. individual sites within its geographical area, and represents a cohesive, self- contained story. The presence of multiple individual sites in physical proximity Stories as visible and readable makes it possible to make them individually visible, as well as to connect them and Compensation through storytelling is connected to the concepts of the “visibility” tell one story. So visibility and readability work together in the fortified city. and “readability” of stories in space. The other three sites, i.e., the Skansen Lejonet tower, Kungsparken green area, Visibility is enshrined in Condition 1, which asks that ancient remains be “made and Johanneberg landeri, do not embody self-standing stories of their own, but visible” or “synliggöras”. In the STA’s interpretation, “making visible” can be done plug into other stories. The Skansen Lejonet site is part of the fortified city story, at the location of the found remains or “by making the object or story visible in Johanneberg landeri is part of the landeri story, and Kungsparken is both part of the new facility” (STA, 2016a: 12, author’s translation). They enable visibility the fortified city story as well as the green heritage of Gothenburg. In the case of through their proposed actions exposing found objects, such as in Central and the landeri story and the green heritage story, they cover landeris and other green Haga Stations. There were similar plans for the built remains found on the eastern areas, respectively, that are far-flung from them (Interviewee 11a, CHEG, 2022). side at Skansen Lejonet, where they aimed to “[highlight] the history of the place Connecting them is therefore untenable, while in the case of the fortified city story, […] by making that tower visible” (STA, 2023: 12, author’s translation). it is more “manageable” in terms of area (Interviewee 11a, CHEG, 2022). Visibility Making the stories visible is also considered in terms of other actions, not therefore plays out at all the individual sites, while readability is only in the case of restricted to the excavated finds. These are seen in the City Museum’s (2017) the fortified city and its story. proposed actions for the fortified city, by way of reconstructing the former city gates and water barriers, for example. In reference to the fortified city, Interviewee Scope of storytelling 9a (CHEG, 2021) states, “the most important thing is that making the story Stories are told through physical compensation actions. This is in keeping with the visible” and Interviewee 7a (CHEG, 2020) refers to the fortifications needing to P3 ruling that mandates “concrete measures”. It is also how compensation is be “a visual part of the town”. It is also seen in the restoration of the former park understood by the actors. The STA and City’s historic environment group at Johanneberg landeri, to make it “visible again” (Interviewee 10a, CHEG, 2022). however differ on the scope of storytelling. This section analyses the differing While both sets of actors stress visibility of stories, for the STA, visibility is linked scopes in two sub-sections: geographical scope of storytelling and art in to found objects, while for the City’s historic environment group, it can also be storytelling. linked to newly built objects. Readability also forms part of storytelling for the City’s historic environment group, largely in the context of the fortified city. They refer to the story of the 162 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 9: COMPENSATION THROUGH STORYTELLING AND STORYREADING (WEST LINK) • 163 Geographical scope of storytelling From the City’s point of view we claim that when damage is done to different sites in the fortress, that is not a damage done only in those particular parts, The STA tells stories by connecting the four affected sites, while the City’s historic but it’s also a damage done to the whole fortress, to the understanding of the environment group does so by connecting the four sites to other sites in the city. heritage of the fortress as a whole. […] We want to see compensation The STA engages in storytelling at individual sites and create connections measures not only site by site where the actual damage is done, but also measures that are relevant to understand the fortified city as a cohesive between these sites. The actions are geographically localised to the excavation sites structure. This is an important part of the narrative and substantial to make and accordingly, involve exposing the ancient remains on-site or in the new station it easier for people to understand the fortress as a whole. (Interviewee 7a, buildings. For them it is important to centre the stories of each of the sites locally, CHEG, 2020) based on their history derived from excavations at the site (2023: 8). They make So the sites relevant for the fortified city story are not solely restricted to the sites connections between the individual affected sites and their stories, by using the of construction in the fortified city. West Link route itself as a connector (Interviewee 2a, STA, 2020). Here the In the case of the landeris as well, the City’s historic environment group sees connection from Central Station to Haga Station to Korsvägen Station provides a the affected site of the Johanneberg landeri as part of a bigger landeri story despite new perspective of the city and acts like a “string of pearls” (Interviewee 2a, STA, its physical distance from some of the others, rather than in connection to other 2020). They highlight the possibility of telling a new story by connecting the three sites that are affected by the West Link. Johanneberg landeri is only one piece in stations, which would be like “taking the train to history” (Interviewee 2a, STA, the puzzle of the swathe of landeris in general, since they are spread across the city 2020). and the story needs to convey that the Johanneberg landeri was one of many The City’s historic environment group tells stories at a geographically larger (Interviewee 7a, CHEG, 2021). It is important therefore, to look at the “bigger scale, seeing the affected sites as a part of these. Their stories are independent of picture about landeris and connect them somehow” (Interviewee 10a, CHEG, the West Link route. They leverage the affected sites to plug into the more 2022). In the cases of both the fortified city and landeris, the proposals consider overarching stories they want to tell. For them, the individual stories of the each of those in their totalities and at spatially larger scales than the excavation affected sites need to be connected to their respective larger stories rather than to sites. other affected sites on the West Link. In their view, locating compensation The differing geographical scopes of storytelling translate to differing extents measures only within the trajectory of the tunnel and in the stations is too narrow to which the two actors rely on the ancient remains and to which their (Interviewee 11a, CHEG, 2022) and uninteresting (Interviewee 10a, CHEG, compensation actions are additive. The STA relies on found ancient remains and 2022). their reinterpretation to a large extent, which is in line with the Condition 1 “[…] it's not enough. And it's not like the city's story just is situated exactly mandate that focuses on the remains. Additions include signage to go with the where the tunnel is. It doesn't work like that. So, if there is fortress remains remains and new design elements, such as patterns and text, in the station around here, then the story to tell it then to show it […] is more interesting, buildings. The City’s historic environment group on the other hand largely seeks maybe a little bit outside or to tell the story around certain spots […] and then it's very complicated if they only want to do it here and here. It's not so to tell stories through entirely new physical additions such as reconstructions, new fulfilling for the city story.” (Interviewee 10a, CHEG, 2022). programmes, and other tools that don’t necessarily use the found remains. The differing scopes is exemplified by one interviewee’s statement: The City’s historic environment group’s views are seen in their plans for the fortified city and landeris. They see historic environment damage to be done “[The STA’s] way of looking at this project is that they are building a tunnel, outside the West Link route as well, and accordingly push for storytelling too in the city. Whilst from the City’s point of view, we are developing a city, that also has a tunnel in it.” (Interviewee 7a, CHEG, 2020) outside the route. They connect the affected parts of the fortified city to the rest of the fortified city, and tell the story of the whole fortified city. So even though the two sets of actors want to tell the same stories, they propose to do so at different locations and scales, and rely on newness to different degrees. 162 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 9: COMPENSATION THROUGH STORYTELLING AND STORYREADING (WEST LINK) • 163 Geographical scope of storytelling From the City’s point of view we claim that when damage is done to different sites in the fortress, that is not a damage done only in those particular parts, The STA tells stories by connecting the four affected sites, while the City’s historic but it’s also a damage done to the whole fortress, to the understanding of the environment group does so by connecting the four sites to other sites in the city. heritage of the fortress as a whole. […] We want to see compensation The STA engages in storytelling at individual sites and create connections measures not only site by site where the actual damage is done, but also measures that are relevant to understand the fortified city as a cohesive between these sites. The actions are geographically localised to the excavation sites structure. This is an important part of the narrative and substantial to make and accordingly, involve exposing the ancient remains on-site or in the new station it easier for people to understand the fortress as a whole. (Interviewee 7a, buildings. For them it is important to centre the stories of each of the sites locally, CHEG, 2020) based on their history derived from excavations at the site (2023: 8). They make So the sites relevant for the fortified city story are not solely restricted to the sites connections between the individual affected sites and their stories, by using the of construction in the fortified city. West Link route itself as a connector (Interviewee 2a, STA, 2020). Here the In the case of the landeris as well, the City’s historic environment group sees connection from Central Station to Haga Station to Korsvägen Station provides a the affected site of the Johanneberg landeri as part of a bigger landeri story despite new perspective of the city and acts like a “string of pearls” (Interviewee 2a, STA, its physical distance from some of the others, rather than in connection to other 2020). They highlight the possibility of telling a new story by connecting the three sites that are affected by the West Link. Johanneberg landeri is only one piece in stations, which would be like “taking the train to history” (Interviewee 2a, STA, the puzzle of the swathe of landeris in general, since they are spread across the city 2020). and the story needs to convey that the Johanneberg landeri was one of many The City’s historic environment group tells stories at a geographically larger (Interviewee 7a, CHEG, 2021). It is important therefore, to look at the “bigger scale, seeing the affected sites as a part of these. Their stories are independent of picture about landeris and connect them somehow” (Interviewee 10a, CHEG, the West Link route. They leverage the affected sites to plug into the more 2022). In the cases of both the fortified city and landeris, the proposals consider overarching stories they want to tell. For them, the individual stories of the each of those in their totalities and at spatially larger scales than the excavation affected sites need to be connected to their respective larger stories rather than to sites. other affected sites on the West Link. In their view, locating compensation The differing geographical scopes of storytelling translate to differing extents measures only within the trajectory of the tunnel and in the stations is too narrow to which the two actors rely on the ancient remains and to which their (Interviewee 11a, CHEG, 2022) and uninteresting (Interviewee 10a, CHEG, compensation actions are additive. The STA relies on found ancient remains and 2022). their reinterpretation to a large extent, which is in line with the Condition 1 “[…] it's not enough. And it's not like the city's story just is situated exactly mandate that focuses on the remains. Additions include signage to go with the where the tunnel is. It doesn't work like that. So, if there is fortress remains remains and new design elements, such as patterns and text, in the station around here, then the story to tell it then to show it […] is more interesting, buildings. The City’s historic environment group on the other hand largely seeks maybe a little bit outside or to tell the story around certain spots […] and then it's very complicated if they only want to do it here and here. It's not so to tell stories through entirely new physical additions such as reconstructions, new fulfilling for the city story.” (Interviewee 10a, CHEG, 2022). programmes, and other tools that don’t necessarily use the found remains. The differing scopes is exemplified by one interviewee’s statement: The City’s historic environment group’s views are seen in their plans for the fortified city and landeris. They see historic environment damage to be done “[The STA’s] way of looking at this project is that they are building a tunnel, outside the West Link route as well, and accordingly push for storytelling too in the city. Whilst from the City’s point of view, we are developing a city, that also has a tunnel in it.” (Interviewee 7a, CHEG, 2020) outside the route. They connect the affected parts of the fortified city to the rest of the fortified city, and tell the story of the whole fortified city. So even though the two sets of actors want to tell the same stories, they propose to do so at different locations and scales, and rely on newness to different degrees. 164 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 9: COMPENSATION THROUGH STORYTELLING AND STORYREADING (WEST LINK) • 165 For the STA, the stories are attached more closely to the specific physical loss, The differences of opinion on art as compensation are possibly because the while, for the City’s historic environment group, they are attached to the sites that actors have different expectations for the degree of directness in storytelling. All the West Link affects more generally. Accordingly, the STA tells the fortified city the other actions engage in direct storytelling, i.e., conveying information through story at Skansen Lejonet and Central and Haga Stations (STA, 2023), and the displaying objects with signage, walking tours, maps, and so on. These actions landeri story at Korsvägen Station (STA, 2023). The City’s historic environment mobilise the affected historic environment’s “research” values (Mason and group tells these stories outside the station buildings and the West Link route as Avrami, 2002). Art, on the other hand, is indirect in its storytelling. The art at well. Overall, the STA sees the four affected sites together as one whole, while the Central Station draws less on the research values of the stones, and more on its City’s historic environment group sees four sites that are part of or relate to other “artistic” values (Mason and Avrami, 2002). This is seen in their artistic wholes, at the city scale. reinterpretation. Since it is indirect in storytelling, it does not embody compensation for some of the actors. This points to the difference in opinion on Art in storytelling the extent of directness required in storytelling, when storytelling is the chosen Art as an expression of stories elicits conflicting opinions. The STA (2016a: 23) strategy of compensating for historic environment loss. considers art as a means of compensating for the physical loss of the historic Overall, the scope of storytelling in the West Link, as proposed by the two environment. This is seen in their actions at Central Station, wherein the art actors, has been previously analysed using Grahn Danielson et al’s (2013: 8) matrix landscape engages in telling stories about the people who built the fortified city of values and site (Dore, 2022: 107). This is seen in Figure 33. (STA, 2023: 15). They display stones with visible hand imprints to invoke the story of the toil of the labourers who built the city (STA, 2023: 16). Further, the work is located such that it is close to one of the bastions (STA, 2023: 16). The art also conceptually connects to the passage of time: “In this current context they have one purpose, in its previous one, another, and based on the material's lifespan they may have additional uses in the future.” (STA, 2023: 18, author’s translation) The STA sees the work as an entanglement of art and cultural heritage (Interviewee 1a, STA, 2021b; Interviewee 3a, STA, 2022). It calls upon viewers to think more about its meaning rather than simply reading a text (Interviewee 3a, STA, 2022). In this way, while it tells stories, it does so conceptually and indirectly. The actors view this compensation action differently. For the STA, the stones at Central Station engage in storytelling since they reference cultural history (Interviewee 1a, STA, 2021b; Interviewee 4a, STA, 2022). For the City’s historic Figure 33: Storytelling mapped on Grahn Danielson et al.’s (2013: 8) matrix environment group, despite the connection to the historic environment, the work Source: Dore (2022: 107) is still art alone and not valid as compensation (Interviewee 7a, CHEG, 2021; Interviewee 8a, CHEG, 2021; Interviewee 9a, CHEG, 2021). It is interpretative The use of this matrix however presents problems for sorting the actions because and different from compensation for historic environment loss (Interviewee 7a, it does not consider variations in type or scale. For example, videos in Korsvägen CHEG, 2021; Interviewee 9a, CHEG, 2021). So, art in storytelling is a matter of Station to compensate for lost ancient remains, would, with the landeri plan, count debate. as being in the bottom right quadrant of different-value-off-site. However, there are differences between these two actions. While both are creative and off-site, the 164 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 9: COMPENSATION THROUGH STORYTELLING AND STORYREADING (WEST LINK) • 165 For the STA, the stories are attached more closely to the specific physical loss, The differences of opinion on art as compensation are possibly because the while, for the City’s historic environment group, they are attached to the sites that actors have different expectations for the degree of directness in storytelling. All the West Link affects more generally. Accordingly, the STA tells the fortified city the other actions engage in direct storytelling, i.e., conveying information through story at Skansen Lejonet and Central and Haga Stations (STA, 2023), and the displaying objects with signage, walking tours, maps, and so on. These actions landeri story at Korsvägen Station (STA, 2023). The City’s historic environment mobilise the affected historic environment’s “research” values (Mason and group tells these stories outside the station buildings and the West Link route as Avrami, 2002). Art, on the other hand, is indirect in its storytelling. The art at well. Overall, the STA sees the four affected sites together as one whole, while the Central Station draws less on the research values of the stones, and more on its City’s historic environment group sees four sites that are part of or relate to other “artistic” values (Mason and Avrami, 2002). This is seen in their artistic wholes, at the city scale. reinterpretation. Since it is indirect in storytelling, it does not embody compensation for some of the actors. This points to the difference in opinion on Art in storytelling the extent of directness required in storytelling, when storytelling is the chosen Art as an expression of stories elicits conflicting opinions. The STA (2016a: 23) strategy of compensating for historic environment loss. considers art as a means of compensating for the physical loss of the historic Overall, the scope of storytelling in the West Link, as proposed by the two environment. This is seen in their actions at Central Station, wherein the art actors, has been previously analysed using Grahn Danielson et al’s (2013: 8) matrix landscape engages in telling stories about the people who built the fortified city of values and site (Dore, 2022: 107). This is seen in Figure 33. (STA, 2023: 15). They display stones with visible hand imprints to invoke the story of the toil of the labourers who built the city (STA, 2023: 16). Further, the work is located such that it is close to one of the bastions (STA, 2023: 16). The art also conceptually connects to the passage of time: “In this current context they have one purpose, in its previous one, another, and based on the material's lifespan they may have additional uses in the future.” (STA, 2023: 18, author’s translation) The STA sees the work as an entanglement of art and cultural heritage (Interviewee 1a, STA, 2021b; Interviewee 3a, STA, 2022). It calls upon viewers to think more about its meaning rather than simply reading a text (Interviewee 3a, STA, 2022). In this way, while it tells stories, it does so conceptually and indirectly. The actors view this compensation action differently. For the STA, the stones at Central Station engage in storytelling since they reference cultural history (Interviewee 1a, STA, 2021b; Interviewee 4a, STA, 2022). For the City’s historic Figure 33: Storytelling mapped on Grahn Danielson et al.’s (2013: 8) matrix environment group, despite the connection to the historic environment, the work Source: Dore (2022: 107) is still art alone and not valid as compensation (Interviewee 7a, CHEG, 2021; Interviewee 8a, CHEG, 2021; Interviewee 9a, CHEG, 2021). It is interpretative The use of this matrix however presents problems for sorting the actions because and different from compensation for historic environment loss (Interviewee 7a, it does not consider variations in type or scale. For example, videos in Korsvägen CHEG, 2021; Interviewee 9a, CHEG, 2021). So, art in storytelling is a matter of Station to compensate for lost ancient remains, would, with the landeri plan, count debate. as being in the bottom right quadrant of different-value-off-site. However, there are differences between these two actions. While both are creative and off-site, the 166 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 9: COMPENSATION THROUGH STORYTELLING AND STORYREADING (WEST LINK) • 167 videos are much smaller in scale and localised as compared to the landeri plan. The Loss of spatial connections and functionality model does not account for variations in degree of “differentness” and “off- sitedness”. The loss of quality of Kungsparken is the result of both the West Link, as well as incremental encroachments and interventions in the area over time. The West Link construction results in the loss of many trees and green areas. Compensation as storyreading Some of the trees are the original ones from the 1800s (City Museum, 2014: 5). Storyreading seeks to re-create lost historical spatial connections and add new Physical loss of the historic environment renders loss in spatial comprehension, historically relevant elements and spaces. In this way it aims to convey stories “character”, and “identity” (Interviewee 12a, CHEG, 2022). The loss of trees through spatial layout or planning measures. It is discussed and elaborated on in makes the park boundary unclear (City Museum, 2014: 7) and even with replanting, this section with respect to the Kungsparken green area. The section is divided something of the character will be lost because the area will be flat and open and into three sub-sections: story as historic plan; loss of spatial connections and unsupported by “mature, space-forming trees” (City Museum, 2014: 7, author’s functionality; and scope of storyreading. translation). The project also results in a “weakening” of the spatial connection between Kungsparken and the Haga church plan (STA, 2016c: 13; City Museum, Story as historical plan 2014: 7). The City’s historic environment group further mentions the incremental loss The story of Kungsparken exists in the historical layout of its trees and green in the park space and experience of Kungsparken over the years. This is caused by spaces. Storyreading connotes compensation actions that restore this layout, exhaust, noise, and disruption of its views due to increasing car traffic (City rendering it readable in space. These actions are jointly worked on by both actors. Museum, 2014: 12). Traffic too has driven a wedge between two areas of the park Kungsparken in Haga was laid out in the late 1850s in the style of an English (City Museum, 2014: 7). In general, not only is the spatiality weakened but also the landscape park. This format of city park design entailed free flowing areas, function as a park, as a place for recreation, meeting, and “to see people and be breaking out of the earlier rigid landscape designs (City Museum, 2014: 11), and seen” (Interviewee 11a, CHEG, 2022). was composed of areas with clusters of trees and other vegetation, affording spaces for rest and recreation (City Museum, 2014: 11). Such parks had an amorphous Scope of storyreading layout, that in the urban setting, took on an aesthetically pleasing character, described as a landscape painting (City Museum, 2014: 11). In general, the English Storyreading in Kungsparken is aimed at re-creating old spaces and adding new landscape park could be laid with exotic or distinctive trees, winding paths, well- ones, in response to lost spatial connections and functionality caused by the West considered placement of statues, and compositional views (City Museum, 2014: Link. The corresponding compensation actions are additive, in that they introduce 11). It was a “living painting” (City Museum, 2014: 11). new elements that are reminiscent of the 1850s park, as well as create new The importance of Kungsparken as a valuable historic environment is functional spaces in sync with the historical ones. Additions include historical emphasised by both the actors. They variously mention its experiential qualities, benches and gravel for the paths, as well as the creation of a new park in the historical value, and “character of antiquity” (STA, 2016c: 6-7). They also mention Pusterviksplatsen area. The new park is an attempt to make it “easier to understand the significance of the views, sightlines, and avenues that contribute to the park’s the rest of the park” (Interviewee 11a, CHEG, 2022). character (Interviewee 12a, CHEG, 2022). This pinpoints the distinctly historical The importance of additive actions is seen in the aspirations for the park to not value of the park and its historical layout as its story. only be “as strong and clear” as before the work, but “preferably be perceived as stronger and the experience of the park as a cohesive unit should be stronger” (City Museum, 2014: 3, author’s translation). Both the STA (2016b: 13) and the City Museum (2014: 14-15) point to the significance of historically sensitive additions. 166 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 9: COMPENSATION THROUGH STORYTELLING AND STORYREADING (WEST LINK) • 167 videos are much smaller in scale and localised as compared to the landeri plan. The Loss of spatial connections and functionality model does not account for variations in degree of “differentness” and “off- sitedness”. The loss of quality of Kungsparken is the result of both the West Link, as well as incremental encroachments and interventions in the area over time. The West Link construction results in the loss of many trees and green areas. Compensation as storyreading Some of the trees are the original ones from the 1800s (City Museum, 2014: 5). Storyreading seeks to re-create lost historical spatial connections and add new Physical loss of the historic environment renders loss in spatial comprehension, historically relevant elements and spaces. In this way it aims to convey stories “character”, and “identity” (Interviewee 12a, CHEG, 2022). The loss of trees through spatial layout or planning measures. It is discussed and elaborated on in makes the park boundary unclear (City Museum, 2014: 7) and even with replanting, this section with respect to the Kungsparken green area. The section is divided something of the character will be lost because the area will be flat and open and into three sub-sections: story as historic plan; loss of spatial connections and unsupported by “mature, space-forming trees” (City Museum, 2014: 7, author’s functionality; and scope of storyreading. translation). The project also results in a “weakening” of the spatial connection between Kungsparken and the Haga church plan (STA, 2016c: 13; City Museum, Story as historical plan 2014: 7). The City’s historic environment group further mentions the incremental loss The story of Kungsparken exists in the historical layout of its trees and green in the park space and experience of Kungsparken over the years. This is caused by spaces. Storyreading connotes compensation actions that restore this layout, exhaust, noise, and disruption of its views due to increasing car traffic (City rendering it readable in space. These actions are jointly worked on by both actors. Museum, 2014: 12). Traffic too has driven a wedge between two areas of the park Kungsparken in Haga was laid out in the late 1850s in the style of an English (City Museum, 2014: 7). In general, not only is the spatiality weakened but also the landscape park. This format of city park design entailed free flowing areas, function as a park, as a place for recreation, meeting, and “to see people and be breaking out of the earlier rigid landscape designs (City Museum, 2014: 11), and seen” (Interviewee 11a, CHEG, 2022). was composed of areas with clusters of trees and other vegetation, affording spaces for rest and recreation (City Museum, 2014: 11). Such parks had an amorphous Scope of storyreading layout, that in the urban setting, took on an aesthetically pleasing character, described as a landscape painting (City Museum, 2014: 11). In general, the English Storyreading in Kungsparken is aimed at re-creating old spaces and adding new landscape park could be laid with exotic or distinctive trees, winding paths, well- ones, in response to lost spatial connections and functionality caused by the West considered placement of statues, and compositional views (City Museum, 2014: Link. The corresponding compensation actions are additive, in that they introduce 11). It was a “living painting” (City Museum, 2014: 11). new elements that are reminiscent of the 1850s park, as well as create new The importance of Kungsparken as a valuable historic environment is functional spaces in sync with the historical ones. Additions include historical emphasised by both the actors. They variously mention its experiential qualities, benches and gravel for the paths, as well as the creation of a new park in the historical value, and “character of antiquity” (STA, 2016c: 6-7). They also mention Pusterviksplatsen area. The new park is an attempt to make it “easier to understand the significance of the views, sightlines, and avenues that contribute to the park’s the rest of the park” (Interviewee 11a, CHEG, 2022). character (Interviewee 12a, CHEG, 2022). This pinpoints the distinctly historical The importance of additive actions is seen in the aspirations for the park to not value of the park and its historical layout as its story. only be “as strong and clear” as before the work, but “preferably be perceived as stronger and the experience of the park as a cohesive unit should be stronger” (City Museum, 2014: 3, author’s translation). Both the STA (2016b: 13) and the City Museum (2014: 14-15) point to the significance of historically sensitive additions. 168 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 9: COMPENSATION THROUGH STORYTELLING AND STORYREADING (WEST LINK) • 169 Restoration of trees to their former locations also helps in the re-creation of cultural objects and particularly special trees that hold stories and memories for the park’s historic environment by way of restoring it to its pre-West Link people. Such trees are more than their natural values, by way of “green structure” condition. However, it is not a compensation action because it is not additive in (Interviewee 12a, CHEG, 2022). So storyreading as a response, compensates for any way. It does not, independently, fulfil the aims of making the park “stronger” loss of historic values associated with the compositional elements of a space, but than what it was before construction. So, while it supports storyreading, it does not cannot work for individually valuable entities. constitute it. More generally, the premise of storyreading is in alignment with Nilsson’s With restoration of trees there is an overlap in the ways that compensation for (2020; 2022) understanding of compensation, which is through architectural natural value loss and compensation for historic value loss are dealt with. In design and planning. He views spatial planning as having the potential to convey general, restoring trees to their former locations is part of policy that deals with history through appropriate design, placement, materials, signage, as well as compensation for the loss of natural values of the environment. It lies on the third reconstruction of historical features. step of the damage mitigation hierarchy, wherein compensation is the re-creation Overall, this chapter shows that compensation can take the form of additive of the same values on the same site (NBHPB, 2018; Gothenburg City, 2008; actions aimed at conveying stories, either through storytelling or storyreading. Gothenburg City, n.d.). In Kungsparken, this action helps restore historic environment Storytelling is the conveying of stories, understood as a selection of historical values of the park, by helping re-establish sightlines and avenues. As Interviewee information based on physical loss of historic environments and objects. While 12a (CHEG, 2022) acknowledges, the principles of Gothenburg City’s (2008; n.d.) the actors in the West Link agree on the stories to be told, they differ on the desired natural environment compensation policy collaborate with compensation for loss geographical scope, scale, and nature of some of the actions. Storyreading too is of historic values in Kungsparken. Here, the tools for compensating for natural the conveying of stories, though the story constitutes historical layout. It is based value loss are used to compensate for historic value loss. on loss of spatial comprehension and involves re-creation of the same through Storyreading in Kungsparken is premised on re-creating and adding to the trees and green areas. Both storytelling and storyreading are aimed at historical layout and not on re-creating the value of individually unique trees, of compensating for the loss of historic environment values. which there are several. As Interviewee 11a (CHEG, 2022) states, these trees are “personal trees”. In these cases, storyreading is not applicable because the value of trees is not in their spatiality. Their historic and cultural value cannot be replaced by new trees. “If you look at it strictly biologically, yes, I think it can be exactly the same [if the trees come back to the same spot]. But we’ve also done like cultural evaluation of the trees as well. Because a tree that’s been situated in an exposed spot for a long time is maybe something more, like a special building, something for people in the city, something that they’ve seen every morning that they stand and wait for the tram or something, it’s like a landmark.” (Interviewee 11a, CHEG, 2022). These trees, according to the interviewee, resemble historic environments in their uniqueness, making them comparable to historical or cultural objects. The implication is that historic environments are always unique. Replacing one old and significant tree with brand new trees “creates something else and does not have the same story and character as the old tree” (Interviewee 10a, CHEG, 2022). Interviewee 12a (CHEG, 2022) too draws parallels between the irreplaceability of 168 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 9: COMPENSATION THROUGH STORYTELLING AND STORYREADING (WEST LINK) • 169 Restoration of trees to their former locations also helps in the re-creation of cultural objects and particularly special trees that hold stories and memories for the park’s historic environment by way of restoring it to its pre-West Link people. Such trees are more than their natural values, by way of “green structure” condition. However, it is not a compensation action because it is not additive in (Interviewee 12a, CHEG, 2022). So storyreading as a response, compensates for any way. It does not, independently, fulfil the aims of making the park “stronger” loss of historic values associated with the compositional elements of a space, but than what it was before construction. So, while it supports storyreading, it does not cannot work for individually valuable entities. constitute it. More generally, the premise of storyreading is in alignment with Nilsson’s With restoration of trees there is an overlap in the ways that compensation for (2020; 2022) understanding of compensation, which is through architectural natural value loss and compensation for historic value loss are dealt with. In design and planning. He views spatial planning as having the potential to convey general, restoring trees to their former locations is part of policy that deals with history through appropriate design, placement, materials, signage, as well as compensation for the loss of natural values of the environment. It lies on the third reconstruction of historical features. step of the damage mitigation hierarchy, wherein compensation is the re-creation Overall, this chapter shows that compensation can take the form of additive of the same values on the same site (NBHPB, 2018; Gothenburg City, 2008; actions aimed at conveying stories, either through storytelling or storyreading. Gothenburg City, n.d.). In Kungsparken, this action helps restore historic environment Storytelling is the conveying of stories, understood as a selection of historical values of the park, by helping re-establish sightlines and avenues. As Interviewee information based on physical loss of historic environments and objects. While 12a (CHEG, 2022) acknowledges, the principles of Gothenburg City’s (2008; n.d.) the actors in the West Link agree on the stories to be told, they differ on the desired natural environment compensation policy collaborate with compensation for loss geographical scope, scale, and nature of some of the actions. Storyreading too is of historic values in Kungsparken. Here, the tools for compensating for natural the conveying of stories, though the story constitutes historical layout. It is based value loss are used to compensate for historic value loss. on loss of spatial comprehension and involves re-creation of the same through Storyreading in Kungsparken is premised on re-creating and adding to the trees and green areas. Both storytelling and storyreading are aimed at historical layout and not on re-creating the value of individually unique trees, of compensating for the loss of historic environment values. which there are several. As Interviewee 11a (CHEG, 2022) states, these trees are “personal trees”. In these cases, storyreading is not applicable because the value of trees is not in their spatiality. Their historic and cultural value cannot be replaced by new trees. “If you look at it strictly biologically, yes, I think it can be exactly the same [if the trees come back to the same spot]. But we’ve also done like cultural evaluation of the trees as well. Because a tree that’s been situated in an exposed spot for a long time is maybe something more, like a special building, something for people in the city, something that they’ve seen every morning that they stand and wait for the tram or something, it’s like a landmark.” (Interviewee 11a, CHEG, 2022). These trees, according to the interviewee, resemble historic environments in their uniqueness, making them comparable to historical or cultural objects. The implication is that historic environments are always unique. Replacing one old and significant tree with brand new trees “creates something else and does not have the same story and character as the old tree” (Interviewee 10a, CHEG, 2022). Interviewee 12a (CHEG, 2022) too draws parallels between the irreplaceability of Chapter 10: Contextualising the preservation and compensation responses This thesis started with an understanding of conservation as the negotiation of historic environment values in planning, and as a people-oriented process. Accordingly, this chapter analyses preservation in the Mumbai Metro and compensation in the West Link in the context of two central themes: planning frameworks and authorised views on heritage. The chapter is divided into two sections. The first section analyses how conservation and urban planning meet in the planning process to spawn the preservation and compensation responses. It uses Ashworth’s (2011) three paradigms, referred to as discourses, as a framework for the analysis. The second section discusses the ways in which the emergent responses, in both process and outcome, express and subvert authorised views on historic environments and their conservation. Conservation and planning The responses in the cases are results of complex entanglements with institutional mandates, regulations, the roles of the actors, and approaches to heritage. In both cases, the urban planning projects present a tension between transportation needs and historic environment conservation, however conservation may be understood. This section analyses the preservation and compensation responses in the cases through Ashworth’s (2011) three discourses: the preservation, conservation, and heritage discourses. The discourses are overlapping and criss-crossing across the cases, though the dominant discourse in the Mumbai Metro is preservation, and in the West Link, it is conservation. The rest of this section looks at the three discourses more closely, with one sub-section for each. Chapter 10: Contextualising the preservation and compensation responses This thesis started with an understanding of conservation as the negotiation of historic environment values in planning, and as a people-oriented process. Accordingly, this chapter analyses preservation in the Mumbai Metro and compensation in the West Link in the context of two central themes: planning frameworks and authorised views on heritage. The chapter is divided into two sections. The first section analyses how conservation and urban planning meet in the planning process to spawn the preservation and compensation responses. It uses Ashworth’s (2011) three paradigms, referred to as discourses, as a framework for the analysis. The second section discusses the ways in which the emergent responses, in both process and outcome, express and subvert authorised views on historic environments and their conservation. Conservation and planning The responses in the cases are results of complex entanglements with institutional mandates, regulations, the roles of the actors, and approaches to heritage. In both cases, the urban planning projects present a tension between transportation needs and historic environment conservation, however conservation may be understood. This section analyses the preservation and compensation responses in the cases through Ashworth’s (2011) three discourses: the preservation, conservation, and heritage discourses. The discourses are overlapping and criss-crossing across the cases, though the dominant discourse in the Mumbai Metro is preservation, and in the West Link, it is conservation. The rest of this section looks at the three discourses more closely, with one sub-section for each. 172 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 10: CONTEXTUALISING THE PRESERVATION AND COMPENSATION RESPONSES • 173 Preservation discourse (2017) refer to as heritage-as-a-sector, wherein the historic environment is separated from spatial planning, rather than being used as a resource in it. The preservation discourse (Ashworth, 2011) has its focus on material The preservation discourse in the metro case draws its legitimacy from preservation and resistance to historic environment change. This is expressed in institutional and legal mandates. These are further embedded in the historical the Mumbai Metro through the preservation of the structural and physical integrity context of how conservation and urban planning came to be adopted in India. of the historic environment. This discourse considers historic environments Both conservation and formal urban planning were introduced by the colonial objectively valuable, which results in the separation of conservation and urban government and persist in some or other shape. Conservation was formally planning. The confrontation between these two goals is strong, with the historic introduced with the establishment of the Archaeological Survey of India (ASI) in environment and the new project acquiring hardened positions. To use 1861, which undertook protection of nationally important monuments. Around Ashworth’s (1991) heritage planning schema, this means that “built environment” the same time, formal planning was also introduced by the colonisers (Menon, and “uses” – which collectively connote conservation – overlap with each other, 2017a: 36). Colonial mores of both conservation and planning persist in but not with “area strategies”, i.e., urban planning. So, as depicted in Figure 34, in contemporary India (Thakur, 2012; Intach, 2004, Menon, 2003; Menon, 1997). In the Mumbai Metro case, conservation and planning are detached. the case of conservation, this means a focus on monuments. In the case of planning, Menon (2017: 37) writes: “[…] contemporary Indian urban planners ape the colonial British in the original desire to protect their empire by disciplining the native urban space and punishing its ‘disorderly’ manifestations which were assumed to be the expressions of a rebellious populace. So deeply embedded is this punitive vision, that the notion of a planning model that mediates and facilitates the process of urbanisation and that is sensitive to the needs of vast swathes of disadvantaged inhabitants becomes tragically inconceivable.” (Menon, 2017a: 37) Urban planning not only retains vestiges of its colonial form, but planners also aspire to contemporary modernist models from the east (Menon, 2019). The result is a systemic wedge between conservation and urban planning. In this situation, conservation is viewed through the lens of loss where “any sort of new condition Figure 34: Separation of conservation and urban planning [is considered] as worse than some ‘magic moment’ in the past” (Mehrotra, 2007: Diagram: Maitri Dore (2023), based on Ashworth’s (1991: 3) diagram 347). The idea of preservation in India was imported through colonisation, but its Negotiation of values in the Mumbai Metro takes the form of deciphering how trajectory has been very different from that of the former coloniser. Conservation best to preserve the physical historic environment. Conservation is then less about in policy in contemporary Britain is a consensus (Pendlebury, 2008). Its virtues and the management of change and more about the resistance to it. This means that desirability are taken for granted and are largely non-negotiable. Deviations from the two imperatives of conservation and urban planning are dealt with the consensus are hardly fundamental but rather “surface noise” (Pendlebury, independent of one another. Both the historic environment, by way of “heritage 2008: 1). The state of conservation in Mumbai and India, however, show that it is buildings and precincts”, as well as the contemporary city, by way of the metro, not only the modalities or “surface noise” being discussed. Conservation is a are nurtured, but without contributing to, or engaging with, one another. The nascent discipline, still trying to establish the “fundamental rules” (Mehrotra, 2007: positions of the conservationists and urban developers are divided and largely stay 349). This is seen in the Development Control and Promotion Regulations within their individual mandates. This approach also reflects what Janssen et al. 172 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 10: CONTEXTUALISING THE PRESERVATION AND COMPENSATION RESPONSES • 173 Preservation discourse (2017) refer to as heritage-as-a-sector, wherein the historic environment is separated from spatial planning, rather than being used as a resource in it. The preservation discourse (Ashworth, 2011) has its focus on material The preservation discourse in the metro case draws its legitimacy from preservation and resistance to historic environment change. This is expressed in institutional and legal mandates. These are further embedded in the historical the Mumbai Metro through the preservation of the structural and physical integrity context of how conservation and urban planning came to be adopted in India. of the historic environment. This discourse considers historic environments Both conservation and formal urban planning were introduced by the colonial objectively valuable, which results in the separation of conservation and urban government and persist in some or other shape. Conservation was formally planning. The confrontation between these two goals is strong, with the historic introduced with the establishment of the Archaeological Survey of India (ASI) in environment and the new project acquiring hardened positions. To use 1861, which undertook protection of nationally important monuments. Around Ashworth’s (1991) heritage planning schema, this means that “built environment” the same time, formal planning was also introduced by the colonisers (Menon, and “uses” – which collectively connote conservation – overlap with each other, 2017a: 36). Colonial mores of both conservation and planning persist in but not with “area strategies”, i.e., urban planning. So, as depicted in Figure 34, in contemporary India (Thakur, 2012; Intach, 2004, Menon, 2003; Menon, 1997). In the Mumbai Metro case, conservation and planning are detached. the case of conservation, this means a focus on monuments. In the case of planning, Menon (2017: 37) writes: “[…] contemporary Indian urban planners ape the colonial British in the original desire to protect their empire by disciplining the native urban space and punishing its ‘disorderly’ manifestations which were assumed to be the expressions of a rebellious populace. So deeply embedded is this punitive vision, that the notion of a planning model that mediates and facilitates the process of urbanisation and that is sensitive to the needs of vast swathes of disadvantaged inhabitants becomes tragically inconceivable.” (Menon, 2017a: 37) Urban planning not only retains vestiges of its colonial form, but planners also aspire to contemporary modernist models from the east (Menon, 2019). The result is a systemic wedge between conservation and urban planning. In this situation, conservation is viewed through the lens of loss where “any sort of new condition Figure 34: Separation of conservation and urban planning [is considered] as worse than some ‘magic moment’ in the past” (Mehrotra, 2007: Diagram: Maitri Dore (2023), based on Ashworth’s (1991: 3) diagram 347). The idea of preservation in India was imported through colonisation, but its Negotiation of values in the Mumbai Metro takes the form of deciphering how trajectory has been very different from that of the former coloniser. Conservation best to preserve the physical historic environment. Conservation is then less about in policy in contemporary Britain is a consensus (Pendlebury, 2008). Its virtues and the management of change and more about the resistance to it. This means that desirability are taken for granted and are largely non-negotiable. Deviations from the two imperatives of conservation and urban planning are dealt with the consensus are hardly fundamental but rather “surface noise” (Pendlebury, independent of one another. Both the historic environment, by way of “heritage 2008: 1). The state of conservation in Mumbai and India, however, show that it is buildings and precincts”, as well as the contemporary city, by way of the metro, not only the modalities or “surface noise” being discussed. Conservation is a are nurtured, but without contributing to, or engaging with, one another. The nascent discipline, still trying to establish the “fundamental rules” (Mehrotra, 2007: positions of the conservationists and urban developers are divided and largely stay 349). This is seen in the Development Control and Promotion Regulations within their individual mandates. This approach also reflects what Janssen et al. 174 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 10: CONTEXTUALISING THE PRESERVATION AND COMPENSATION RESPONSES • 175 (DCPR, 2018). Following recent dilution, the regulations increased the scope of historic environments that the projects might encounter. So even though the permissible changes to listed buildings, reflecting shrinking space for material physical response is largely within the preservation discourse, it still emerges from preservation. The fledgling state of conservation policy further means that there is a planning policy context. little room for “conjecture and strategy which might employ subjective In the West Link, conservation professionals at local, regional, and national interpretations” (Mehrotra, 2007: 349). As the regulations (DPCR, 2018) show, levels form part of the planning process. There are further special legal instruments there is no space in policy for productive ways of thinking about historic geared towards compensation, instated as part of this process. The West Link’s environments. The scope for changes through the three grades cover avoiding emphasis on the integration of conservation and planning is systemic, seeing as damage, minimising it through various types of alterations, and demolition compensation draws its legitimacy from institutional and legal mandates. The altogether. The space between minimising and demolishing, that compensation- response reflects an integration of conservation goals and urban planning goals. like actions could potentially inhabit, is lacking in current planning policy. Within The twin goals are mediated by trying to find an optimal resolution, through the options available, conservationists in turn must battle for material preservation negotiation of values, in that damage is attempted to be worked with, rather than of even listed historic environments. So, on the one hand the preservation stalled. The negotiation of values is reflective of what Janssen et al. (2017) refer to discourse has a hold on conservation practice and policy in India, and on the other, as heritage-as-a-factor in spatial planning. In this view, historic environments are it is still inchoate. only one of the many ‘factors’ that go into creating a place (Janssen et al., 2017: The preservation discourse is also present in the compensation response, in the 1661). In responding to the urban planning project with compensation, the case is West Link, however to a lesser degree. Here, it takes the form of individual actions an example of heritage planning’s ambition of achieving an overlap between built to avoid and minimise loss of historic environments and objects. These actions do environment, uses, and area strategies, as laid out by Ashworth (1991). not form the dominant response, i.e., compensation, but rather feed into it. Such There is further, a wide range of interests and considerations that go into actions are seen at individual locations – excavated objects, the tower at Skansen conservation, however it may be understood, and there is a need for mediation Lejonet, and trees at Kungsparken. The actions, while focusing on material between them. Short (2020: 223) refers to conservation planning as a deeply preservation in their specific locations, are part of a larger strategy. political and multi-scaled process wherein various different groups jostle to execute their individual visions. Given the multiplicity of actors, constraints are Conservation discourse baked into the process, and mediation is not always easy. The compensation response in the West Link reflects a wider view of historic The negotiary nature of planning is seen in the cases irrespective of what kind environments and ways of dealing with them outside material preservation. It is an of physical responses emerge. The responses are the results of discussions and expression of the conservation discourse. This discourse considers value in other external factors and not necessarily reflective of fast held attitudes of functions and enables integration between historic environments and future plans individual actors. The preservation response in the Mumbai Metro emerges in a (Ashworth, 2011). The Mumbai Metro also expresses a conservation discourse in context of difficulties in acquisition of land, tunnelling through congested pockets some ways, largely through the process of planning, rather than the actionable of the city, legal tussles, changes in government, and time and budgetary outcomes. constraints, to name a few. The range of actors covers not only planners and Conservation, understood in the broad sense, is firmly in planning practice and conservationists, but also various architects, consultants, other departments in the regulated by laws and policy. In the Mumbai Metro case, it is seen in the role of city, and even the judicial system. the Heritage Committee within the Development Plan Department of the Urban The compensation response in the West Link emerges in a context of a strict Development Department of the state, and its mandate to approve building legal framework, absence of adequate guidelines for compensation, financial permissions in areas of listed heritage. The List is also an institutional mechanism issues, other allied projects on those sites, communication difficulties, land to regulate conservation, and planners are bound by regulations to consider listed ownership and access, and more. In this case too, the range of actors is wide. There are not only the planners and representatives of the City’s historic environment 174 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 10: CONTEXTUALISING THE PRESERVATION AND COMPENSATION RESPONSES • 175 (DCPR, 2018). Following recent dilution, the regulations increased the scope of historic environments that the projects might encounter. So even though the permissible changes to listed buildings, reflecting shrinking space for material physical response is largely within the preservation discourse, it still emerges from preservation. The fledgling state of conservation policy further means that there is a planning policy context. little room for “conjecture and strategy which might employ subjective In the West Link, conservation professionals at local, regional, and national interpretations” (Mehrotra, 2007: 349). As the regulations (DPCR, 2018) show, levels form part of the planning process. There are further special legal instruments there is no space in policy for productive ways of thinking about historic geared towards compensation, instated as part of this process. The West Link’s environments. The scope for changes through the three grades cover avoiding emphasis on the integration of conservation and planning is systemic, seeing as damage, minimising it through various types of alterations, and demolition compensation draws its legitimacy from institutional and legal mandates. The altogether. The space between minimising and demolishing, that compensation- response reflects an integration of conservation goals and urban planning goals. like actions could potentially inhabit, is lacking in current planning policy. Within The twin goals are mediated by trying to find an optimal resolution, through the options available, conservationists in turn must battle for material preservation negotiation of values, in that damage is attempted to be worked with, rather than of even listed historic environments. So, on the one hand the preservation stalled. The negotiation of values is reflective of what Janssen et al. (2017) refer to discourse has a hold on conservation practice and policy in India, and on the other, as heritage-as-a-factor in spatial planning. In this view, historic environments are it is still inchoate. only one of the many ‘factors’ that go into creating a place (Janssen et al., 2017: The preservation discourse is also present in the compensation response, in the 1661). In responding to the urban planning project with compensation, the case is West Link, however to a lesser degree. Here, it takes the form of individual actions an example of heritage planning’s ambition of achieving an overlap between built to avoid and minimise loss of historic environments and objects. These actions do environment, uses, and area strategies, as laid out by Ashworth (1991). not form the dominant response, i.e., compensation, but rather feed into it. Such There is further, a wide range of interests and considerations that go into actions are seen at individual locations – excavated objects, the tower at Skansen conservation, however it may be understood, and there is a need for mediation Lejonet, and trees at Kungsparken. The actions, while focusing on material between them. Short (2020: 223) refers to conservation planning as a deeply preservation in their specific locations, are part of a larger strategy. political and multi-scaled process wherein various different groups jostle to execute their individual visions. Given the multiplicity of actors, constraints are Conservation discourse baked into the process, and mediation is not always easy. The compensation response in the West Link reflects a wider view of historic The negotiary nature of planning is seen in the cases irrespective of what kind environments and ways of dealing with them outside material preservation. It is an of physical responses emerge. The responses are the results of discussions and expression of the conservation discourse. This discourse considers value in other external factors and not necessarily reflective of fast held attitudes of functions and enables integration between historic environments and future plans individual actors. The preservation response in the Mumbai Metro emerges in a (Ashworth, 2011). The Mumbai Metro also expresses a conservation discourse in context of difficulties in acquisition of land, tunnelling through congested pockets some ways, largely through the process of planning, rather than the actionable of the city, legal tussles, changes in government, and time and budgetary outcomes. constraints, to name a few. The range of actors covers not only planners and Conservation, understood in the broad sense, is firmly in planning practice and conservationists, but also various architects, consultants, other departments in the regulated by laws and policy. In the Mumbai Metro case, it is seen in the role of city, and even the judicial system. the Heritage Committee within the Development Plan Department of the Urban The compensation response in the West Link emerges in a context of a strict Development Department of the state, and its mandate to approve building legal framework, absence of adequate guidelines for compensation, financial permissions in areas of listed heritage. The List is also an institutional mechanism issues, other allied projects on those sites, communication difficulties, land to regulate conservation, and planners are bound by regulations to consider listed ownership and access, and more. In this case too, the range of actors is wide. There are not only the planners and representatives of the City’s historic environment 176 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 10: CONTEXTUALISING THE PRESERVATION AND COMPENSATION RESPONSES • 177 group, but also other City departments, entrepreneurs, and a range of architects, Heritage discourse artists, and consultants. In the absence of adequate guidelines, compensation is also highly interpretative. This is seen in the differing understandings of the task The heritage discourse (Ashworth, 2011) plays out in the cases largely through the by the Swedish Transport and the City’s historic environment group. This actors’ aspirations to work in ways that consider contemporary needs and users. produces misunderstanding and challenges to communication, which have been They think outside of the preservation and conservation discourses by considering well-documented by Fredholm et al. (2019). The conflicts that arise in the conservation in a wider context, whether social or economic. In this way, they push interpretation of the word and concept are in keeping with what Rönn et al. (2020) for a shift in thinking of heritage from solely material to people-centred and linked write about compensation being an “essentially contested concept”. to contemporary needs. The work with the historic environment exists in relation to a number of other Actors in the Mumbai Metro emphasise the need for conservation of historic needs and processes when it comes to large urban planning projects. The cases environments to be made relevant to economic and social needs. Actors in the comprise a number of moving parts, and their planning and implementation span West Link consider telling stories that don’t directly sit within their institutional decades which leads to further unpredictability and difficulty in making workable mandate. The compensation response further has elements that focus on plans. All of these constraints and considerations coalesce to spawn the emergent functionality and creation. This is seen in the introduction of new spatial response, whether it crystallises as preservation or compensation. Even the programmes that both draw on history and also consider contemporary needs, preservation response, where conservation and urban planning work in silos, such as the proposed park at Pusterviksplatsen. In this case, a new resource is emerges from a highly knotty planning process. Overall, the cases reflect the deep created, rather than an already preserved resource being used for a new purpose. dependence of conservation planning on various factors that it cannot control Conservation that is creative is in line with Janssen et al.’s (2017) heritage-as-a- (Short, 2020: 223). vector approach in spatial planning. Here, the historic environment becomes an Negotiation in planning has itself been characterised as compensation (Rönn, active agent in contributing to urban planning. This approach shifts the focus of 2020). The rationale is that the back-and-forth between institutional actors leads conservation from loss to gain (Janssen et al., 2017: 1658). to area plans being revised and even enriched, which makes for smoother Despite actors acknowledging the limitations of the preservation and execution of the plan. In this view, the preservation response in the metro would conservation discourses, the heritage discourse is present in the two conservation also count as compensation, simply by virtue of the discussions between the responses to a very limited extent. This is also a product of systemic constraints conservationists and metro developers. This understanding of compensation is that favour preservation or compensation, as the case may be. however inadequate. It largely focuses on making the plan implementable, and Overall, the three discourses are present in the cases to varying degrees and excludes the intent behind compensation actions, which is to add value to the overlap with one another. This is in keeping with what Ashworth (2011) calls an historic environment. incomplete paradigm shift. Similarly, Janssen et al. (2017) refer to the presence and Compensation as an outcome in the West Link results in additive actions necessity of a mixed bag of approaches to conservation today, so that context- intended towards storytelling or storyreading, which are to varying degrees spread specific choices of approaches can be deployed. over wider areas. The response is in alignment with the conservation discourse The three discourses can also be characterised through the lens of resistance, despite some individual measures embodying material preservation. This is in negotiation, and creation in the face of change. The preservation discourse is based keeping with how Ashworth (2011) differentiates the conservation and in resistance to change, the conservation discourse plays out as a negotiation over preservation discourses, i.e., by their intentions rather than actions. Compensation, historic environment values, and the heritage discourse is expressed through with its wider planning strategies and additive actions attempts to manage loss. It actively working with creation. All the discourses consider the historic reflects the possibility for conservation and urban planning to meet in dynamic, environments, however, with different attitudes to their loss. productive ways. 176 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 10: CONTEXTUALISING THE PRESERVATION AND COMPENSATION RESPONSES • 177 group, but also other City departments, entrepreneurs, and a range of architects, Heritage discourse artists, and consultants. In the absence of adequate guidelines, compensation is also highly interpretative. This is seen in the differing understandings of the task The heritage discourse (Ashworth, 2011) plays out in the cases largely through the by the Swedish Transport and the City’s historic environment group. This actors’ aspirations to work in ways that consider contemporary needs and users. produces misunderstanding and challenges to communication, which have been They think outside of the preservation and conservation discourses by considering well-documented by Fredholm et al. (2019). The conflicts that arise in the conservation in a wider context, whether social or economic. In this way, they push interpretation of the word and concept are in keeping with what Rönn et al. (2020) for a shift in thinking of heritage from solely material to people-centred and linked write about compensation being an “essentially contested concept”. to contemporary needs. The work with the historic environment exists in relation to a number of other Actors in the Mumbai Metro emphasise the need for conservation of historic needs and processes when it comes to large urban planning projects. The cases environments to be made relevant to economic and social needs. Actors in the comprise a number of moving parts, and their planning and implementation span West Link consider telling stories that don’t directly sit within their institutional decades which leads to further unpredictability and difficulty in making workable mandate. The compensation response further has elements that focus on plans. All of these constraints and considerations coalesce to spawn the emergent functionality and creation. This is seen in the introduction of new spatial response, whether it crystallises as preservation or compensation. Even the programmes that both draw on history and also consider contemporary needs, preservation response, where conservation and urban planning work in silos, such as the proposed park at Pusterviksplatsen. In this case, a new resource is emerges from a highly knotty planning process. Overall, the cases reflect the deep created, rather than an already preserved resource being used for a new purpose. dependence of conservation planning on various factors that it cannot control Conservation that is creative is in line with Janssen et al.’s (2017) heritage-as-a- (Short, 2020: 223). vector approach in spatial planning. Here, the historic environment becomes an Negotiation in planning has itself been characterised as compensation (Rönn, active agent in contributing to urban planning. This approach shifts the focus of 2020). The rationale is that the back-and-forth between institutional actors leads conservation from loss to gain (Janssen et al., 2017: 1658). to area plans being revised and even enriched, which makes for smoother Despite actors acknowledging the limitations of the preservation and execution of the plan. In this view, the preservation response in the metro would conservation discourses, the heritage discourse is present in the two conservation also count as compensation, simply by virtue of the discussions between the responses to a very limited extent. This is also a product of systemic constraints conservationists and metro developers. This understanding of compensation is that favour preservation or compensation, as the case may be. however inadequate. It largely focuses on making the plan implementable, and Overall, the three discourses are present in the cases to varying degrees and excludes the intent behind compensation actions, which is to add value to the overlap with one another. This is in keeping with what Ashworth (2011) calls an historic environment. incomplete paradigm shift. Similarly, Janssen et al. (2017) refer to the presence and Compensation as an outcome in the West Link results in additive actions necessity of a mixed bag of approaches to conservation today, so that context- intended towards storytelling or storyreading, which are to varying degrees spread specific choices of approaches can be deployed. over wider areas. The response is in alignment with the conservation discourse The three discourses can also be characterised through the lens of resistance, despite some individual measures embodying material preservation. This is in negotiation, and creation in the face of change. The preservation discourse is based keeping with how Ashworth (2011) differentiates the conservation and in resistance to change, the conservation discourse plays out as a negotiation over preservation discourses, i.e., by their intentions rather than actions. Compensation, historic environment values, and the heritage discourse is expressed through with its wider planning strategies and additive actions attempts to manage loss. It actively working with creation. All the discourses consider the historic reflects the possibility for conservation and urban planning to meet in dynamic, environments, however, with different attitudes to their loss. productive ways. 178 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 10: CONTEXTUALISING THE PRESERVATION AND COMPENSATION RESPONSES • 179 Authorised views on historic environments the compensation response. Their work with compensation stems from a legal mandate and deals with working out the details of compensation alone, unrelated Authorised views on conserving historic environments are expressed and to technicalities, such as the routing of the track, which are already fixed. Here too, subverted in the cases in various ways. These views, to varying degrees, exclude while heritage experts make decisions on conservation, they have different starting non-institutional, unofficial voices and types of environments, view heritage as a points, as seen in the differences in the compensation actions put forth by the thing of the past, and ignore the active selection process involved in its creation. Swedish Transport Administration (STA) and the City’s historic environment Authorised views on the historic environment are built into the institutional group. These differences stem from the different mandates of the two authorities. frameworks of the cases and allow for limited reinterpretation by the individual The STA is concerned with the historic environment in relation to building the actors. They are further mediated by other factors that go into planning. infrastructure project, while the City’s historic environment group is concerned This section looks at authorised views on the historic environment through with the historic environment in relation to planning the city more generally. So two sub-sections: role of experts; and selection of values. It also highlights even within the dominance of heritage expertise, the roles assumed by individual resistances within these themes. The analysis uses Smith’s (2006) conceptualisation actors depend on their institutional mandates within the planning process. of the Authorised Heritage Discourse (AHD) as a starting point, however, draws Non-experts and the lay public have a potential role in decisions around the from the work of a number of other authors to flesh them out. historic environment by way of public consultations, which are also baked into the planning process by law. In the Mumbai Metro, this takes the form of informing Role of experts the public about the project and understanding their grievances related to land Heritage experts have a significant role in decision-making in both the cases. acquisition and resettlement caused by the project (Rites and MMRCL, 2012: 31). Experts are educated professionals, having competence in fields such as In the West Link, it is in the form of “deltagande” or public participation. The case archaeology, history, and architecture, when it comes to defining the meaning of has however been critiqued for lack of adequate public participation (Ekberg, heritage (Smith, 2006: 51). 2018: 5; Fredholm et al., 2019: 10). The inclusion of non-experts in planning raises In the Mumbai Metro, these categories of professionals, as well as structural the relevance of “dialogical” interpretation of the historic environment, wherein engineers form the expert group. They are all related in some or other way to the heritage is created through meaningful dialogue and interaction among a range of physical characteristics of the historic environment. Expert dominance is however subjects (Harrison, 2013: 217). Despite policy objectives that embody these uneven. This is for two reasons. On the one hand, the experts, being nominated ambitions, when it comes to conservation of historic environments in planning, members of the Heritage Committee, have their own multiple roles outside that participation processes have various constraints (Weijmer, 2019). Overall, experts of the Heritage Committee. Secondly, while they weigh in on conservation continue to be the ones who interpret the historic environment (Weijmer, 2019; decisions, they are not the only participants and arbiters of the emergent response, Fredholm, 2017), even as their roles and the emergent conservation responses are i.e., preservation. They liaise with current and former members from the muddied by other factors that go into the planning process. administration who also form part of the committee, and other types of experts such as planners. In general, though they have a seat at the table, they often assume Selection of values an activist role as they militate against the administrative machinery or Conservation of historic environments involves the identification and selection of governmental strictures that they view as favouring the real estate sector. Despite its values. The selected values in the responses in the cases are collectively historic, working within the institutional framework of conservation, as members of civil artistic, and research values, to use Mason and Avrami’s (2002: 16-17) terminology. society, they push for the strengthening of conservation policy by the government. In the Mumbai Metro, historic and artistic values dominate, and are expressed In this way, they have a double role. through physical and visual preservation. In the West Link, research value In the West Link, heritage experts play a strong and decisive role in dominates, and is expressed through compensation. These values reside in the conservation – it is mainly heritage professionals and consulting architects behind 178 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 10: CONTEXTUALISING THE PRESERVATION AND COMPENSATION RESPONSES • 179 Authorised views on historic environments the compensation response. Their work with compensation stems from a legal mandate and deals with working out the details of compensation alone, unrelated Authorised views on conserving historic environments are expressed and to technicalities, such as the routing of the track, which are already fixed. Here too, subverted in the cases in various ways. These views, to varying degrees, exclude while heritage experts make decisions on conservation, they have different starting non-institutional, unofficial voices and types of environments, view heritage as a points, as seen in the differences in the compensation actions put forth by the thing of the past, and ignore the active selection process involved in its creation. Swedish Transport Administration (STA) and the City’s historic environment Authorised views on the historic environment are built into the institutional group. These differences stem from the different mandates of the two authorities. frameworks of the cases and allow for limited reinterpretation by the individual The STA is concerned with the historic environment in relation to building the actors. They are further mediated by other factors that go into planning. infrastructure project, while the City’s historic environment group is concerned This section looks at authorised views on the historic environment through with the historic environment in relation to planning the city more generally. So two sub-sections: role of experts; and selection of values. It also highlights even within the dominance of heritage expertise, the roles assumed by individual resistances within these themes. The analysis uses Smith’s (2006) conceptualisation actors depend on their institutional mandates within the planning process. of the Authorised Heritage Discourse (AHD) as a starting point, however, draws Non-experts and the lay public have a potential role in decisions around the from the work of a number of other authors to flesh them out. historic environment by way of public consultations, which are also baked into the planning process by law. In the Mumbai Metro, this takes the form of informing Role of experts the public about the project and understanding their grievances related to land Heritage experts have a significant role in decision-making in both the cases. acquisition and resettlement caused by the project (Rites and MMRCL, 2012: 31). Experts are educated professionals, having competence in fields such as In the West Link, it is in the form of “deltagande” or public participation. The case archaeology, history, and architecture, when it comes to defining the meaning of has however been critiqued for lack of adequate public participation (Ekberg, heritage (Smith, 2006: 51). 2018: 5; Fredholm et al., 2019: 10). The inclusion of non-experts in planning raises In the Mumbai Metro, these categories of professionals, as well as structural the relevance of “dialogical” interpretation of the historic environment, wherein engineers form the expert group. They are all related in some or other way to the heritage is created through meaningful dialogue and interaction among a range of physical characteristics of the historic environment. Expert dominance is however subjects (Harrison, 2013: 217). Despite policy objectives that embody these uneven. This is for two reasons. On the one hand, the experts, being nominated ambitions, when it comes to conservation of historic environments in planning, members of the Heritage Committee, have their own multiple roles outside that participation processes have various constraints (Weijmer, 2019). Overall, experts of the Heritage Committee. Secondly, while they weigh in on conservation continue to be the ones who interpret the historic environment (Weijmer, 2019; decisions, they are not the only participants and arbiters of the emergent response, Fredholm, 2017), even as their roles and the emergent conservation responses are i.e., preservation. They liaise with current and former members from the muddied by other factors that go into the planning process. administration who also form part of the committee, and other types of experts such as planners. In general, though they have a seat at the table, they often assume Selection of values an activist role as they militate against the administrative machinery or Conservation of historic environments involves the identification and selection of governmental strictures that they view as favouring the real estate sector. Despite its values. The selected values in the responses in the cases are collectively historic, working within the institutional framework of conservation, as members of civil artistic, and research values, to use Mason and Avrami’s (2002: 16-17) terminology. society, they push for the strengthening of conservation policy by the government. In the Mumbai Metro, historic and artistic values dominate, and are expressed In this way, they have a double role. through physical and visual preservation. In the West Link, research value In the West Link, heritage experts play a strong and decisive role in dominates, and is expressed through compensation. These values reside in the conservation – it is mainly heritage professionals and consulting architects behind 180 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 10: CONTEXTUALISING THE PRESERVATION AND COMPENSATION RESPONSES • 181 innate material qualities of the historic environment, either by way of its age or straightforward. It may aspire to be a truthful record of past events (Lowenthal, historical association, its aesthetic qualities, or potential to yield historical 1998), however, it is transformed by the interpretation process into a reflection of knowledge (Mason and Avrami, 2002: 16-17). These values are exemplary of what contemporary society values and chooses to bequeath (Tunbridge and “heritage values” (Mason, 2008: 305), whose focus is on the physical historic Ashworth, 1996: 6). The contortion of history is heritage and can be deployed to environment. In Smith’s (2006) conceptualisation of the Authorised Heritage serve nationalist goals, cement group identities, and sanction myths (Lowenthal, Discourse, this focus reduces heritage to a “thing”. It relegates heritage to an object 1998). Stone (2020: 79) takes this further by problematising the basis of history or environment of the past, to the potential exclusion of contemporary uses and itself, arguing that it is entirely positional and based on the narrator’s interpretation. users (Smith, 2006: 12). It further defers to “experts” on the interpretation of Further, story selection can be wielded as a tool of power. As Muñoz-Viñas (2005: historic environments, consolidating their authority to speak for the material 100) writes, there is an underlying assumption that a correct interpretation exists (Smith, 2006: 12). Instead, Smith (2006: 2) and Harrison (2013: 4) assert that and can be rendered available by an expert, which in the case of objects is a heritage is actually dynamic and a process of active engagement with the past in conservator. The selection of certain parts of history perforce involves the the present. For Smith (2006: 3), all heritage is intangible, which means that historic deselection of others. In this way, some interpretations or legibilities prevail over environments do not carry in-built value. Accordingly, she critiques the emphasis others, risking certain meanings being permanently excluded (Muñoz-Viñas, 2005: given to sites based on their age, monumentality, or aesthetics (Smith, 2006: 3). 100). Interpretation, as a result, engenders dissonance (Tunbridge and Ashworth, Values further require constant interrogation in order to serve contemporary needs 1996: 21), which as the authors state is inevitable. Where one story is told, another (Harrison, 2013: 199). is perforce left out, resulting in the disinheritance of some groups (Ashworth and The preservation of historic and aesthetic values in the Mumbai Metro is in line Tunbridge, 1996: 30-31). Smith (2006: 80) too asserts that depending on how the with the Venice Charter that prioritises these values (Larsen, 1994: 22; Smith, 2006: physical material is interpreted, the process can be disabling for those left out of 91). The Venice Charter legitimises these values as innate, universal, and obvious, the authorised, dominant selection (Smith, 2006: 80) or the “consensus view of and puts expert knowledge on a pedestal (Smith, 2006: 90-91). The Venice Charter, history” (Smith, 2006: 306). For Smith (2006: 11) the dominant selection within and charters more generally, are tools to wield authority. Further, in the Indian the Authorised Heritage Discourse largely revolves around narratives of the context, international aid is contingent on accepting the charter (Menon, 2003). nation. This shows that authorised views produced and perpetuated in an international Authorised views are subverted by resistance from actors both within and context are further reproduced within local conservation practices as seen in the outside the planning system. Institutional actors in both the cases variously reflect metro. on their role in the chosen responses and planning system more generally, and also Compensation as storytelling in the West Link draws on the research values of despair at the absence of formal tools to deal with the more intangible aspects of the historic environment. It involves the interpretation of the environment and the historic environment. Non-institutional actors unconsciously resist the way packaging of its research value into stories that are “readable” and “visible”. This value is ascribed to environments by rallying around to preserve what they consider interpretation is a means to make the historic environment “legible” or imbue it valuable. In these cases, the objects of attachment fall outside the official historic with the ability to convey meaning (Muñoz-Viñas, 2005: 99). According to Muñoz- environment designation. Values ascribed to unlisted living spaces, religious Viñas (2005: 99), the notion that material has meaning rather than being important buildings and objects, trees, and green areas, helps identify the presence of an solely in and of itself is a move away from a classical view on historic objects to a “unofficial heritage”. Unofficial heritage refers to spaces and practices that do not more contemporary one. Yet, given that meaning is obscured by damage, this enjoy legislative protections (Harrison, 2013: 15). The “unofficial heritage” shows position still retains its classical, material-focused avatar to a large extent (Muñoz- the limits of conservation in planning, where not all environments of value merit Viñas, 2005: 99). conservation. Compensation entails interpretation of the historic environment. And Overall, the values selected in the process hew close to having a material focus. interpretation is a selection from history. As authors point out, history is far from The selection of research value, however, is less material focused than historic or 180 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 10: CONTEXTUALISING THE PRESERVATION AND COMPENSATION RESPONSES • 181 innate material qualities of the historic environment, either by way of its age or straightforward. It may aspire to be a truthful record of past events (Lowenthal, historical association, its aesthetic qualities, or potential to yield historical 1998), however, it is transformed by the interpretation process into a reflection of knowledge (Mason and Avrami, 2002: 16-17). These values are exemplary of what contemporary society values and chooses to bequeath (Tunbridge and “heritage values” (Mason, 2008: 305), whose focus is on the physical historic Ashworth, 1996: 6). The contortion of history is heritage and can be deployed to environment. In Smith’s (2006) conceptualisation of the Authorised Heritage serve nationalist goals, cement group identities, and sanction myths (Lowenthal, Discourse, this focus reduces heritage to a “thing”. It relegates heritage to an object 1998). Stone (2020: 79) takes this further by problematising the basis of history or environment of the past, to the potential exclusion of contemporary uses and itself, arguing that it is entirely positional and based on the narrator’s interpretation. users (Smith, 2006: 12). It further defers to “experts” on the interpretation of Further, story selection can be wielded as a tool of power. As Muñoz-Viñas (2005: historic environments, consolidating their authority to speak for the material 100) writes, there is an underlying assumption that a correct interpretation exists (Smith, 2006: 12). Instead, Smith (2006: 2) and Harrison (2013: 4) assert that and can be rendered available by an expert, which in the case of objects is a heritage is actually dynamic and a process of active engagement with the past in conservator. The selection of certain parts of history perforce involves the the present. For Smith (2006: 3), all heritage is intangible, which means that historic deselection of others. In this way, some interpretations or legibilities prevail over environments do not carry in-built value. Accordingly, she critiques the emphasis others, risking certain meanings being permanently excluded (Muñoz-Viñas, 2005: given to sites based on their age, monumentality, or aesthetics (Smith, 2006: 3). 100). Interpretation, as a result, engenders dissonance (Tunbridge and Ashworth, Values further require constant interrogation in order to serve contemporary needs 1996: 21), which as the authors state is inevitable. Where one story is told, another (Harrison, 2013: 199). is perforce left out, resulting in the disinheritance of some groups (Ashworth and The preservation of historic and aesthetic values in the Mumbai Metro is in line Tunbridge, 1996: 30-31). Smith (2006: 80) too asserts that depending on how the with the Venice Charter that prioritises these values (Larsen, 1994: 22; Smith, 2006: physical material is interpreted, the process can be disabling for those left out of 91). The Venice Charter legitimises these values as innate, universal, and obvious, the authorised, dominant selection (Smith, 2006: 80) or the “consensus view of and puts expert knowledge on a pedestal (Smith, 2006: 90-91). The Venice Charter, history” (Smith, 2006: 306). For Smith (2006: 11) the dominant selection within and charters more generally, are tools to wield authority. Further, in the Indian the Authorised Heritage Discourse largely revolves around narratives of the context, international aid is contingent on accepting the charter (Menon, 2003). nation. This shows that authorised views produced and perpetuated in an international Authorised views are subverted by resistance from actors both within and context are further reproduced within local conservation practices as seen in the outside the planning system. Institutional actors in both the cases variously reflect metro. on their role in the chosen responses and planning system more generally, and also Compensation as storytelling in the West Link draws on the research values of despair at the absence of formal tools to deal with the more intangible aspects of the historic environment. It involves the interpretation of the environment and the historic environment. Non-institutional actors unconsciously resist the way packaging of its research value into stories that are “readable” and “visible”. This value is ascribed to environments by rallying around to preserve what they consider interpretation is a means to make the historic environment “legible” or imbue it valuable. In these cases, the objects of attachment fall outside the official historic with the ability to convey meaning (Muñoz-Viñas, 2005: 99). According to Muñoz- environment designation. Values ascribed to unlisted living spaces, religious Viñas (2005: 99), the notion that material has meaning rather than being important buildings and objects, trees, and green areas, helps identify the presence of an solely in and of itself is a move away from a classical view on historic objects to a “unofficial heritage”. Unofficial heritage refers to spaces and practices that do not more contemporary one. Yet, given that meaning is obscured by damage, this enjoy legislative protections (Harrison, 2013: 15). The “unofficial heritage” shows position still retains its classical, material-focused avatar to a large extent (Muñoz- the limits of conservation in planning, where not all environments of value merit Viñas, 2005: 99). conservation. Compensation entails interpretation of the historic environment. And Overall, the values selected in the process hew close to having a material focus. interpretation is a selection from history. As authors point out, history is far from The selection of research value, however, is less material focused than historic or 182 • FROM GONE TO GAIN artistic values. It is mobilised in compensation through storytelling. The selection of values nevertheless remains an expert activity within the planning process. To summarise, conservation operates within legal and institutional planning frameworks. The conservation responses, whether preservation or compensation, Chapter 11: Letting go and beyond emerge from a push-pull between a range of factors. These include various actors, their institutional mandates and regulations, as well as the constraints associated with these. The responses also embody authorised views by way of expert decision- Compensation is a response to the loss of historic environments from urban making, and selection and exclusion of certain values, which too are mediated by planning projects in additive and productive ways. To develop the concept of the institutional frameworks in which they are embedded. compensation further is to then ask what other forms of dealing with loss it can Compensation as storytelling exemplifies the transmission of authorised views take. Letting go of historic environments altogether is one such exploration. to some extent. It involves interpretation of historic environments, by way of their This chapter explores letting-go as a form of compensation. The chapter is research value, by experts, and a selection from history in the process of telling divided into three sections. The first section discusses the intersections of letting- stories. Nevertheless, it is a move away from traditional material preservation. It is go and historic environment loss in theory. The second section contextualises additive, emerges from negotiation of values rather than resistance to loss, and letting-go within planning practice. The third section is the final section of this offers a dynamic alternative to managing change in the face of urban planning chapter, as well as of the thesis. It summarises the overall findings and offers projects. concluding remarks on the thesis. Letting go Letting-go shifts conservation thinking from holding on to historic environments to relinquishing them altogether. In order to explore whether letting go of historic environments can be a form of compensation, it is essential to first understand its theoretical premises. This section discusses letting-go in theory in two sub-sections. The first sub- section focuses on letting-go as a response to loss through relinquishment of historic environments. This theory largely emerges from western critical heritage studies. This discussion draws primarily from the work of DeSilvey (2007) and Holtorf (2015). The second sub-section focuses on letting go of historic environments as loss itself, through building practices and traditions associated with historic environments. The discussion focuses on pre-colonial practices in the Indian context with some discussion on craft conservation in the Nordic context. Letting-go as a response to loss Letting-go through relinquishing material is premised on loss to historic environments having the potential to engender positive outcomes. This thinking pushes for an embrace of impermanence of historic environments and views change as productive. It stresses the productive outcomes that loss of material can 182 • FROM GONE TO GAIN artistic values. It is mobilised in compensation through storytelling. The selection of values nevertheless remains an expert activity within the planning process. To summarise, conservation operates within legal and institutional planning frameworks. The conservation responses, whether preservation or compensation, Chapter 11: Letting go and beyond emerge from a push-pull between a range of factors. These include various actors, their institutional mandates and regulations, as well as the constraints associated with these. The responses also embody authorised views by way of expert decision- Compensation is a response to the loss of historic environments from urban making, and selection and exclusion of certain values, which too are mediated by planning projects in additive and productive ways. To develop the concept of the institutional frameworks in which they are embedded. compensation further is to then ask what other forms of dealing with loss it can Compensation as storytelling exemplifies the transmission of authorised views take. Letting go of historic environments altogether is one such exploration. to some extent. It involves interpretation of historic environments, by way of their This chapter explores letting-go as a form of compensation. The chapter is research value, by experts, and a selection from history in the process of telling divided into three sections. The first section discusses the intersections of letting- stories. Nevertheless, it is a move away from traditional material preservation. It is go and historic environment loss in theory. The second section contextualises additive, emerges from negotiation of values rather than resistance to loss, and letting-go within planning practice. The third section is the final section of this offers a dynamic alternative to managing change in the face of urban planning chapter, as well as of the thesis. It summarises the overall findings and offers projects. concluding remarks on the thesis. Letting go Letting-go shifts conservation thinking from holding on to historic environments to relinquishing them altogether. In order to explore whether letting go of historic environments can be a form of compensation, it is essential to first understand its theoretical premises. This section discusses letting-go in theory in two sub-sections. The first sub- section focuses on letting-go as a response to loss through relinquishment of historic environments. This theory largely emerges from western critical heritage studies. This discussion draws primarily from the work of DeSilvey (2007) and Holtorf (2015). The second sub-section focuses on letting go of historic environments as loss itself, through building practices and traditions associated with historic environments. The discussion focuses on pre-colonial practices in the Indian context with some discussion on craft conservation in the Nordic context. Letting-go as a response to loss Letting-go through relinquishing material is premised on loss to historic environments having the potential to engender positive outcomes. This thinking pushes for an embrace of impermanence of historic environments and views change as productive. It stresses the productive outcomes that loss of material can 184 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 11: LETTING GO AND BEYOND • 185 bring when the focus shifts from what is lost to what is gained (DeSilvey et al., Taken further as an exploration in policy, letting-go can take the form of 2021: 3). adaptive release (DeSilvey et al., 2021; DeSilvey et al., 2022). In this case it becomes Strategic letting go of historic environments can spawn “new values, an alternative to managed decline, which is currently the most change-oriented attachments and forms of significance” (DeSilvey and Harrison, 2020: 3). conservation response in UK policy (DeSilvey et al., 2021: 3). Managed decline Accordingly, historic environments are not equivalent to the value they hold for involves the documentation of the ebbing historic environment through people. Holtorf (2015: 408) suggests that values can exist independent of being preservation-by-record, followed by attempts to slow the damage to the extent attached to physical material. This is because they are dependent on the social and possible (DeSilvey et al., 2021: 3). Adaptive release takes managed decline further. cultural context in which the historic environment was produced, and not the It attempts to change the language and perceptions around loss, from negative environment itself (Holtorf, 2015). In this view, historic environments can be (decline) to positive (release) (DeSilvey et al., 2021: 3). Accordingly, it embodies a potentially interchanged while maintaining their value (Holtorf, 2015: 408). One proactive rather than reactive approach to loss (DeSilvey et al., 2022: 5). Adaptive example of increase in values is that of a 12th century Norwegian stave church release as a response in policy and its intersections with compensation are (Holtorf, 2015: 413). It was burnt to the ground in 2012 by a non-believer heavy discussed later in this chapter. metal fan. What followed the loss of the historic site was a renewed religious interest from practising Christians (and consequent rebuilding of the church), the Letting-go as loss itself site becoming important for heavy metal fans, as well as engagement in stave Letting-go can embody the loss of historic environments itself, rather than being church preservation by the authorities (Holtorf, 2015: 413). To Holtorf (2015: 413) a response to loss of environments from other factors. In this reading, as in the this is an example of values, memory, and function persisting and even growing previous discussion, the physical material of the historic environment or objects is despite loss and change to the historic environment. DeSilvey (2017: 13) too subordinate to its values. questions the presumed connection between material and memory and the role of Letting-go as loss itself is seen in building practices across the world. In material as a crutch for remembering (DeSilvey, 2017: 13). These views point to precolonial India and other parts of South Asia, building practices re-create an understanding of value being in constant flux rather than inherent to historic historic environments, which means material is lost and regenerated. These environments. Accordingly, loss to historic environments is not necessarily seen practices are an intuitive act. They are a pre-colonial vestige from before the as a loss of the value that people attach to them. institutionalisation of conservation and heritage by the colonial government. Letting-go can be framed as curated decay (DeSilvey, 2017) and in more Building practices are characterised as conservation in both the Indian and actionable terms, adaptive release (DeSilvey et al., 2021; DeSilvey et al., 2022). The Nordic contexts (Menon, 2003; Menon, 2008; Poulios, 2010; Jain, 2010: 53; concept of curated decay is coined based on strategic relinquishment of historic Almevik et al., 2022: 3). In the Indian context, this characterisation sees historic environments in a number of sites. One example is of a deteriorating Cold War environments in constant evolution. Here, authenticity lies in the practices and the era military testing facility in the UK (DeSilvey, 2017). This facility is being sites of building, not in the static objects that the practices generate (Menon, 2003). managed through the takeover by nature. The result is a variety of fresh foliage In this approach, the loss of material may be replaced by a new object, constructed growing out of the rubble of the former facility. In DeSilvey’s (2017: 86) reading, through an old practice. This is a “living heritage approach” – continuity and this reflects stories of the site’s former military function. Here the result of change impermanence in non-western contexts are viewed through the lens of is the new value, i.e., age value, to use Alois Riegl’s classification (DeSilvey, 2017: conservation (Poulios, 2010). Poulios (2010) champions a move from preservation 81). The emergent value is in the “aesthetics of decay” (DeSilvey, 2017: 81). of material to the renewal of community associations to the site. Loss of historic Further, artworks complement and draw from the change underway and are environments and objects across Africa and Asia are met with regeneration themselves temporary (DeSilvey, 2017: 90). This site is an example of a historic (Poulios, 2010: 176-7; Larsen, 1994: 13-14). Letting-go through practices is seen in environment in transition. The new values that are created are directly connected the example of the immersion of clay idols of the Hindu God Ganesha (Poulios, to the takeover of nature and a result of the change process itself. 184 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 11: LETTING GO AND BEYOND • 185 bring when the focus shifts from what is lost to what is gained (DeSilvey et al., Taken further as an exploration in policy, letting-go can take the form of 2021: 3). adaptive release (DeSilvey et al., 2021; DeSilvey et al., 2022). In this case it becomes Strategic letting go of historic environments can spawn “new values, an alternative to managed decline, which is currently the most change-oriented attachments and forms of significance” (DeSilvey and Harrison, 2020: 3). conservation response in UK policy (DeSilvey et al., 2021: 3). Managed decline Accordingly, historic environments are not equivalent to the value they hold for involves the documentation of the ebbing historic environment through people. Holtorf (2015: 408) suggests that values can exist independent of being preservation-by-record, followed by attempts to slow the damage to the extent attached to physical material. This is because they are dependent on the social and possible (DeSilvey et al., 2021: 3). Adaptive release takes managed decline further. cultural context in which the historic environment was produced, and not the It attempts to change the language and perceptions around loss, from negative environment itself (Holtorf, 2015). In this view, historic environments can be (decline) to positive (release) (DeSilvey et al., 2021: 3). Accordingly, it embodies a potentially interchanged while maintaining their value (Holtorf, 2015: 408). One proactive rather than reactive approach to loss (DeSilvey et al., 2022: 5). Adaptive example of increase in values is that of a 12th century Norwegian stave church release as a response in policy and its intersections with compensation are (Holtorf, 2015: 413). It was burnt to the ground in 2012 by a non-believer heavy discussed later in this chapter. metal fan. What followed the loss of the historic site was a renewed religious interest from practising Christians (and consequent rebuilding of the church), the Letting-go as loss itself site becoming important for heavy metal fans, as well as engagement in stave Letting-go can embody the loss of historic environments itself, rather than being church preservation by the authorities (Holtorf, 2015: 413). To Holtorf (2015: 413) a response to loss of environments from other factors. In this reading, as in the this is an example of values, memory, and function persisting and even growing previous discussion, the physical material of the historic environment or objects is despite loss and change to the historic environment. DeSilvey (2017: 13) too subordinate to its values. questions the presumed connection between material and memory and the role of Letting-go as loss itself is seen in building practices across the world. In material as a crutch for remembering (DeSilvey, 2017: 13). These views point to precolonial India and other parts of South Asia, building practices re-create an understanding of value being in constant flux rather than inherent to historic historic environments, which means material is lost and regenerated. These environments. Accordingly, loss to historic environments is not necessarily seen practices are an intuitive act. They are a pre-colonial vestige from before the as a loss of the value that people attach to them. institutionalisation of conservation and heritage by the colonial government. Letting-go can be framed as curated decay (DeSilvey, 2017) and in more Building practices are characterised as conservation in both the Indian and actionable terms, adaptive release (DeSilvey et al., 2021; DeSilvey et al., 2022). The Nordic contexts (Menon, 2003; Menon, 2008; Poulios, 2010; Jain, 2010: 53; concept of curated decay is coined based on strategic relinquishment of historic Almevik et al., 2022: 3). In the Indian context, this characterisation sees historic environments in a number of sites. One example is of a deteriorating Cold War environments in constant evolution. Here, authenticity lies in the practices and the era military testing facility in the UK (DeSilvey, 2017). This facility is being sites of building, not in the static objects that the practices generate (Menon, 2003). managed through the takeover by nature. The result is a variety of fresh foliage In this approach, the loss of material may be replaced by a new object, constructed growing out of the rubble of the former facility. In DeSilvey’s (2017: 86) reading, through an old practice. This is a “living heritage approach” – continuity and this reflects stories of the site’s former military function. Here the result of change impermanence in non-western contexts are viewed through the lens of is the new value, i.e., age value, to use Alois Riegl’s classification (DeSilvey, 2017: conservation (Poulios, 2010). Poulios (2010) champions a move from preservation 81). The emergent value is in the “aesthetics of decay” (DeSilvey, 2017: 81). of material to the renewal of community associations to the site. Loss of historic Further, artworks complement and draw from the change underway and are environments and objects across Africa and Asia are met with regeneration themselves temporary (DeSilvey, 2017: 90). This site is an example of a historic (Poulios, 2010: 176-7; Larsen, 1994: 13-14). Letting-go through practices is seen in environment in transition. The new values that are created are directly connected the example of the immersion of clay idols of the Hindu God Ganesha (Poulios, to the takeover of nature and a result of the change process itself. 186 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 11: LETTING GO AND BEYOND • 187 2010: 177). The immersion of the idols at the end of the festivities highlights the Letting-go as a response to loss is, however, more pertinent to the exploration inherent temporality of material, absence of attachment to it, and “heritage” as of compensation than letting-go as loss itself. This is because compensation is also “living” (Poulios, 2010: 177). The immersion practice continues every year, with a response to loss. For DeSilvey (2017: 187), letting-go is an active and conscious new idols being created and subsequently released into the water. engagement with the historic environment, through “creation, cultivation, There are calls for these practices to be institutionalised in policy. According improvisation, renewal”. These are some of the core qualities of compensation. to Menon (2003), traditional building practices need to be included in conservation Letting-go as a response to loss inhabits the creative aspects of compensation, policy alongside colonially inherited ones, since both are part of India’s cultural but there is a need to further interrogate its premises, in order to fully explore it as legacy. The Charter for Conservation of Unprotected Architectural Heritage and a response to urban planning projects. This is because letting-go is not only about Sites in India (Intach, 2004) formalises traditional building practices as a valid part relinquishing material but also about relinquishing control. The process of change of official conservation. It was co-authored by AGK Menon, on behalf of the creates new values – this is rooted in unpredictability. Further, the driver of change influential heritage NGO, the Indian National Trust for Art and Cultural Heritage is climatic processes rather than urban planning projects (DeSilvey et al., 2022: 8). (Intach). Given these factors, the next section deepens the analysis of letting-go, in order to In the Nordic context, building practices are theorised as “craft sciences” understand how it holds up as a response in planning. (Almevik, et al., 2022: 3). Here too, conservation can take the form of change, repair, and traditional knowledge (Almevik et al., 2022: 11). Accordingly, loss of Letting-go as a response to loss in planning physical historic environments or objects can be wired into the conservation practice. Whether historical gardening practices (Seiler, 2022) or traditional boat- Before exploring letting-go as a form of compensation, it is essential to analyse it building ones (Leijonhufvud, 2022), the product is often less important than the against compensation as found in planning practice and theory. This is because process of its creation, by way of knowledge and skills. Larsen and Marstein (2020: compensation is a response to urban planning, and as previous discussions in the III) refer to craft practices in the context of timber structure conservation. They thesis show, it firmly draws on institutional frameworks, regulations, and policy. advocate duplicating the material because authenticity is embedded in the “insight, This section analyses letting-go within planning in three sub-sections. The first wisdom and knowledge” that previous generations deployed in their making analyses adaptive release in relation to compensation based on the analytical tool (Larsen and Marstein, 2020: III). In the implicit call to let go of material, they focus previously developed in the thesis. The second sub-section analyses the domains on the practice over the product. of application of letting-go as a response to urban planning projects. The third Letting go of material through building and craft practices focuses on the value sub-section borrows from the first two, to offer a potential way forward for further of the practice and the process of creation. Though these are linked to the developing compensation as a response to loss due to urban planning projects. environment or object they create, the value is not dependent on the physical outcome. This is regardless of whether letting go of material is an intentional Adaptive release and the analytical tool pushback to material preservation or a by-product of the regeneration of building Both adaptive release and compensation are part of a range of actionable responses practices. to the loss of historic environments. Adaptive release is an expression of letting- Overall, both letting-go as a response to loss and letting-go as loss itself, see go. As explored in policy, it is part of a spectrum of “low-to-high-impact authenticity in the values or practices associated with historic environments, rather management options” (DeSilvey et al., 2022: 5). This is seen in Figure 35. Low than the physical material of historic environments themselves. Accordingly, impact options are the least radical and strive to maintain the status quo, while letting-go can be characterised as compensation by way of its quality of being high impact options give way to adaptive release (DeSilvey et al., 2022: 5-6). creative and generative, either by way of creating new values, or by way of re- Maintenance is the proposed approach for when the impact is considered small, creating them through building practices. while adaptive release, for when it is high. It is an option for sites protected by legislation when other strategies “may no longer be feasible” (DeSilvey et al., 2022: 186 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 11: LETTING GO AND BEYOND • 187 2010: 177). The immersion of the idols at the end of the festivities highlights the Letting-go as a response to loss is, however, more pertinent to the exploration inherent temporality of material, absence of attachment to it, and “heritage” as of compensation than letting-go as loss itself. This is because compensation is also “living” (Poulios, 2010: 177). The immersion practice continues every year, with a response to loss. For DeSilvey (2017: 187), letting-go is an active and conscious new idols being created and subsequently released into the water. engagement with the historic environment, through “creation, cultivation, There are calls for these practices to be institutionalised in policy. According improvisation, renewal”. These are some of the core qualities of compensation. to Menon (2003), traditional building practices need to be included in conservation Letting-go as a response to loss inhabits the creative aspects of compensation, policy alongside colonially inherited ones, since both are part of India’s cultural but there is a need to further interrogate its premises, in order to fully explore it as legacy. The Charter for Conservation of Unprotected Architectural Heritage and a response to urban planning projects. This is because letting-go is not only about Sites in India (Intach, 2004) formalises traditional building practices as a valid part relinquishing material but also about relinquishing control. The process of change of official conservation. It was co-authored by AGK Menon, on behalf of the creates new values – this is rooted in unpredictability. Further, the driver of change influential heritage NGO, the Indian National Trust for Art and Cultural Heritage is climatic processes rather than urban planning projects (DeSilvey et al., 2022: 8). (Intach). Given these factors, the next section deepens the analysis of letting-go, in order to In the Nordic context, building practices are theorised as “craft sciences” understand how it holds up as a response in planning. (Almevik, et al., 2022: 3). Here too, conservation can take the form of change, repair, and traditional knowledge (Almevik et al., 2022: 11). Accordingly, loss of Letting-go as a response to loss in planning physical historic environments or objects can be wired into the conservation practice. Whether historical gardening practices (Seiler, 2022) or traditional boat- Before exploring letting-go as a form of compensation, it is essential to analyse it building ones (Leijonhufvud, 2022), the product is often less important than the against compensation as found in planning practice and theory. This is because process of its creation, by way of knowledge and skills. Larsen and Marstein (2020: compensation is a response to urban planning, and as previous discussions in the III) refer to craft practices in the context of timber structure conservation. They thesis show, it firmly draws on institutional frameworks, regulations, and policy. advocate duplicating the material because authenticity is embedded in the “insight, This section analyses letting-go within planning in three sub-sections. The first wisdom and knowledge” that previous generations deployed in their making analyses adaptive release in relation to compensation based on the analytical tool (Larsen and Marstein, 2020: III). In the implicit call to let go of material, they focus previously developed in the thesis. The second sub-section analyses the domains on the practice over the product. of application of letting-go as a response to urban planning projects. The third Letting go of material through building and craft practices focuses on the value sub-section borrows from the first two, to offer a potential way forward for further of the practice and the process of creation. Though these are linked to the developing compensation as a response to loss due to urban planning projects. environment or object they create, the value is not dependent on the physical outcome. This is regardless of whether letting go of material is an intentional Adaptive release and the analytical tool pushback to material preservation or a by-product of the regeneration of building Both adaptive release and compensation are part of a range of actionable responses practices. to the loss of historic environments. Adaptive release is an expression of letting- Overall, both letting-go as a response to loss and letting-go as loss itself, see go. As explored in policy, it is part of a spectrum of “low-to-high-impact authenticity in the values or practices associated with historic environments, rather management options” (DeSilvey et al., 2022: 5). This is seen in Figure 35. Low than the physical material of historic environments themselves. Accordingly, impact options are the least radical and strive to maintain the status quo, while letting-go can be characterised as compensation by way of its quality of being high impact options give way to adaptive release (DeSilvey et al., 2022: 5-6). creative and generative, either by way of creating new values, or by way of re- Maintenance is the proposed approach for when the impact is considered small, creating them through building practices. while adaptive release, for when it is high. It is an option for sites protected by legislation when other strategies “may no longer be feasible” (DeSilvey et al., 2022: 188 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 11: LETTING GO AND BEYOND • 189 5). Accordingly, it not the foremost choice but rather an option for when change (2022: 5) spectrum does not include avoiding damage, presumably because the is inevitable and must therefore be worked with. authors are dealing with change from natural drivers, such as climate change. This is not engineered and therefore unavoidable. The maintenance option is closest to the minimise-damage response of both the damage mitigation hierarchy as well as the analytical tool. Adaptive release has overlaps and deviations with compensation on the analytical tool. Both are change-oriented responses. They seek to work with change to the historic environment, rather than resist it, and creation is an outcome. Adaptive release however, is premised on unpredictability. There is the unintentional creation of new values that are forged in the process of letting go of the material. These values are not priorly defined, and even the response can take a U-turn by becoming adaptive re-use along the way. Compensation, on the other hand, is a strategic creative response. The creation of values comes from the intentional addition of programmes, functions, and physical objects in the face of change to the historic environment. Further, adaptive release and compensation both comprise storytelling. : “ ” “ ” However, they convey stories differently. Storytelling in adaptive release is about Figure 35 Low impact to high impact management options, leading to adaptive release generating a new value altogether, one that is created in consonance with the Source: DeSilvey et al. (2022: 5) change process. The story is about forgetting or about change (DeSilvey et al., 2021: 7). This is in keeping with storytelling related to letting-go in general, where The response is reliant on the change process itself. During the process of letting the story is one that seeks to “open up rather than close down” (DeSilvey, 2017: go of material, adaptive release actions could include virtual storytelling and other 71). Accordingly, the story is a consciously constructed narrative rather than a tools that present narratives of the change underway (DeSilvey et al., 2021: 7). In selection of supposedly accurate historical events. In compensation, the story is this case, storytelling is not a tool to preserve a memory but almost therapeutic in rooted in the lost historic environment and aimed at conserving its research value. its assistance with coming to terms with eventual, inevitable, irrevocable loss. There is limited creation when it comes to new values. The focus of adaptive Adaptive release is a response without a predefined ending. As values of the release is less on the physical historic environment as compared to compensation. historic environment change as a result of adaptive release, the response could also This makes it the most change-oriented option from those on the analytical tool. be temporary, and end up in adaptive reuse instead (DeSilvey et al., 2022: 7). So Accordingly, it can be placed after compensation-by creation. adaptive release can be a step on the way to complete loss, or enable a preceding response on the spectrum of management options, such as adaptive reuse. Domains of application of letting-go Compensation, as found in this thesis, is part of the analytical tool developed Both adaptive release and compensation are creative, change-oriented responses. based on the findings from urban planning practice. The analytical tool has However, letting-go as previously discussed is unpredictable and a response to overlaps and intersections with DeSilvey et al.’s (2022) spectrum. Neither natural processes. Compensation is a response in planning, and to urban planning prescribes a hierarchy of responses. This makes the responses context-specific and projects. It is therefore important to scrutinise the application of letting-go as a deployed based on situational need. This is unlike the damage mitigation hierarchy response to historic environment loss from urban planning. in Swedish policy which follows the priority order of avoid, minimise, remedy, and compensate (NBHBP, 2018: Gothenburg City, 2008). Further, DeSilvey et al’s 188 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 11: LETTING GO AND BEYOND • 189 5). Accordingly, it not the foremost choice but rather an option for when change (2022: 5) spectrum does not include avoiding damage, presumably because the is inevitable and must therefore be worked with. authors are dealing with change from natural drivers, such as climate change. This is not engineered and therefore unavoidable. The maintenance option is closest to the minimise-damage response of both the damage mitigation hierarchy as well as the analytical tool. Adaptive release has overlaps and deviations with compensation on the analytical tool. Both are change-oriented responses. They seek to work with change to the historic environment, rather than resist it, and creation is an outcome. Adaptive release however, is premised on unpredictability. There is the unintentional creation of new values that are forged in the process of letting go of the material. These values are not priorly defined, and even the response can take a U-turn by becoming adaptive re-use along the way. Compensation, on the other hand, is a strategic creative response. The creation of values comes from the intentional addition of programmes, functions, and physical objects in the face of change to the historic environment. Further, adaptive release and compensation both comprise storytelling. However, they convey stories differently. Storytelling in adaptive release is about Figure 35: “Low impact” to “high impact” management options, leading to adaptive release generating a new value altogether, one that is created in consonance with the Source: DeSilvey et al. (2022: 5) change process. The story is about forgetting or about change (DeSilvey et al., 2021: 7). This is in keeping with storytelling related to letting-go in general, where The response is reliant on the change process itself. During the process of letting the story is one that seeks to “open up rather than close down” (DeSilvey, 2017: go of material, adaptive release actions could include virtual storytelling and other 71). Accordingly, the story is a consciously constructed narrative rather than a tools that present narratives of the change underway (DeSilvey et al., 2021: 7). In selection of supposedly accurate historical events. In compensation, the story is this case, storytelling is not a tool to preserve a memory but almost therapeutic in rooted in the lost historic environment and aimed at conserving its research value. its assistance with coming to terms with eventual, inevitable, irrevocable loss. There is limited creation when it comes to new values. The focus of adaptive Adaptive release is a response without a predefined ending. As values of the release is less on the physical historic environment as compared to compensation. historic environment change as a result of adaptive release, the response could also This makes it the most change-oriented option from those on the analytical tool. be temporary, and end up in adaptive reuse instead (DeSilvey et al., 2022: 7). So Accordingly, it can be placed after compensation-by creation. adaptive release can be a step on the way to complete loss, or enable a preceding response on the spectrum of management options, such as adaptive reuse. Domains of application of letting-go Compensation, as found in this thesis, is part of the analytical tool developed Both adaptive release and compensation are creative, change-oriented responses. based on the findings from urban planning practice. The analytical tool has However, letting-go as previously discussed is unpredictable and a response to overlaps and intersections with DeSilvey et al.’s (2022) spectrum. Neither natural processes. Compensation is a response in planning, and to urban planning prescribes a hierarchy of responses. This makes the responses context-specific and projects. It is therefore important to scrutinise the application of letting-go as a deployed based on situational need. This is unlike the damage mitigation hierarchy response to historic environment loss from urban planning. in Swedish policy which follows the priority order of avoid, minimise, remedy, and compensate (NBHBP, 2018: Gothenburg City, 2008). Further, DeSilvey et al’s 190 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 11: LETTING GO AND BEYOND • 191 In challenging material preservation, letting go of historic environments is can veer closer to ill-conceived demolition rather than well-considered release. often premised on the separability of values from physical environments. This Demolition, though a change-embracing response, does not necessarily come requires careful consideration because it runs the risk of reducing all heritage to from intentions to conserve or manage change to the historic environment. In the the purely intangible (Skrede and Hølleland, 2018: 83) and disregarding the absence of intentions to manage change, demolition has no place on the analytical “corporeal influences” of material things on humans and non-humans (Harrison, tool. 2013: 112-113). As Skrede and Hølleland (2018: 89) write, material can have a Further, the social, political, and economic contexts of deploying the letting-go powerful hold on people. They suggest that the tangible and intangible are response is crucial. Letting-go in theory is framed as a pushback to policy and complementary rather than antagonistic (Skrede and Hølleland, 2018: 89). Olsen practice that favour dogmatic physical preservation of historic sites. However, it (2010) too writes against the “antimaterial” turn in social sciences. Overall, can also be misused by economically or politically motivated actors. Change, in the rejecting the affective power of material objects and environments risks throwing form of urban development projects, as Short (2020) points out, can have damning the baby out with the bathwater. consequences for the existing historic environment, in terms of physical, aesthetic, Letting-go in response to climatic drivers does not sit snugly with letting-go in cultural, and social fallouts. Short’s (2020: 235) example indicates that conservation response to intentional urban planning projects. This is acknowledged by DeSilvey challenges are very much linked to political and economic factors that drive et al. (2022: 8) who conceptualise letting-go as a response to natural processes, as change. It is a reminder to scrutinise the nature of change. opposed to “unsympathetic development and neglect”. The mindset towards Letting-go, in a context like India, where conservation policy is still not fully change from non-engineered and ongoing processes is one of having to accept and developed, can further result in misuse. Demolition, for example, is already embrace inevitability. The driver of change is important because letting go of permissible in the diluted Development Control and Promotion Regulations historic environments outside the realm of certain drivers can be damaging. It risks (2018). Institutionalised letting-go could also inadvertently sanction demolition in disinheriting people who value those lost environments, physical qualities and all. the context of majoritarian politics. In a climate of right-wing nationalism, there In the example of the Twin Towers in New York, Holtorf (2015: 406) suggests are frequent media reports of demands for demolition of mosques with that loss of historic environments can actually exacerbate memories. Similarly, he subsequent replacement by Hindu temples (Pandey, 2022; Ather, 2023). Even the notes of the political clashes resulting in destruction in the ancient city of Palmyra Taj Mahal is embroiled in such calls for demolition (Johny, 2023). Letting-go in in Syria: this context is simply selection by another name. In selecting what to let go of it, the response enables selecting what to keep. It thus mirrors authorised views that “Indeed, it may have grown rather than been diminished through the recent events.” (Holtorf, 2015: 417) form the critique of compensation through storytelling in West Link case, and can result in dissonance and disinheritance (Tunbridge and Ashworth, 1996). These examples disregard the circumstances of the change, and consequently, the basis for the new value or memory created. While new values may be created, their A way forward: the “deep cities” approach desirability is questionable, because their creation comes from a context of violence. Letting-go as a form of compensation has limited application as a response to Letting-go requires careful consideration in the planning context. Urban historic environment loss from urban planning projects. The discussion planning driven change is human engineered and offers the opportunity to make nevertheless contributes to potential further explorations of compensation that choices on its direction and impact. The actors behind the change have agency and consider both values and the physical material of historic environments in the face a role in determining its direction, even as change is inevitable (Seppänen, 2020: of urban transformation. One such avenue for exploring compensation is the 253). Actors can consider historic environments facing loss in various ways, such “deep cities” approach (Fouseki et al., 2020). This approach is aimed at sustainable as, “as a problem, potential, burden or resource in city planning” (Seppännen, transformations, where “deep” involves dealing with multiple temporal layers of a 2020: 253). Where historic environments are considered burdensome, letting-go city, as well as long-term sustainability. 190 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 11: LETTING GO AND BEYOND • 191 In challenging material preservation, letting go of historic environments is can veer closer to ill-conceived demolition rather than well-considered release. often premised on the separability of values from physical environments. This Demolition, though a change-embracing response, does not necessarily come requires careful consideration because it runs the risk of reducing all heritage to from intentions to conserve or manage change to the historic environment. In the the purely intangible (Skrede and Hølleland, 2018: 83) and disregarding the absence of intentions to manage change, demolition has no place on the analytical “corporeal influences” of material things on humans and non-humans (Harrison, tool. 2013: 112-113). As Skrede and Hølleland (2018: 89) write, material can have a Further, the social, political, and economic contexts of deploying the letting-go powerful hold on people. They suggest that the tangible and intangible are response is crucial. Letting-go in theory is framed as a pushback to policy and complementary rather than antagonistic (Skrede and Hølleland, 2018: 89). Olsen practice that favour dogmatic physical preservation of historic sites. However, it (2010) too writes against the “antimaterial” turn in social sciences. Overall, can also be misused by economically or politically motivated actors. Change, in the rejecting the affective power of material objects and environments risks throwing form of urban development projects, as Short (2020) points out, can have damning the baby out with the bathwater. consequences for the existing historic environment, in terms of physical, aesthetic, Letting-go in response to climatic drivers does not sit snugly with letting-go in cultural, and social fallouts. Short’s (2020: 235) example indicates that conservation response to intentional urban planning projects. This is acknowledged by DeSilvey challenges are very much linked to political and economic factors that drive et al. (2022: 8) who conceptualise letting-go as a response to natural processes, as change. It is a reminder to scrutinise the nature of change. opposed to “unsympathetic development and neglect”. The mindset towards Letting-go, in a context like India, where conservation policy is still not fully change from non-engineered and ongoing processes is one of having to accept and developed, can further result in misuse. Demolition, for example, is already embrace inevitability. The driver of change is important because letting go of permissible in the diluted Development Control and Promotion Regulations historic environments outside the realm of certain drivers can be damaging. It risks (2018). Institutionalised letting-go could also inadvertently sanction demolition in disinheriting people who value those lost environments, physical qualities and all. the context of majoritarian politics. In a climate of right-wing nationalism, there In the example of the Twin Towers in New York, Holtorf (2015: 406) suggests are frequent media reports of demands for demolition of mosques with that loss of historic environments can actually exacerbate memories. Similarly, he subsequent replacement by Hindu temples (Pandey, 2022; Ather, 2023). Even the notes of the political clashes resulting in destruction in the ancient city of Palmyra Taj Mahal is embroiled in such calls for demolition (Johny, 2023). Letting-go in in Syria: this context is simply selection by another name. In selecting what to let go of it, the response enables selecting what to keep. It thus mirrors authorised views that “Indeed, it may have grown rather than been diminished through the recent events.” (Holtorf, 2015: 417) form the critique of compensation through storytelling in West Link case, and can result in dissonance and disinheritance (Tunbridge and Ashworth, 1996). These examples disregard the circumstances of the change, and consequently, the basis for the new value or memory created. While new values may be created, their A way forward: the “deep cities” approach desirability is questionable, because their creation comes from a context of violence. Letting-go as a form of compensation has limited application as a response to Letting-go requires careful consideration in the planning context. Urban historic environment loss from urban planning projects. The discussion planning driven change is human engineered and offers the opportunity to make nevertheless contributes to potential further explorations of compensation that choices on its direction and impact. The actors behind the change have agency and consider both values and the physical material of historic environments in the face a role in determining its direction, even as change is inevitable (Seppänen, 2020: of urban transformation. One such avenue for exploring compensation is the 253). Actors can consider historic environments facing loss in various ways, such “deep cities” approach (Fouseki et al., 2020). This approach is aimed at sustainable as, “as a problem, potential, burden or resource in city planning” (Seppännen, transformations, where “deep” involves dealing with multiple temporal layers of a 2020: 253). Where historic environments are considered burdensome, letting-go city, as well as long-term sustainability. 192 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 11: LETTING GO AND BEYOND • 193 The deep cities approach shares many of the premises of letting-go, however, undergoing rapid urban development, such as those in Asia and Eastern Europe, situates them within a planning context. This approach considers not only values where the historic environment could provide a valuable element in planning of historic environments but also the environments themselves. As Fouseki et al (Fouseki et al., 2020: 267). They also point to the need for research in the area of (2020: 261) write, “deep cities are about the continuous integration of natural, negotiation between actors over the historic environment (Fouseki et al., 2020: cultural, smart, old, contemporary tangible or intangible layers of the life of a 267), pointing to the environment of contestation in which decisions over the place”. As with letting-go, the deep cities approach, privileges transformation as a historic environment are made. The research in this thesis is particularly germane value for historic environments (Fouseki et al, 2020: 6). Invoking DeSilvey (2017: to these themes. Compensation through the deep cities approach would help 20), the authors aim to incorporate the changing nature of historic environments stretch the possibilities of change-oriented conservation even further, potentially in urban planning (Fouseki et al., 2020: 8). In this view, historic environments are rendering dogmatic preservation a matter of the distant past. not passive recipients of change, but active drivers of positive transformations (Fouseki et al., 2020: 8). Concluding remarks The deep cities approach is relevant for compensation as it is geared towards policy and practice. As Fouseki et al. (2020: 1-2) see it, the incorporation of the This thesis sought to explore the scope of historic environment compensation in temporal depth of historic environments into urban planning is a policy planning. Compensation is ill-defined, often contested, and overall lacks consistent imperative. Crucially, they also acknowledge the specific nature of urban interpretation. Depending on their perspective, some decry it as not adequately transformation and the challenge it poses to embracing change: appreciating the qualitative aspects of historic environments. Others consider it through the lens of an unwillingness to accept change. However, if conservation “If we accept that ‘deep cities’ are about the continuous, changing and constantly evolving temporal layers shaped by the connections between the is framed as the management of change rather than resistance to it, compensation built fabric and the human experiences, where do the changes of the present opens up possibilities to deal with loss productively. (such as the construction of high-rise buildings) (see Short [2020]), fit in that A central theme of the thesis is that conservation is dependent on the values trajectory? Are the high- rise buildings an added layer of value to the of the historic environment and the way they are negotiated in the planning palimpsest of the city or a threat to the continuity of a ‘deep city’? In other words, at what point do urban change and temporality become a cultural process. In planning, these values are constantly negotiated by those in charge. value and at what point do they become a threat?” (Fouseki et al., 2020: 261) Historic environment compensation is one such form of negotiation. Accordingly, the thesis explores compensation in law and policy, theory, and practice. So, the “deep cities” approach encourages scrutinising not only the values of the Compensation in law and policy is disproportionately skewed in favour of affected historic environments but the values of the driver of change itself. This environments considered from a natural sciences perspective. Understood from means evaluating its nature, as well as who stands to benefit (Short, 2020; Alverti this perspective, compensation often connotes to the re-creation and/or and Fouseki, 2020). Borrowing from Short (2020), Fouseki et al (2020: 263) relocation of the affected environments. It is the least preferred option in the face encourage thinking of change as a value, while also arguing for adaptation to of loss. Further, re-creation/relocation are considered anathema for historic change that is organic and at a steady pace rather than haphazard. Overall, the deep environments, which are largely dealt with through damage mitigation. cities approach embodies several of the premises of compensation. It advocates Accordingly, provision for historic environment compensation is limited and for urban transformations that consider the historic environment in productive historic environment values largely marginalised. There are, however, attempts by and dynamic ways. authorities to conceptualise new ways of working with historic environments, such Compensation, in the context of “deep cities”, can help in furthering its as through “strengthening”, that go beyond material preservation or minimising application in urban planning practice. This call for further research aligns with the damage. gaps in scholarship recognised by Fouseki et al. (2020: 267) as well. They argue Compensation in theory in relation to planning is at a fledgling stage. Its that the “deep cities” approach could benefit from research in countries explorations largely depend on the same methodological toolbox as in 192 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 11: LETTING GO AND BEYOND • 193 The deep cities approach shares many of the premises of letting-go, however, undergoing rapid urban development, such as those in Asia and Eastern Europe, situates them within a planning context. This approach considers not only values where the historic environment could provide a valuable element in planning of historic environments but also the environments themselves. As Fouseki et al (Fouseki et al., 2020: 267). They also point to the need for research in the area of (2020: 261) write, “deep cities are about the continuous integration of natural, negotiation between actors over the historic environment (Fouseki et al., 2020: cultural, smart, old, contemporary tangible or intangible layers of the life of a 267), pointing to the environment of contestation in which decisions over the place”. As with letting-go, the deep cities approach, privileges transformation as a historic environment are made. The research in this thesis is particularly germane value for historic environments (Fouseki et al, 2020: 6). Invoking DeSilvey (2017: to these themes. Compensation through the deep cities approach would help 20), the authors aim to incorporate the changing nature of historic environments stretch the possibilities of change-oriented conservation even further, potentially in urban planning (Fouseki et al., 2020: 8). In this view, historic environments are rendering dogmatic preservation a matter of the distant past. not passive recipients of change, but active drivers of positive transformations (Fouseki et al., 2020: 8). Concluding remarks The deep cities approach is relevant for compensation as it is geared towards policy and practice. As Fouseki et al. (2020: 1-2) see it, the incorporation of the This thesis sought to explore the scope of historic environment compensation in temporal depth of historic environments into urban planning is a policy planning. Compensation is ill-defined, often contested, and overall lacks consistent imperative. Crucially, they also acknowledge the specific nature of urban interpretation. Depending on their perspective, some decry it as not adequately transformation and the challenge it poses to embracing change: appreciating the qualitative aspects of historic environments. Others consider it through the lens of an unwillingness to accept change. However, if conservation “If we accept that ‘deep cities’ are about the continuous, changing and is framed as the management of change rather than resistance to it, compensation constantly evolving temporal layers shaped by the connections between the built fabric and the human experiences, where do the changes of the present opens up possibilities to deal with loss productively. (such as the construction of high-rise buildings) (see Short [2020]), fit in that A central theme of the thesis is that conservation is dependent on the values trajectory? Are the high- rise buildings an added layer of value to the of the historic environment and the way they are negotiated in the planning palimpsest of the city or a threat to the continuity of a ‘deep city’? In other words, at what point do urban change and temporality become a cultural process. In planning, these values are constantly negotiated by those in charge. value and at what point do they become a threat?” (Fouseki et al., 2020: 261) Historic environment compensation is one such form of negotiation. Accordingly, the thesis explores compensation in law and policy, theory, and practice. So, the “deep cities” approach encourages scrutinising not only the values of the Compensation in law and policy is disproportionately skewed in favour of affected historic environments but the values of the driver of change itself. This environments considered from a natural sciences perspective. Understood from means evaluating its nature, as well as who stands to benefit (Short, 2020; Alverti this perspective, compensation often connotes to the re-creation and/or and Fouseki, 2020). Borrowing from Short (2020), Fouseki et al (2020: 263) relocation of the affected environments. It is the least preferred option in the face encourage thinking of change as a value, while also arguing for adaptation to of loss. Further, re-creation/relocation are considered anathema for historic change that is organic and at a steady pace rather than haphazard. Overall, the deep environments, which are largely dealt with through damage mitigation. cities approach embodies several of the premises of compensation. It advocates Accordingly, provision for historic environment compensation is limited and for urban transformations that consider the historic environment in productive historic environment values largely marginalised. There are, however, attempts by and dynamic ways. authorities to conceptualise new ways of working with historic environments, such Compensation, in the context of “deep cities”, can help in furthering its as through “strengthening”, that go beyond material preservation or minimising application in urban planning practice. This call for further research aligns with the damage. gaps in scholarship recognised by Fouseki et al. (2020: 267) as well. They argue Compensation in theory in relation to planning is at a fledgling stage. Its that the “deep cities” approach could benefit from research in countries explorations largely depend on the same methodological toolbox as in 194 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 11: LETTING GO AND BEYOND • 195 compensation in law and policy, and are still exploratory. Compensation can take historic material. This thinking has limited direct application as a response to urban the form of creation of new objects or environments, as well as in their relocation. planning projects. This is because it is conceptualised for change that is inevitable The value of the lost or affected environment is considered paramount though the and ongoing rather than intentional. It does not fully consider its social and connection between its lost value and the new creation is not always self-evident. political intentions and implications when deployed in planning. The theoretical Some of the explorations focus more on rendering smoother implementation of consideration of letting-go as a form of compensation encourages thinking of the new urban plan, than enriching the historic environment. other change-oriented approaches to compensation that are particularly suited to Compensation in practice is part of a spectrum of possible responses to urban planning. Accordingly, the thesis lands on the deep cities approach as an avenue planning projects. The thesis develops an analytical tool to map this spectrum, of further enquiry. Future research on compensation in planning can benefit from from least to most change-oriented, based on two cases, the West Link train tunnel exploring its relationality with the deep cities approach, wherein historic in Gothenburg, and the Mumbai Metro, in Mumbai. Compensation, as found in environments are placed in the broader context of sustainability of all kinds. the West Link, lies at the most change-oriented end of the spectrum. The response found in the Mumbai Metro is in the realm of material preservation. Compensation takes the form of interpretation of the affected historic environment through the two responses of compensate-by-strengthening and compensate-by-creating, which different in scale and scope. Further, compensation is aimed at storytelling. Storytelling is expressed through additive ways of working with the historic environment’s capacity to convey knowledge about its lost physical elements. Compensation is also, to a limited extent, aimed at “storyreading”. Storyreading is a concept developed in this thesis and understood as an approach to urban planning that seeks to conserve spatial comprehension through the re-creation of an environment’s historical layout. Overall, the compensation response emerges in sharp relief to preservation, which aims for preservation of physical and visual integrity. Both compensation and preservation however involve a selection of values by experts and an exclusion of certain values that do not fit within formal planning. The responses also reflect that conservation is deeply entangled with other planning processes. Negotiation of values happens to varying degrees and a number of heritage-related discourses is mobilised in the process. Conservation, whether through compensation or preservation, is embedded in planning and its outcomes are deeply dependent on multiple actors and their approaches, various institutional and policy frameworks, regulations, and a plethora of associated constraints. The final exploration of compensation is purely theoretical, and attempts to push the bounds of the concept even further. The thesis toys with the idea of compensation including the letting go of historic environments altogether, in moments of change. In this theoretical excursion, compensation is about the unpredictable potential generation of new values from the relinquishment of 194 • FROM GONE TO GAIN 11: LETTING GO AND BEYOND • 195 compensation in law and policy, and are still exploratory. Compensation can take historic material. This thinking has limited direct application as a response to urban the form of creation of new objects or environments, as well as in their relocation. planning projects. This is because it is conceptualised for change that is inevitable The value of the lost or affected environment is considered paramount though the and ongoing rather than intentional. It does not fully consider its social and connection between its lost value and the new creation is not always self-evident. political intentions and implications when deployed in planning. The theoretical Some of the explorations focus more on rendering smoother implementation of consideration of letting-go as a form of compensation encourages thinking of the new urban plan, than enriching the historic environment. other change-oriented approaches to compensation that are particularly suited to Compensation in practice is part of a spectrum of possible responses to urban planning. Accordingly, the thesis lands on the deep cities approach as an avenue planning projects. The thesis develops an analytical tool to map this spectrum, of further enquiry. Future research on compensation in planning can benefit from from least to most change-oriented, based on two cases, the West Link train tunnel exploring its relationality with the deep cities approach, wherein historic in Gothenburg, and the Mumbai Metro, in Mumbai. Compensation, as found in environments are placed in the broader context of sustainability of all kinds. the West Link, lies at the most change-oriented end of the spectrum. The response found in the Mumbai Metro is in the realm of material preservation. Compensation takes the form of interpretation of the affected historic environment through the two responses of compensate-by-strengthening and compensate-by-creating, which different in scale and scope. Further, compensation is aimed at storytelling. Storytelling is expressed through additive ways of working with the historic environment’s capacity to convey knowledge about its lost physical elements. Compensation is also, to a limited extent, aimed at “storyreading”. Storyreading is a concept developed in this thesis and understood as an approach to urban planning that seeks to conserve spatial comprehension through the re-creation of an environment’s historical layout. Overall, the compensation response emerges in sharp relief to preservation, which aims for preservation of physical and visual integrity. Both compensation and preservation however involve a selection of values by experts and an exclusion of certain values that do not fit within formal planning. The responses also reflect that conservation is deeply entangled with other planning processes. Negotiation of values happens to varying degrees and a number of heritage-related discourses is mobilised in the process. Conservation, whether through compensation or preservation, is embedded in planning and its outcomes are deeply dependent on multiple actors and their approaches, various institutional and policy frameworks, regulations, and a plethora of associated constraints. The final exploration of compensation is purely theoretical, and attempts to push the bounds of the concept even further. The thesis toys with the idea of compensation including the letting go of historic environments altogether, in moments of change. In this theoretical excursion, compensation is about the unpredictable potential generation of new values from the relinquishment of Sammanfattning på svenska Denna avhandling syftar till att utforska begreppet kompensation och dess hantering inom stadsplaneringsprocesser som involverar värdefulla kulturmiljöer. Begreppet kompensation i förhållande till kulturmiljö är oftast bristfälligt definierat, och det råder ofta oenighet om tolkningen av dess rumsliga påverkan. Å ena sidan kan kompensation uppfattas som en åtgärd som inte fullt ut tar hänsyn till kulturmiljöernas kvaliteter, medan det å andra sidan kan ses som ett hinder för förändring och utveckling. Den här avhandlingen tar sin utgångspunkt i en förståelse av bevarandepraktik som en ändamålsenlig hantering av förändring snarare än ett motstånd mot förändring. Avhandlingen ämnar därför utforska de möjligheter som kompensation kan erbjuda som ett tillvägagångssätt för att konstruktivt hantera förlusten av kulturvärden i urbana stadsomvandlingsprocesser. Bevarandepraktiken förstås här som beroende av de specifika kulturmiljövärden som är definierade för en plats och hur olika aktörer förhandlar om dessa värden i planeringsprocessen. Kompensation ses som en form av sådan förhandling, och undersökningen sträcker sig över juridiska och politiska aspekter, såväl som teori och praktik, med särskild inriktning på den svenska kontexten. Inom juridik och policy hanteras kompensation främför allt i relation till naturmiljöer, där åtgärder syftar till att mildra de negativa påverkningar som ett utvecklings- eller byggprojekt kan ha på biologisk mångfald. Att återskapa våtmarker, skogsområden eller vattendrag alternativt flytta djur eller växter är kompensationsåtgärder som betraktas som en sista utväg inom miljöskydd och naturvård. Generellt anses återskapande eller flytt av kulturmiljöer vara om möjligt än mer olämpligt, och i stället förespråkas undvikande av skada eller skademinimering i samband med planering och byggande. Det är sällsynt att kompensation för potentiell negativ påverkan på historiska eller kulturella värden uttryckligen hanteras. Det finns dock försök från myndigheter att definiera nya metoder inom kulturmiljöplanering, såsom ”stärkande åtgärder”, vars innebörd sträcker sig bortom strikt materiell bevarande eller skademinimering. Sammanfattning på svenska Denna avhandling syftar till att utforska begreppet kompensation och dess hantering inom stadsplaneringsprocesser som involverar värdefulla kulturmiljöer. Begreppet kompensation i förhållande till kulturmiljö är oftast bristfälligt definierat, och det råder ofta oenighet om tolkningen av dess rumsliga påverkan. Å ena sidan kan kompensation uppfattas som en åtgärd som inte fullt ut tar hänsyn till kulturmiljöernas kvaliteter, medan det å andra sidan kan ses som ett hinder för förändring och utveckling. Den här avhandlingen tar sin utgångspunkt i en förståelse av bevarandepraktik som en ändamålsenlig hantering av förändring snarare än ett motstånd mot förändring. Avhandlingen ämnar därför utforska de möjligheter som kompensation kan erbjuda som ett tillvägagångssätt för att konstruktivt hantera förlusten av kulturvärden i urbana stadsomvandlingsprocesser. Bevarandepraktiken förstås här som beroende av de specifika kulturmiljövärden som är definierade för en plats och hur olika aktörer förhandlar om dessa värden i planeringsprocessen. Kompensation ses som en form av sådan förhandling, och undersökningen sträcker sig över juridiska och politiska aspekter, såväl som teori och praktik, med särskild inriktning på den svenska kontexten. Inom juridik och policy hanteras kompensation främför allt i relation till naturmiljöer, där åtgärder syftar till att mildra de negativa påverkningar som ett utvecklings- eller byggprojekt kan ha på biologisk mångfald. Att återskapa våtmarker, skogsområden eller vattendrag alternativt flytta djur eller växter är kompensationsåtgärder som betraktas som en sista utväg inom miljöskydd och naturvård. Generellt anses återskapande eller flytt av kulturmiljöer vara om möjligt än mer olämpligt, och i stället förespråkas undvikande av skada eller skademinimering i samband med planering och byggande. Det är sällsynt att kompensation för potentiell negativ påverkan på historiska eller kulturella värden uttryckligen hanteras. Det finns dock försök från myndigheter att definiera nya metoder inom kulturmiljöplanering, såsom ”stärkande åtgärder”, vars innebörd sträcker sig bortom strikt materiell bevarande eller skademinimering. 198 • FROM GONE TO GAIN SAMMANFATTNING PÅ SVENSKA • 199 Teoretiskt sett är begreppet och tillämpningen av kompensation inom kulturmiljön, oavsett om det sker genom kompensation eller strikt materiell kulturmiljöplanering relativt nytt. Samtidigt som ett utforskande pågår, är bevarande, utgör endast en del av planeringsfrågorna. Dess utfall är beroende av förståelseramen till stor del beroende av de metodologiska angreppssätt som gäller en mångfald aktörer med olika tillvägagångssätt, varierande institutionella och för kompensation av naturmiljöer. Enligt ett synsätt innebär kompensation ett politiska ramar, olika juridiska ramverk och en mängd olika medföljande skapande av nya objekt eller miljöer, enligt ett annat tolkas det som förflyttning av utmaningar. värden. Kulturvärden har en central roll i den teoretiska förståelsen av Avhandlingens avslutande diskussion om kompensation är teoretiskt driven kompensation som fenomen, även om sambanden mellan påverkade eller och syftar till att utforska gränserna för begreppets betydelse. Här utforskas idén förlorade kulturvärden och skapandet av nya värden inte alltid är självklara. Vissa om vad det innebär att förlora kulturmiljöer helt och hållet, i förändringsprocesser. teoretiska diskussioner om kompensation fokuserar mer på att underlätta Kompensation betraktas här som ett tillvägagångssätt som försöker navigera det planeringsprocesser än på att berika kulturmiljöer. oförutsägbara och det potentiella skapandet av nya värden, särskilt i situationer där I praktiken är kompensation en del av det spektra av möjliga kulturmiljövärden obönhörligt går förlorade, som i klimatkrisens påverkan eller i handlingsalternativ som kan implementeras inom omfattande övergivna landskap. Detta tillvägagångssätt har dock begränsad tillämpbarhet stadsplaneringsprocesser. Avhandlingen utvecklar ett analytiskt verktyg för att inom stadsplaneringsprocesser, särskilt eftersom dessa processer är avsiktliga och kartlägga detta spektrum, som sträcker sig från de minst förändringsinriktade till innebär att inblandade aktörer måste ta hänsyn till de sociala och politiska de mest förändringsinriktade angreppssätten. Detta görs baserat på två fallstudier, konsekvenser av de beslut som fattas. med fokus på hanteringen av kulturmiljön i planeringen och byggandet av Det teoretiska perspektivet på kompensation som ett sätt att ”släppa taget” om Västlänken i Göteborg respektive Mumbai Metro, i Mumbai. De åtgärder för kulturmiljöer och deras värden uppmuntrar dock att överväga andra kulturmiljön som åberopas i planeringen av Mumbai Metro handlar om ett förändringsinriktade synsätt på kompensation som kan vara särskilt lämpade för traditionellt materiellt bevarande, medan den typ av åtgärd som åberopas i planeringsprocesser. Som ett resultat av detta landar avhandlingen i det som kallas Västlänken ligger i den mest förändringsorienterade delen av spektrumet. Här syns ”the deep cities approach” och uppmanar till framtida forskning inom området kompensation av kulturmiljövärden handla om stärkande och skapade åtgärder, kompensation av kulturvärden att beakta förhandlingsstrategier som hanterar de som varierar i skala och innehåll. Dessutom kommer kompensation ibland till djupgående och komplexa aspekter som påverkar stadsmiljön, inklusive uttryck i form av ”storytelling”, den process som handlar om att berätta en historia socioekonomiska strukturer, historia och kulturarv. eller skapa en narrativ upplevelse för att kommunicera stadens historia på ett engagerande sätt. Därtill kommer kompensation till uttryck, även om det är något Nyckelord: kompensation, planering, bevarande, kulturmiljö, förlust av begränsat, som ”storyreading”, det vill säga som en strategi för att bevara den kulturvärden, infrastruktur, Västlänken, Göteborg, Mumbai, Indien historiska rumsliga förståelsen genom att bibehålla kulturmiljöns visuella sammanhang. Sammantaget framträder kompensation som ett antal handlingsalternativ som kontrasterar mot ett strikt bevarande av fysisk och estetisk integritet. Spektrumet av handlingsmöjligheter, och de val som aktörer gör mellan kompensation och strikt materiellt bevarande av kulturmiljövärden, reflekterar de värderingar som experter har och som har en dominerande inverkan på andra värderingar inom ramen för formell planering. Dessa handlingsalternativ avspeglar också hur kulturmiljöfrågan är djupt integrerat med andra planeringsfrågor och processer, som överlappar i tid och rum. Värdeförhandling sker kontinuerligt och ett antal kulturarvsrelaterade diskurser mobiliseras i processen. Hanteringen av 198 • FROM GONE TO GAIN SAMMANFATTNING PÅ SVENSKA • 199 Teoretiskt sett är begreppet och tillämpningen av kompensation inom kulturmiljön, oavsett om det sker genom kompensation eller strikt materiell kulturmiljöplanering relativt nytt. Samtidigt som ett utforskande pågår, är bevarande, utgör endast en del av planeringsfrågorna. Dess utfall är beroende av förståelseramen till stor del beroende av de metodologiska angreppssätt som gäller en mångfald aktörer med olika tillvägagångssätt, varierande institutionella och för kompensation av naturmiljöer. Enligt ett synsätt innebär kompensation ett politiska ramar, olika juridiska ramverk och en mängd olika medföljande skapande av nya objekt eller miljöer, enligt ett annat tolkas det som förflyttning av utmaningar. värden. Kulturvärden har en central roll i den teoretiska förståelsen av Avhandlingens avslutande diskussion om kompensation är teoretiskt driven kompensation som fenomen, även om sambanden mellan påverkade eller och syftar till att utforska gränserna för begreppets betydelse. Här utforskas idén förlorade kulturvärden och skapandet av nya värden inte alltid är självklara. Vissa om vad det innebär att förlora kulturmiljöer helt och hållet, i förändringsprocesser. teoretiska diskussioner om kompensation fokuserar mer på att underlätta Kompensation betraktas här som ett tillvägagångssätt som försöker navigera det planeringsprocesser än på att berika kulturmiljöer. oförutsägbara och det potentiella skapandet av nya värden, särskilt i situationer där I praktiken är kompensation en del av det spektra av möjliga kulturmiljövärden obönhörligt går förlorade, som i klimatkrisens påverkan eller i handlingsalternativ som kan implementeras inom omfattande övergivna landskap. Detta tillvägagångssätt har dock begränsad tillämpbarhet stadsplaneringsprocesser. Avhandlingen utvecklar ett analytiskt verktyg för att inom stadsplaneringsprocesser, särskilt eftersom dessa processer är avsiktliga och kartlägga detta spektrum, som sträcker sig från de minst förändringsinriktade till innebär att inblandade aktörer måste ta hänsyn till de sociala och politiska de mest förändringsinriktade angreppssätten. Detta görs baserat på två fallstudier, konsekvenser av de beslut som fattas. med fokus på hanteringen av kulturmiljön i planeringen och byggandet av Det teoretiska perspektivet på kompensation som ett sätt att ”släppa taget” om Västlänken i Göteborg respektive Mumbai Metro, i Mumbai. De åtgärder för kulturmiljöer och deras värden uppmuntrar dock att överväga andra kulturmiljön som åberopas i planeringen av Mumbai Metro handlar om ett förändringsinriktade synsätt på kompensation som kan vara särskilt lämpade för traditionellt materiellt bevarande, medan den typ av åtgärd som åberopas i planeringsprocesser. Som ett resultat av detta landar avhandlingen i det som kallas Västlänken ligger i den mest förändringsorienterade delen av spektrumet. Här syns ”the deep cities approach” och uppmanar till framtida forskning inom området kompensation av kulturmiljövärden handla om stärkande och skapade åtgärder, kompensation av kulturvärden att beakta förhandlingsstrategier som hanterar de som varierar i skala och innehåll. Dessutom kommer kompensation ibland till djupgående och komplexa aspekter som påverkar stadsmiljön, inklusive uttryck i form av ”storytelling”, den process som handlar om att berätta en historia socioekonomiska strukturer, historia och kulturarv. eller skapa en narrativ upplevelse för att kommunicera stadens historia på ett engagerande sätt. Därtill kommer kompensation till uttryck, även om det är något Nyckelord: kompensation, planering, bevarande, kulturmiljö, förlust av begränsat, som ”storyreading”, det vill säga som en strategi för att bevara den kulturvärden, infrastruktur, Västlänken, Göteborg, Mumbai, Indien historiska rumsliga förståelsen genom att bibehålla kulturmiljöns visuella sammanhang. Sammantaget framträder kompensation som ett antal handlingsalternativ som kontrasterar mot ett strikt bevarande av fysisk och estetisk integritet. Spektrumet av handlingsmöjligheter, och de val som aktörer gör mellan kompensation och strikt materiellt bevarande av kulturmiljövärden, reflekterar de värderingar som experter har och som har en dominerande inverkan på andra värderingar inom ramen för formell planering. Dessa handlingsalternativ avspeglar också hur kulturmiljöfrågan är djupt integrerat med andra planeringsfrågor och processer, som överlappar i tid och rum. 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Social Research Reports 26: 82-92. Gothenburg: Kulturlandskapet and Chalmers University of Technology. Grahn Danielson, B., Rönn, M. and Swedberg, S. (2013) ‘Policies and Compensation Measures: de la Torre, M. (Ed.) (2002) Assessing the Values of Cultural Heritage. Los Angeles: The Getty The Impact of Land Development on the Values of Cultural Heritage Sites in a Democratic Conservation Institute. Landscape’. Meeting of the European Association of Archaeologists. Pilsen, Czech Republic, 4-8 Denzin, K.N. and Lincoln, Y.S. (2018) ‘Introduction: The Discipline and Practice of September. Qualitative Research’. In: Denzin, K.N. and Lincoln, Y.S. eds. The SAGE Handbook of Grahn Danielson, B., Rönn, M., and Swedberg, S. (2014). ‘Sammanfattning. Kulturarv i Qualitative Research. London: Sage. samhällsplaneringen’ (‘Summary. Cultural heritage in planning’). In : Grahn Danielson, B, DeSilvey, C. (2006) ‘Observed Decay: Telling Stories with Mutable Things’. Journal of Material Rönn, M. and Swedberg, S. eds. Kulturarv i samhällsplaneringen – Kompensation av Culture, 11: 3. kulturmiljövärden (Cultural heritage in planning - Compensation of cultural values). Kulturlandskapet and KTH/Arkitektur. DeSilvey, C. (2012) ‘Making sense of transience: an anticipatory history’. Cultural Geographies, 19 (1): 31-54. Guzmán, P.C., Pereira Roders, A.R., Colenbrander, B.J.F (2014) ‘Bridging the gap between urban development and cultural heritage protection’, Impact Assessment for Social and Economic DeSilvey, C. (2017) Curated Decay. Minneapolis and London: University of Minnesota Press. Development. International Association for Impact Assessment, Viña del Mar, Chile, 8-11 DeSilvey, C. and Harrison, R. (2019). ‘Anticipating loss: rethinking endangerment in heritage April. futures’. International Journal of Heritage Studies, 2 (1): 1-7. Harrison, R. (2013) Heritage. Critical Approaches. London and New York: Routledge. 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(2014) Heritage Planning: Principles and Process. London and New York: Routledge. Feilden, B. (1982) Conservation of Historic Buildings. Burlington, MA: Architectural Press. Kelle, U. (2014) ‘Theorization from Data’. In: Flick, U. ed. The SAGE Handbook for Qualitative Data Analysis. London: Sage. Flick, U. (2014) ‘Mapping the Field’. In: Flick, U. ed. The SAGE Handbook for Qualitative Data Analysis. London: Sage. Kirkegaard, M. (2020) ‘Cultural environments – A Social matter’. In Rönn, M and Grahn Danielson, B. eds. Cultural heritage compensation: Approaches to transformation of sites with cultural Fredholm, S. (2017) Making Sense of Heritage Planning in Theory and Practice. Experiences from Ghana values and architectural qualities. Gothenburg: Kulturlandskapet & Architecture and Civil and Sweden. Published PhD thesis. University of Gothenburg. Engineering, Chalmers University of Technology. Fredholm, S., Dore, M. and Brorström, S (2021) ‘Strategic Responses to Wicked Problems of Kouzelis, A. (2020) ‘Vernacular architecture design principles and resources of compensation Heritage Management: Experiences from the West Link Infrastructure Project in in planning process’. In Rönn, M and Grahn Danielson, B. eds. Cultural heritage compensation: Gothenburg, Sweden’. Land, 10 (10): 1032. Approaches to transformation of sites with cultural values and architectural qualities. Gothenburg: Flyvbjerg, B. (2006) ‘Five Misunderstandings About Case-Study Research’. Qualitative Inquiry, 12 Kulturlandskapet & Architecture and Civil Engineering, Chalmers University of (2), 219-245. Technology. 202 • FROM GONE TO GAIN BIBLIOGRAPHY • 203 transformation of sites with cultural values and architectural qualities. Gothenburg: Kulturlandskapet Fouseki, K., Guttormsen, T.S. and Swensen, G. (2020) ‘Heritage and sustainable urban & Architecture and Civil Engineering, Chalmers University of Technology. transformations. A ‘deep cities’ approach’. In: Fouseki, K., Guttormsen, T.S. and Swensen, Davies, T. and Standal, A. (2022) ‘Narratives of fish, trade and coastal communities: Use and G. eds. Heritage and Sustainable Urban Transformations. Deep Cities. London and New York: resource management as a tool for heritage and environment compensation’. In: Kouzelis, Routledge. A., Rönn, M. and Teraväinen, H. eds. Compensation in Architecture and Archaeology. Galbin, A. (2014). ‘An Introduction to Social Constructionism’. Social Research Reports 26: 82-92. Gothenburg: Kulturlandskapet and Chalmers University of Technology. Grahn Danielson, B., Rönn, M. and Swedberg, S. (2013) ‘Policies and Compensation Measures: de la Torre, M. (Ed.) (2002) Assessing the Values of Cultural Heritage. Los Angeles: The Getty The Impact of Land Development on the Values of Cultural Heritage Sites in a Democratic Conservation Institute. Landscape’. Meeting of the European Association of Archaeologists. Pilsen, Czech Republic, 4-8 Denzin, K.N. and Lincoln, Y.S. (2018) ‘Introduction: The Discipline and Practice of September. Qualitative Research’. In: Denzin, K.N. and Lincoln, Y.S. eds. The SAGE Handbook of Grahn Danielson, B., Rönn, M., and Swedberg, S. (2014). ‘Sammanfattning. Kulturarv i Qualitative Research. London: Sage. samhällsplaneringen’ (‘Summary. Cultural heritage in planning’). In : Grahn Danielson, B, DeSilvey, C. (2006) ‘Observed Decay: Telling Stories with Mutable Things’. Journal of Material Rönn, M. and Swedberg, S. eds. Kulturarv i samhällsplaneringen – Kompensation av Culture, 11: 3. kulturmiljövärden (Cultural heritage in planning - Compensation of cultural values). Kulturlandskapet and KTH/Arkitektur. DeSilvey, C. (2012) ‘Making sense of transience: an anticipatory history’. Cultural Geographies, 19 (1): 31-54. Guzmán, P.C., Pereira Roders, A.R., Colenbrander, B.J.F (2014) ‘Bridging the gap between urban development and cultural heritage protection’, Impact Assessment for Social and Economic DeSilvey, C. (2017) Curated Decay. Minneapolis and London: University of Minnesota Press. Development. International Association for Impact Assessment, Viña del Mar, Chile, 8-11 DeSilvey, C. and Harrison, R. (2019). ‘Anticipating loss: rethinking endangerment in heritage April. futures’. International Journal of Heritage Studies, 2 (1): 1-7. Harrison, R. (2013) Heritage. Critical Approaches. London and New York: Routledge. DeSilvey, C., Fredheim, H., Fluck, H., Hails, R., Harrison, R., Samuel, I. and Blundell, A. Hobson, E. (2004) Conservation and Planning. London: Spon. (2021) ‘When Loss is More: From Managed Decline to Adaptive Release’. The Historic Environment: Policy & Practice, 12: 3-4. Holtorf, C. (2015) ‘Averting loss aversion in cultural heritage’. International Journal of Heritage Studies, 21 (4), 405-421. Djabarouti, J. (2021) ‘Stories of feelings and things: intangible heritage from within the built heritage paradigm in the UK’. International Journal of Heritage Studies, 27 (4): 391-406. Jain, S. (2012) ‘Values in Conservation’. In: Baig, A. and Mehrotra, R. eds. Thinking Conservation: Contemporary Perspectives for India. Jasubhai Media. Dore, M. (2022) ‘Heritage compensation in changing environments: The case of the West Link infrastructure project, Gothenburg’. In: Kouzelis, A., Rönn, M. and Teraväinen, H. Janssen, J., Luiten, E., Renes, H. and Stegmeijer, E. (2017) ‘Heritage as sector, factor and eds. Compensation in Architecture and Archaeology. Gothenburg: Kulturlandskapet and Chalmers vector: conceptualizing the shifting relationship between heritage management and spatial University of Technology. planning’. European Planning Studies, 25 (9), 1654–1672. Ekberg, L. (2018) Västlänken – Infrastruktursatsning I envägskommunikation eller dialog? (The West Johansson, R. (2007) ‘On case study methodology’, Open House International, 32 (3), 48-54. Link – Infrastructure investment in one-way communication or dialogue), Bachelor’s thesis. University Jokilehto, J. (1999) A History of Architectural Conservation. London and New York: Routledge. of Gothenburg. Joy, C. (2020). Heritage Justice. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Fairclough, G. (2008) ‘A New Landscape for Cultural Heritage Management: Characterisation as a Management Tool’. In: Lozny, L.R. ed. Landscapes Under Pressure. Boston: Springer. Kalman, H. (2014) Heritage Planning: Principles and Process. London and New York: Routledge. Feilden, B. (1982) Conservation of Historic Buildings. Burlington, MA: Architectural Press. Kelle, U. (2014) ‘Theorization from Data’. In: Flick, U. ed. The SAGE Handbook for Qualitative Data Analysis. London: Sage. Flick, U. (2014) ‘Mapping the Field’. 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Approaches to transformation of sites with cultural values and architectural qualities. Gothenburg: Flyvbjerg, B. (2006) ‘Five Misunderstandings About Case-Study Research’. Qualitative Inquiry, 12 Kulturlandskapet & Architecture and Civil Engineering, Chalmers University of (2), 219-245. Technology. 204 • FROM GONE TO GAIN BIBLIOGRAPHY • 205 Kouzelis, A. (2022) ‘The open-air archaeological museum as model of cultural compensation’. Menon, A.G.K. (2003) The Case for an Indian Charter. Restoration and Renewal - A symposium In: Kouzelis, A., Rönn, M. and Teraväinen, H. eds. Compensation in Architecture and on preserving our cultural heritage, Seminar Web-edition #530, New Delhi, October. Archaeology. Gothenburg: Kulturlandskapet and Chalmers University of Technology. Menon, A.G.K. (2008) ‘The Idea of Place in the Practice of Restoration and Replication in Larsen, K.E. (1994) Architectural Preservation in Japan. Trondheim: Tapir. India’. Concepts of Authenticity in Architectural Heritage Preservation, an International Workshop Larson, K.E. and Marstein, N. (2000) Conservation of Historic Timber Structures, An ecological of the Cluster of Excellence, Heidelberg University. approach (Butterworth-Heinemann Series in Conservation and Museology). Oxford: Butterworth- Menon, A.G.K. (2017a) ‘The Rationale for Reviewing Current Concepts of Urban Planning Heinemann. and Developing New Ones in India’. Built Heritage, 3: 34-43. Larsson, A. (2020). ‘Place logic rather than project logic – Landscape observatories as regional Menon, A.G.K. (2019). ‘Overwriting Historic Space in Modern Cities’. Marg, September: 38-45. coordinators of large scale projects and compensation measures’. In: Rönn, M and Grahn Danielson, B. eds. Cultural heritage compensation: Approaches to transformation of sites with cultural Muñoz-Viñas, S. (2005). Contemporary Theory of Conservation. London: Routledge. values and architectural qualities. 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Economic and Political Weekly, 32 (46): 2932- projects and suggestions on policy improvements’. Nature Conservation, 11: 113–127. 2936. 204 • FROM GONE TO GAIN BIBLIOGRAPHY • 205 Kouzelis, A. (2022) ‘The open-air archaeological museum as model of cultural compensation’. Menon, A.G.K. (2003) The Case for an Indian Charter. Restoration and Renewal - A symposium In: Kouzelis, A., Rönn, M. and Teraväinen, H. eds. Compensation in Architecture and on preserving our cultural heritage, Seminar Web-edition #530, New Delhi, October. Archaeology. Gothenburg: Kulturlandskapet and Chalmers University of Technology. Menon, A.G.K. (2008) ‘The Idea of Place in the Practice of Restoration and Replication in Larsen, K.E. (1994) Architectural Preservation in Japan. Trondheim: Tapir. India’. Concepts of Authenticity in Architectural Heritage Preservation, an International Workshop Larson, K.E. and Marstein, N. (2000) Conservation of Historic Timber Structures, An ecological of the Cluster of Excellence, Heidelberg University. approach (Butterworth-Heinemann Series in Conservation and Museology). Oxford: Butterworth- Menon, A.G.K. (2017a) ‘The Rationale for Reviewing Current Concepts of Urban Planning Heinemann. and Developing New Ones in India’. Built Heritage, 3: 34-43. Larsson, A. (2020). ‘Place logic rather than project logic – Landscape observatories as regional Menon, A.G.K. (2019). ‘Overwriting Historic Space in Modern Cities’. Marg, September: 38-45. coordinators of large scale projects and compensation measures’. In: Rönn, M and Grahn Danielson, B. eds. Cultural heritage compensation: Approaches to transformation of sites with cultural Muñoz-Viñas, S. (2005). Contemporary Theory of Conservation. London: Routledge. values and architectural qualities. Gothenburg: Kulturlandskapet & Architecture and Civil Nakamura, C. (2014). ‘Mumbai’s quiet histories: Critical intersections of the urban poor, Engineering, Chalmers University of Technology. historical struggles, and heritage spaces’. Journal of Social Archaeology, 0 (0): 1-25. Leijonhufvud, F. (2022). ‘Interpretation of Boats in a Craft Tradition: How the Craftsperson’s Nilsson, U. (2020) ‘Considerate conversion – in order to take care of and reuse cultural Perspective Can Improve the Interpretations of Artefacts in Research’. In: Westerlund, T., heritage. A practical example’. In Rönn, M and Grahn Danielson, B. eds. Cultural heritage Groth, C. and Almevik, G. eds. Craft Sciences. Sweden: Kriterium. compensation: Approaches to transformation of sites with cultural values and architectural qualities. Lerman, P. (2014) ‘Kompensation för kulturmiljöintresse’ (‘Compensation for cultural Gothenburg: Kulturlandskapet & Architecture and Civil Engineering, Chalmers University environment interests’). Kulturarv i samhällsplaneringen – Kompensation av kulturmiljövärden of Technology. (Cultural heritage in community planning – Compensation of cultural environment values). Nilsson, U. (2022) ‘Save what can be saved and tell the story: Balancing damage of industrial Kulturlandskapet and KTH/Arkitektur. heritage by architectural interpretation’. In: Kouzelis, A., Rönn, M. and Teraväinen, H. Lowenthal, D. (1998) ‘Fabricating Heritage’. History and Memory, 10 (1): 5-24. eds. Compensation in Architecture and Archaeology. Gothenburg: Kulturlandskapet and Chalmers University of Technology. Lowenthal, D. (2015) The Past is a Foreign Country – Revisited. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Nordblad, J. (2014) ‘Bortom det kvantitativa? Historiska perspektiv på värderingen av natur och kultur’ (‘Beyond the quantitative? Historical perspectives on the valuation of nature Mason, R. (2008) ‘Be Interested and Beware: Joining Economic Valuation and Heritage and culture’). 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(1996) Dissonant Heritage: The Management of the Past as a Gothenburg: Kulturlandskapet & Architecture and Civil Engineering, Chalmers University Resource in Conflict. Michigan: Wiley. of Technology. Veldpaus, L., Pereira Roders, A.R. and Colenbrander, B.J.F. (2013) ‘Urban Heritage: Putting Rönn, M. and Grahn Danielson, B. (2020) ‘Introduction’. In Rönn, M and Grahn Danielson, B. the Past into the Future’. The Historic Environment: Policy & Practice 4:1 (3-18). eds. Cultural heritage compensation: Approaches to transformation of sites with cultural values and Walter, N. (2014) ‘From values to narrative: a new foundation for the conservation of historic architectural qualities. Gothenburg: Kulturlandskapet & Architecture and Civil Engineering, buildings’. International Journal of Heritage Studies, 20 (6): 634-650. Chalmers University of Technology. Weijmer, M. (2019) I sökandet efter delaktighet. Praktik, aktörer och kulturmiljöarbete (In search of Rönn, M., Grahn Danielson, B. and Swedberg, S. (2017) ‘Cultural Heritage: Changing Ideas on participation. Practice, actors, and cultural environment work). Published PhD thesis. University of Compensation in Planning’. Architectural Research in Finland, 1(1): 75-92. Gothenburg. Rundcrantz, K. and Persson, J. (2011) ‘Balansering och balanseringsprincipen’ (‘Balancing and Yin, R. (2018) Case Study Research and Applications: Design and Methods (6th ed.). Los Angeles: Sage. the balancing principle’). In: Persson, J. ed. Att förstå miljökompensation (Understanding environmental compensation). Gothenburg: Melica Media. Seiler, J. (2022). ‘Gardening Craft Reconstruction’. In: Westerlund, T., Groth, C. and Almevik, Legal material G. eds. Craft Sciences. Sweden: Kriterium. Admissibility condition for the West Link by government decision 2014 (Stockholm) Sepännen, L. (2020) ‘The role of archaeology and heritage in sustainable urban planning with reflections from Turku, Finland’. In: Fouseki, K., Guttormsen, T.S. and Swensen, G. eds. Development Control and Promotion Regulations 2018 (Mumbai) Heritage and Sustainable Urban Transformations. Deep Cities. London and New York: Routledge. Development Control Regulations 2008 (Mumbai) Sjöholm, J. (2016) Heritagisation, Re-Heritagisation and De-Heritagisation of Built Environments. The Environmental Code 1998 (Stockholm) Urban Transformation of Kiruna, Sweden. Published PhD thesis. Luleå University of Technology. Historic Environment Act 1988 (Stockholm) Sharma, T. (2012) ‘Within Temple Walls – Preserving the Spirit of a Place’. In: Baig, A. and Implementation agreement for the West Link between STA and City of Gothenburg 2016 (Gothenburg) Mehrotra, R. eds. Thinking Conservation: Contemporary Perspectives for India. Jasubhai Media. 206 • FROM GONE TO GAIN BIBLIOGRAPHY • 207 Pettersson, H. (2004) Compensation within Environmental Impact Assessment in Sweden and the United Short, M. (2020) ‘High- rise buildings and the threats to character of Malta’. In: Fouseki, K., Kingdom. PhD thesis. Institute of Water and Environment, Cranfield University at Silsoe. Guttormsen, T.S. and Swensen, G. eds. Heritage and Sustainable Urban Transformations. Deep Piplani, N. (2012) ‘Engaging with Conservation at York.ac.uk’. In: Baig, A. and Mehrotra, R. Cities. London and New York: Routledge. eds. Thinking Conservation: Contemporary Perspectives for India. Jasubhai Media. Skärbäck, E. (1997a) Balanserad samhällsbyggnad (Balanced community building). Alnarp: Movium Poulios, I. (2010) ‘Moving Beyond a Values-Based Approach to Heritage Conservation’. Skrede, J. and Hølleland, H. (2018) ‘Uses of Heritage and beyond: Heritage Studies viewed Conservation and Management of Archaeological Sites, 12 (2): 170-185. through the lens of Critical Discourse’ Journal of Social Archaeology 18(1): 77-96. Reichertz, J. (2014) ‘Induction, Deduction, Abduction’. In: Flick, U. ed. The SAGE Handbook of Smith, L. (2006) Uses of Heritage. London and New York: Routledge. Qualitative Data Analysis. London, Thousand Oaks and New Delhi: Sage. Söderqvist, T., Cole, S., Franzén, F., Hasselström, L., Beery, T.H., Bengtsson, F., Björn, H., Ross, D. (2020) ‘Creative tourism and digital reconstruction: Two approaches for heritage loss Kjeller, E., Lindblom, E., Mellin, A., Wiberg, J. and Jönsson, K.I. (2021) ‘Metrics for compensation’. In Rönn, M and Grahn Danielson, B. eds. Cultural heritage compensation: environmental compensation: A comparative analysis of Swedish municipalities’. Journal of Approaches to transformation of sites with cultural values and architectural qualities. Gothenburg: Environmental Management, 299: 1-11. Kulturlandskapet & Architecture and Civil Engineering, Chalmers University of Technology. Stone, S. (2020) Undoing Buildings. Adaptive Reuse and Cultural Memory. New York: Routledge. Rönn, M. (2014a) ‘Fallstudie: Folkets park i Linköping’ (‘Case study: People’s park in Teräväinen, H. (2020) ‘Unspoken compensations on cultural heritage value? Three planning Linköping’). Kulturarv i samhällsplaneringen – Kompensation av kulturmiljövärden (Cultural heritage examples from Finland’. In Rönn, M and Grahn Danielson, B. eds. Cultural heritage in community planning – Compensation of cultural environment values). Kulturlandskapet and compensation: Approaches to transformation of sites with cultural values and architectural qualities. KTH/Arkitektur. Gothenburg: Kulturlandskapet & Architecture and Civil Engineering, Chalmers University of Technology. Rönn, M. (2014b) ‘Fallstudie: Kulturmiljö som riksintresse i planprojekt’ (‘Case study: Cultural environment as a national interest in a planning project). Kulturarv i samhällsplaneringen – Taylor, J. (2015) ‘Embodiment unbound: Moving beyond divisions in the understanding and Kompensation av kulturmiljövärden (Cultural heritage in community planning – Compensation of cultural practice of heritage conservation’. Studies in Conservation, 60:1, 65-77. environment values). Kulturlandskapet and KTH/Arkitektur. Thakur, N. (2012) ‘The Indian cultural landscape. Protecting and managing the physical to the Rönn, M. (2020) ‘Design, values, heritage – Renewal in areas with cultural values and metaphysical values’. In: Taylor, K. and Lennons, J. L. eds. Managing Cultural Landscapes. architectural qualities’. In Rönn, M and Grahn Danielson, B. eds. Cultural heritage New York and Abingdon: Routledge. compensation: Approaches to transformation of sites with cultural values and architectural qualities. Tunbridge, J. E. and Ashworth, G. J. (1996) Dissonant Heritage: The Management of the Past as a Gothenburg: Kulturlandskapet & Architecture and Civil Engineering, Chalmers University Resource in Conflict. Michigan: Wiley. of Technology. Veldpaus, L., Pereira Roders, A.R. and Colenbrander, B.J.F. (2013) ‘Urban Heritage: Putting Rönn, M. and Grahn Danielson, B. (2020) ‘Introduction’. In Rönn, M and Grahn Danielson, B. the Past into the Future’. The Historic Environment: Policy & Practice 4:1 (3-18). eds. Cultural heritage compensation: Approaches to transformation of sites with cultural values and Walter, N. (2014) ‘From values to narrative: a new foundation for the conservation of historic architectural qualities. Gothenburg: Kulturlandskapet & Architecture and Civil Engineering, buildings’. International Journal of Heritage Studies, 20 (6): 634-650. Chalmers University of Technology. Weijmer, M. (2019) I sökandet efter delaktighet. Praktik, aktörer och kulturmiljöarbete (In search of Rönn, M., Grahn Danielson, B. and Swedberg, S. (2017) ‘Cultural Heritage: Changing Ideas on participation. Practice, actors, and cultural environment work). Published PhD thesis. University of Compensation in Planning’. Architectural Research in Finland, 1(1): 75-92. Gothenburg. Rundcrantz, K. and Persson, J. (2011) ‘Balansering och balanseringsprincipen’ (‘Balancing and Yin, R. (2018) Case Study Research and Applications: Design and Methods (6th ed.). Los Angeles: Sage. the balancing principle’). In: Persson, J. ed. Att förstå miljökompensation (Understanding environmental compensation). Gothenburg: Melica Media. Seiler, J. (2022). ‘Gardening Craft Reconstruction’. In: Westerlund, T., Groth, C. and Almevik, Legal material G. eds. Craft Sciences. Sweden: Kriterium. Admissibility condition for the West Link by government decision 2014 (Stockholm) Sepännen, L. (2020) ‘The role of archaeology and heritage in sustainable urban planning with reflections from Turku, Finland’. In: Fouseki, K., Guttormsen, T.S. and Swensen, G. eds. Development Control and Promotion Regulations 2018 (Mumbai) Heritage and Sustainable Urban Transformations. Deep Cities. London and New York: Routledge. Development Control Regulations 2008 (Mumbai) Sjöholm, J. (2016) Heritagisation, Re-Heritagisation and De-Heritagisation of Built Environments. The Environmental Code 1998 (Stockholm) Urban Transformation of Kiruna, Sweden. Published PhD thesis. Luleå University of Technology. Historic Environment Act 1988 (Stockholm) Sharma, T. (2012) ‘Within Temple Walls – Preserving the Spirit of a Place’. In: Baig, A. and Implementation agreement for the West Link between STA and City of Gothenburg 2016 (Gothenburg) Mehrotra, R. eds. Thinking Conservation: Contemporary Perspectives for India. Jasubhai Media. 208 • FROM GONE TO GAIN BIBLIOGRAPHY • 209 Judgement of the Land and environment court 2018 (Vänersborg) National Heritage Board (2015) Plattform Kulturhistorisk värdering och urval (Platform for cultural Maharashtra Regional and Town Planning Act 1966 (Mumbai) history evaluation and selection). Stockholm: National Heritage Board. National interests for cultural environment values in Västra Götaland County 2022 (Stockholm) Persson, J. (2014). ‘Inledning’ (‘Introduction’). In: Persson, J. ed. Miljökompensation vid väg- och järnvägsprojekt – identifiering av status, problem och möjligheter (Environmental compensation for road Planning and building act 2010 (Stockholm) and rail projects – identification of status, problems and opportunities). Alnarp: SLU. Writ Petition No. 2890 in Bombay High Court 2018 (Mumbai) Persson, J. (2014). ‘Att arbeta med miljökompensation – termer, metodologi och principer’ (‘Working with environmental compensation – terms, methodology and principles’). In: Persson, J. ed. Miljökompensation vid väg- och järnvägsprojekt – identifiering av status, problem och Policy documents, reports, and catalogues möjligheter (Environmental compensation for road and rail projects – identification of status, problems and opportunities). Alnarp: SLU. Central Public Works Department (2013) Conservation of Heritage Buildings - A Guide. New Delhi: CPWD. Persson, J. and Hedlund, A. (2014). ‘Reflektioner över miljökompensation kopplat till infrastruktur’ (‘Reflections on environmental compensation linked to infrastructure’). In: DeSilvey, C., Fredheim, H., Blundell, A. and Harrison, R. (2022) Identifying opportunities for Persson, J. ed. 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Historic Urban Environment Conservation Challenges and identifiering av status, problem och möjligheter (Environmental compensation for road and rail projects – Priorities for Action. Los Angeles: The Getty Conservation Institute. identification of status, problems and opportunities). Alnarp: SLU. Gothenburg City (2008). Kompensationsåtgärder för natur och rekreation (Compensation measures for Rachana Sansad Academy of Architecture and Mumbai Metropolitan Region Heritage nature and recreation). Gothenburg: Gothenburg City. Conservation Society (2002) Study of Ballard Pier Precinct. Mumbai: MMR-HCS. Gothenburg City (2019). Bedömning av behov av Kompensationsåtgärder. Ekosystemtjänster inkl Rites and Mumbai Metro Rail Corporation Limited (2011). Detailed Project Report. Rites. rekreation och biologisk mångfald” (Assessment of the need for compensation measures. Ecosystem services Swedish Government (1997) Departementsserien: Kompensation för förlust av miljövärden (Ministry including recreation and biological diversity). Gothenburg: Gothenburg City. Publications Series: Compensation for loss of environmental values). Stockholm: Ministry of Gothenburg City (n.d.). Kompensationsåtgärder i plan- och exploateringsprojekt i Göteborgs Stad – natur, Environment. rekreation och andra ekosystemtjänster (Compensation measures in planning and development projects in Swedish Government (2013) Swedish government inquiries: Making the value of ecosystem services visible. Gothenburg city – nature, recreation and other ecosystem services). Gothenburg: Gothenburg City. Stockholm: Government of Sweden. Gothenburg City (n.d.2). Utvärdering av behov av Kompensationsåtgärder för rekreativa och ekologiska Swedish Government (2017) Statens Offentliga Utredningar: Ekologisk compensation – Åtgärder för att funktioner (Evaluation of the need for compensation measures for recreational and ecological functions). motverka nettoförluster av biologisk mångfald och ekosystemtjänster, samtidigt som behovet av Gothenburg: Gothenburg City. markexploatering tillgodoses (Swedish government inquiries: Ecological compensation – Actions to Historic England (2008) Conservation Principles, Policies and Guidance. London: English Heritage. counteract net losses of biodiversity and ecosystem services, while meeting the need for development of land). Stockholm: Government of Sweden. Kathpalia and Narain Lambah (2002) Heritage Buildings & Precincts Mumbai: A Conservation Manual For Owners & Occupiers. Mumbai: Urban Design Research Institute. Swedish Rail Administration (2002) Miljökonsekvensbeskrivning inom vägsektorn. Del 2 Metodik (Environmental impact statement in the road sector. Part 2 Methodology). Borlänge: Swedish Rail Maple and Mumbai Metro Rail Corporation Limited (2020). Part-I: Updated Environmental Impact Administration. Assessment. Maple. Swedish Transport Administration (2019) Regeringsuppdrag: Trafikverkets kulturmiljöstrategi Marshall, J. (1922) Conservation Manual. Varanasi: Government of India, Indological Book (Government assignment: The STA’s cultural environment strategy). Borlänge: STA. House. Swedish Transport Administration (2021a) Miljökompensation i transportinfrastruktur (Environmental Ministry of Urban Development (2011) Model Heritage Regulations. compensation in transport infrastructure). Borlänge: STA. Narain Lambah, A. and Mumbai Metropolitan Region Heritage Conservation Society (2002) Dr Unesco, Iccrom, Icomos and IUCN (2022) Guidance and Toolkit for Impact Assessments in a World Dadabhai Naoroji Road, Mumbai: Design Handbook for a Heritage Streetscape Guidelines and Street Heritage Context. Paris: Unesco; Rome: Iccrom; Charenton-le-Pont: Icomos; Gland: IUCN. Furniture and Signage. Mumbai: MMR-HCS. Unesco (2011) Recommendation on the Historic Urban Landscape. Paris: Unesco. National Heritage Board (1999) Kulturarvet och miljön (Cultural heritage and environment). Stockholm: National Heritage Board. 208 • FROM GONE TO GAIN BIBLIOGRAPHY • 209 Judgement of the Land and environment court 2018 (Vänersborg) National Heritage Board (2015) Plattform Kulturhistorisk värdering och urval (Platform for cultural Maharashtra Regional and Town Planning Act 1966 (Mumbai) history evaluation and selection). Stockholm: National Heritage Board. National interests for cultural environment values in Västra Götaland County 2022 (Stockholm) Persson, J. (2014). ‘Inledning’ (‘Introduction’). In: Persson, J. ed. Miljökompensation vid väg- och järnvägsprojekt – identifiering av status, problem och möjligheter (Environmental compensation for road Planning and building act 2010 (Stockholm) and rail projects – identification of status, problems and opportunities). Alnarp: SLU. Writ Petition No. 2890 in Bombay High Court 2018 (Mumbai) Persson, J. (2014). ‘Att arbeta med miljökompensation – termer, metodologi och principer’ (‘Working with environmental compensation – terms, methodology and principles’). In: Persson, J. ed. Miljökompensation vid väg- och järnvägsprojekt – identifiering av status, problem och Policy documents, reports, and catalogues möjligheter (Environmental compensation for road and rail projects – identification of status, problems and opportunities). Alnarp: SLU. Central Public Works Department (2013) Conservation of Heritage Buildings - A Guide. New Delhi: CPWD. Persson, J. and Hedlund, A. (2014). ‘Reflektioner över miljökompensation kopplat till infrastruktur’ (‘Reflections on environmental compensation linked to infrastructure’). In: DeSilvey, C., Fredheim, H., Blundell, A. and Harrison, R. (2022) Identifying opportunities for Persson, J. ed. Miljökompensation vid väg- och järnvägsprojekt – identifiering av status, problem och integrated adaptive management of heritage change and transformation in England: a review of relevant möjligheter (Environmental compensation for road and rail projects – identification of status, problems and policy and current practice. London: Historic England. opportunities). Alnarp: SLU. Fredholm, S., Olsson, K., Wetterberg, O., and Håkansson, M. (2019). Professionella aktörer och Persson, J. and Larsson, A. (2014). ‘En nationell kartläggning över miljökompensationsåtgärder gränsöverskridande kulturmiljöarbete. Fallstudie: Västlänken (Professional actors and cross-sectoral i väg- och järnvägsprojekt’ (‘A national survey of environmental compensation measures in negotiations on built heritage. Case study: The West Link). Gothenburg: STA. road and rail projects). In: Persson, J. ed. Miljökompensation vid väg- och järnvägsprojekt – The Getty Conservation Institute (2010). Historic Urban Environment Conservation Challenges and identifiering av status, problem och möjligheter (Environmental compensation for road and rail projects – Priorities for Action. Los Angeles: The Getty Conservation Institute. identification of status, problems and opportunities). Alnarp: SLU. Gothenburg City (2008). Kompensationsåtgärder för natur och rekreation (Compensation measures for Rachana Sansad Academy of Architecture and Mumbai Metropolitan Region Heritage nature and recreation). Gothenburg: Gothenburg City. Conservation Society (2002) Study of Ballard Pier Precinct. Mumbai: MMR-HCS. Gothenburg City (2019). Bedömning av behov av Kompensationsåtgärder. Ekosystemtjänster inkl Rites and Mumbai Metro Rail Corporation Limited (2011). Detailed Project Report. Rites. rekreation och biologisk mångfald” (Assessment of the need for compensation measures. Ecosystem services Swedish Government (1997) Departementsserien: Kompensation för förlust av miljövärden (Ministry including recreation and biological diversity). Gothenburg: Gothenburg City. Publications Series: Compensation for loss of environmental values). Stockholm: Ministry of Gothenburg City (n.d.). Kompensationsåtgärder i plan- och exploateringsprojekt i Göteborgs Stad – natur, Environment. rekreation och andra ekosystemtjänster (Compensation measures in planning and development projects in Swedish Government (2013) Swedish government inquiries: Making the value of ecosystem services visible. Gothenburg city – nature, recreation and other ecosystem services). Gothenburg: Gothenburg City. Stockholm: Government of Sweden. Gothenburg City (n.d.2). Utvärdering av behov av Kompensationsåtgärder för rekreativa och ekologiska Swedish Government (2017) Statens Offentliga Utredningar: Ekologisk compensation – Åtgärder för att funktioner (Evaluation of the need for compensation measures for recreational and ecological functions). motverka nettoförluster av biologisk mångfald och ekosystemtjänster, samtidigt som behovet av Gothenburg: Gothenburg City. markexploatering tillgodoses (Swedish government inquiries: Ecological compensation – Actions to Historic England (2008) Conservation Principles, Policies and Guidance. London: English Heritage. counteract net losses of biodiversity and ecosystem services, while meeting the need for development of land). Stockholm: Government of Sweden. Kathpalia and Narain Lambah (2002) Heritage Buildings & Precincts Mumbai: A Conservation Manual For Owners & Occupiers. Mumbai: Urban Design Research Institute. Swedish Rail Administration (2002) Miljökonsekvensbeskrivning inom vägsektorn. Del 2 Metodik (Environmental impact statement in the road sector. Part 2 Methodology). Borlänge: Swedish Rail Maple and Mumbai Metro Rail Corporation Limited (2020). Part-I: Updated Environmental Impact Administration. Assessment. Maple. Swedish Transport Administration (2019) Regeringsuppdrag: Trafikverkets kulturmiljöstrategi Marshall, J. (1922) Conservation Manual. Varanasi: Government of India, Indological Book (Government assignment: The STA’s cultural environment strategy). Borlänge: STA. House. Swedish Transport Administration (2021a) Miljökompensation i transportinfrastruktur (Environmental Ministry of Urban Development (2011) Model Heritage Regulations. compensation in transport infrastructure). Borlänge: STA. 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(2017) ‘Metro-3 stations to showcase Mumbai’s rich culture, heritage’, 16 https://mmrcl.com/en/about-mmrc/know-your-metro (Accessed 31 May 2023). December. Available at: https://www.hindustantimes.com/mumbai-news/metro-3- Mumbai Metro Rail Corporation Limited (2023b) Map of the metro. Available at: stations-to-showcase-mumbai-s-rich-culture-heritage/story- https://mmrcl.com/map/ (Accessed 31 May 2023). 9xcsetoTDTJ61SeyHsxiHL.html (Accessed 4 November 2023). Mumbai Metropolitan Region Development Authority Archive (2012) Mumbai Metro Rail Project. Venkatraman, T. (2018) ‘Art set to make a stop at every Metro station in Mumbai’, 19 Available at: November. Available at: https://www.hindustantimes.com/mumbai-news/art-set-to- https://web.archive.org/web/20120319164955/http://202.54.119.40/projects_metro_rail. make-a-stop-at-every-metro-station-in-mumbai/story-QcceTtEmzzJ5Bl6sO7TOnL.html htm (Accessed 31 May 2023). (Accessed 4 November 2023). 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Available at: planering/riksintressen-ar-betydelsefulla-omraden/ (Accessed 30 September 2023). 216 • FROM GONE TO GAIN GOTHENBURG STUDIES IN CONSERVATION National Heritage Board (2021) Definition av kulturarv och kulturmiljö (Definition of cultural heritage ISSN 0284-6578 and cultural environment). Available at: https://www.raa.se/kulturarv/definition-av-kulturarv- och-kulturmiljo/ (Accessed 20 May 2023). Editor: Ola Wetterberg National Heritage Board (n.d.) Kulturreservat (Culture reserves). Available at: https://www.raa.se/kulturarv/landskap/kulturreservat/ (Accessed 22 October 2023). Subscriptions to the series and orders for individual copies are sent to: The Nature Conservancy (2023) The Importance of Mangroves. Available at: ACTA UNIVERSITATIS GOTHOBURGENSIS https://www.nature.org/en-us/about-us/where-we-work/united-states/florida/stories-in- Box 222, 405 30 Göteborg, Sweden florida/why-mangroves-important/ (Accessed 2 October 2023). acta@ub.gu.se Pål-Nils Nilsson/National Heritage Board, CC BY 2.5, via Wikimedia Commons (1977) Skansen Lejonet. Available at: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Skansen_Lejonet_- _KMB_-_16001000010570.jpg (Accessed 14 November 2023). Previous publications: 9. Agneta Freccero. Encausto and Ganosis. Beeswax as Paint and Coating during the Roman Piramal Mahalaxmi (2023) The Mahalaxmi Racecourse, Mumbai. Available at: 1. Frantisek Makes. Enzymatic consolidation of Era and its Applicability in Modern Art, Craft https://www.piramalmahalaxmi.com/mahalaxmi-racecourse/ (Accessed 8 August 2023). the portrait of Rudolf II as ”Vertumnus” by and Conservation. Göteborg 2002 Rangan Datta Wiki, CC BY-SA 4.0, via Wikimedia Commons Panorama of Flora Fountain. Giuseppe Arcimboldo with a new multi-enzyme 10. Tine Fröysaker. The Church Paintings of Available at: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Flora_Fountain_Pano.jpg preparation isolated from Antarctic krill Gottfried Hendtzschel in Norway – Past and (Accessed 14 November 2023). (Euphausia superba). Göteborg 1988 Future Conservation. Part I & II. Göteborg Save Aarey (2017) Save Aarey Movement. Available at: http://aareyconservationgroup.org/save- 2. Frantisek Makes. Enzymatic examination of 2003 aarey-movement/ (Accessed 1 October 2023). the authenticity of a painting attributed to 11. Maria Brunskog. Japanning in Sweden Shetty, P. (2004) Rethinking Heritage: The Case of Heritage Conservation in Mumbai. Available at: Rembrandt: krill enzymes as diagnostic tool for 1680s - 1790s. Characteristics and preservation of https://bardstudio.in/rethinking-heritage/ (Accessed 27 February 2021). identification of "The repentant Magdalene". orientalized coatings on wooden substrates. Göteborg 1992 Swedish Transport Administration (2021b) The West Link Project – Västlänken. Available at: Göteborg 2004 https://bransch.trafikverket.se/en/startpage/projects/Railway-construction-projects/The- 3. Frantisek Makes. Investigation, restoration and 12. Inger Marie Egenberg. Tarring maintenance West-Link-ProjectVastlanken/ (Accessed 29 May 2023). conservation of Matthaeus Merian portraits. of Norwegian medieval stave churches. Swedish Transport Administration (2022b) Västsvenska paketet (The West Sweden packet). Göteborg 1996 Characterisation of pine tar during kiln-production, Available at: https://bransch.trafikverket.se/vastsvenskapaketet (Accessed 29 May 2023). 4. Bosse Lagerqvist. The Conservation experimental coating procedures and weathering. Göteborg 2003 Swedish Transport Administration (n.d.) Västlänken (The West Link). Available at: Information System. Photogrammetry as a base for https://www.trafikverket.se/vara-projekt/projekt-i-vastra-gotalands-lan/vastlanken/ designing documentation in conservation and cultural 13. Robert R. Waller. Cultural Property Risk (Accessed 29 May 2023). resources management. Göteborg 1996 Analysis Model. Development and Application to Preventive Conservation at the Canadian Museum Udaykumar PR, via Wikimedia Commons (2012) D.N.Road Mumbai. Available at: 5. Jesper Stub Johnsen. Conservation of Nature. Göteborg 2003 https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:D.N.Road_Mumbai_-_panoramio_(43).jpg Management and Archival Survival of Photographic (Accessed 14 November 2023). Collections. Göteborg 1997 14. Erica Johansson. Shaker Architectural University of Gothenburg (2019). Open Positions. Doctoral Student in Conservation: Heritage 6. Stephen L. William. Destructive Preservation. Materials and Craftsmanship. The Second development in large scale infrastructural project – a collaborative and trans-disciplinary approach. A Review of the Effect of Standard Preservation Meetinghouse at Mount Lebanon. Göteborg Available at: https://www.gu.se/english/about_the_university/job- Practices on the Future Use of Natural History 2005 opportunities/vacancies-details/?id=3657 (link expired) (Accessed 27 March 2019). Collections. Göteborg 1999 15. Håkan Hökerberg. Att fånga det Oxford English Dictionary (1989) compensate, v. Available at: 7. Agneta Freccero. Fayum Portraits: karaktäristiska i stadens bebyggelse. SAVE- https://www.oed.com/oed2/00045500 (Accessed 30 May 2023). Documentation and Scientific Analyses of Mummy metoden som underlag för bevarandeplanering. Portraits Belonging to Nationalmuseum in Göteborg 2005 urbzoo, CC BY 2.0, via Wikimedia Commons (2016) Khotachiwadi Backstreets and Chawls. Available at: Stockholm. Göteborg 2001 16. Frantisek Makes. Novel enzymatic https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Khotachiwadi_Backstreets_and_Chawls_(2614 8. Ole Ingolf Jensen. Så målade prins Eugen. technologies to safeguard cultural heritage. 5310951).jpg (Accessed 14 November 2023). Undersökning av pigment, måleriteknik och Göteborg 2006 konstnärligt uttryck baserat på naturvetenskapliga 17. Anna Krus. Kulturarv - Funktion - metoder. Göteborg 2001 Ekonomi. Tre perspektiv på byggnader och deras värden. Göteborg 2006 216 • FROM GONE TO GAIN GOTHENBURG STUDIES IN CONSERVATION National Heritage Board (2021) Definition av kulturarv och kulturmiljö (Definition of cultural heritage ISSN 0284-6578 and cultural environment). Available at: https://www.raa.se/kulturarv/definition-av-kulturarv- och-kulturmiljo/ (Accessed 20 May 2023). Editor: Ola Wetterberg National Heritage Board (n.d.) Kulturreservat (Culture reserves). Available at: https://www.raa.se/kulturarv/landskap/kulturreservat/ (Accessed 22 October 2023). Subscriptions to the series and orders for individual copies are sent to: The Nature Conservancy (2023) The Importance of Mangroves. Available at: ACTA UNIVERSITATIS GOTHOBURGENSIS https://www.nature.org/en-us/about-us/where-we-work/united-states/florida/stories-in- Box 222, 405 30 Göteborg, Sweden florida/why-mangroves-important/ (Accessed 2 October 2023). acta@ub.gu.se Pål-Nils Nilsson/National Heritage Board, CC BY 2.5, via Wikimedia Commons (1977) Skansen Lejonet. Available at: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Skansen_Lejonet_- _KMB_-_16001000010570.jpg (Accessed 14 November 2023). Previous publications: 9. Agneta Freccero. Encausto and Ganosis. Beeswax as Paint and Coating during the Roman Piramal Mahalaxmi (2023) The Mahalaxmi Racecourse, Mumbai. Available at: 1. Frantisek Makes. Enzymatic consolidation of Era and its Applicability in Modern Art, Craft https://www.piramalmahalaxmi.com/mahalaxmi-racecourse/ (Accessed 8 August 2023). the portrait of Rudolf II as ”Vertumnus” by and Conservation. Göteborg 2002 Rangan Datta Wiki, CC BY-SA 4.0, via Wikimedia Commons Panorama of Flora Fountain. Giuseppe Arcimboldo with a new multi-enzyme 10. Tine Fröysaker. The Church Paintings of Available at: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Flora_Fountain_Pano.jpg preparation isolated from Antarctic krill Gottfried Hendtzschel in Norway – Past and (Accessed 14 November 2023). (Euphausia superba). Göteborg 1988 Future Conservation. Part I & II. Göteborg Save Aarey (2017) Save Aarey Movement. Available at: http://aareyconservationgroup.org/save- 2. Frantisek Makes. Enzymatic examination of 2003 aarey-movement/ (Accessed 1 October 2023). the authenticity of a painting attributed to 11. Maria Brunskog. Japanning in Sweden Shetty, P. (2004) Rethinking Heritage: The Case of Heritage Conservation in Mumbai. Available at: Rembrandt: krill enzymes as diagnostic tool for 1680s - 1790s. Characteristics and preservation of https://bardstudio.in/rethinking-heritage/ (Accessed 27 February 2021). identification of "The repentant Magdalene". orientalized coatings on wooden substrates. Göteborg 1992 Swedish Transport Administration (2021b) The West Link Project – Västlänken. Available at: Göteborg 2004 https://bransch.trafikverket.se/en/startpage/projects/Railway-construction-projects/The- 3. Frantisek Makes. Investigation, restoration and 12. Inger Marie Egenberg. Tarring maintenance West-Link-ProjectVastlanken/ (Accessed 29 May 2023). conservation of Matthaeus Merian portraits. of Norwegian medieval stave churches. Swedish Transport Administration (2022b) Västsvenska paketet (The West Sweden packet). Göteborg 1996 Characterisation of pine tar during kiln-production, Available at: https://bransch.trafikverket.se/vastsvenskapaketet (Accessed 29 May 2023). 4. Bosse Lagerqvist. The Conservation experimental coating procedures and weathering. Göteborg 2003 Swedish Transport Administration (n.d.) Västlänken (The West Link). Available at: Information System. Photogrammetry as a base for https://www.trafikverket.se/vara-projekt/projekt-i-vastra-gotalands-lan/vastlanken/ designing documentation in conservation and cultural 13. Robert R. Waller. Cultural Property Risk (Accessed 29 May 2023). resources management. Göteborg 1996 Analysis Model. Development and Application to Preventive Conservation at the Canadian Museum Udaykumar PR, via Wikimedia Commons (2012) D.N.Road Mumbai. Available at: 5. Jesper Stub Johnsen. Conservation of Nature. Göteborg 2003 https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:D.N.Road_Mumbai_-_panoramio_(43).jpg Management and Archival Survival of Photographic (Accessed 14 November 2023). Collections. Göteborg 1997 14. Erica Johansson. Shaker Architectural University of Gothenburg (2019). Open Positions. Doctoral Student in Conservation: Heritage 6. Stephen L. William. Destructive Preservation. Materials and Craftsmanship. The Second development in large scale infrastructural project – a collaborative and trans-disciplinary approach. A Review of the Effect of Standard Preservation Meetinghouse at Mount Lebanon. Göteborg Available at: https://www.gu.se/english/about_the_university/job- Practices on the Future Use of Natural History 2005 opportunities/vacancies-details/?id=3657 (link expired) (Accessed 27 March 2019). Collections. Göteborg 1999 15. Håkan Hökerberg. Att fånga det Oxford English Dictionary (1989) compensate, v. Available at: 7. Agneta Freccero. Fayum Portraits: karaktäristiska i stadens bebyggelse. SAVE- https://www.oed.com/oed2/00045500 (Accessed 30 May 2023). Documentation and Scientific Analyses of Mummy metoden som underlag för bevarandeplanering. Portraits Belonging to Nationalmuseum in Göteborg 2005 urbzoo, CC BY 2.0, via Wikimedia Commons (2016) Khotachiwadi Backstreets and Chawls. Available at: Stockholm. Göteborg 2001 16. Frantisek Makes. Novel enzymatic https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Khotachiwadi_Backstreets_and_Chawls_(2614 8. Ole Ingolf Jensen. Så målade prins Eugen. technologies to safeguard cultural heritage. 5310951).jpg (Accessed 14 November 2023). Undersökning av pigment, måleriteknik och Göteborg 2006 konstnärligt uttryck baserat på naturvetenskapliga 17. Anna Krus. Kulturarv - Funktion - metoder. Göteborg 2001 Ekonomi. Tre perspektiv på byggnader och deras värden. Göteborg 2006 18. Britta Roos. Värdeproduktion i 31. Nina Nilsson. Färgbilden som redskap vid 46. Joakim Seiler. Management Regimes for 53. Tina Westerlund, Camilla Groth, Gunnar kulturvårdande projekt. Fönsterrenoveringen vid växtkomposition. Göteborg 2012 Lawns and Hedges in Historic Gardens. Almevik (Eds). Craft Sciences. Göteborg 2022 Stockholms slott. En fallstudie. Göteborg 2006 32. Ulrik Hjort Lassen. The Invisible Tools of a Göteborg 2020 54. Anna Lindgren. Staten som 19. Malin Myrin. Conservation of Gotland Timber Framer. A survey of principles, situations 47. Anna Lindgren. Planteringar vid järnvägen: trädgårdsmästare: järnvägens planteringar från Sandstone. Overview of Present Conditions. and procedures for marking. Göteborg 2014 funktion och organisation under stambanornas naturförsköningskonst till testamente. Göteborg Evaluation of Methods. Göteborg 2006 33. Karin Hermerén. Den utsatta konsten. Att första tid. Göteborg 2020 2022 20. Sölve Johansson. Hydrauliskt kalkbruk. förvalta konst i offentlig miljö - etik, lagstiftning och 48. Erik Småland. Det frivillige fartøyvernet i 55. Robin Gullbrandsson. Hidden Carpentry: Produktion och användning i Sverige vid byggande värdeförändring. Göteborg 2014 Noreg: Historisk bakgrunn, omfang og motivasjon. Investigations of Medieval Church Roofs in från medeltid till nutid. Göteborg 2007 34. Jonny Eriksson. Bruk av kalk och sand ur Göteborg 2020 Västergötland and Northern Småland. Göteborg 21. Agneta Thornberg. Knutsson ett hantverkligt perspektiv. Göteborg 2015 49. Karin Hermerén. Konsten att förvalta: 2023 Byggnadsminnen - principer och praktik. Den offentliga kulturmiljövårdens 35. Leidulf Mydland. Skolehuset som bevarandets utmaningar och möjligheter värderingar 56. Moniek Driesse. Leaving dry land: Water, och beslutsprocesser i 1900-talets Sverige rörande heritage and imaginary agency. Göteborg 2023 byggnadsminnesverksamhet. Beskrivning och Kulturminne: Lokale verdier og nasjonal utvärdering. Göteborg 2007 kulturminneforvaltning. Göteborg 2015 offentlig byggnadsanknuten konst. Göteborg 2020 57. Maitri Dore. From gone to gain: Exploring 36. Gustaf Leijonhufvud. Decision making on 50. Maria Nyström. Managing Ecclesiastical the scope of historic environment compensation in 22. Erika Johansson. House Master School. indoor climate control in historic buildings: Heritage: Transformation of Discourses, Roles and planning. Göteborg 2023 Career Model for Education and Training in Integrated and Sustainable Conservation of Built knowledge, uncertainty and the science-practice gap. Policy in Sweden. Göteborg 2021 Environments. Göteborg 2008 Göteborg 2016 51. Petra Eriksson. Balancing Building 23. Pär Meiling. Documentation and Maintenance 37. Johanna Nilsson. Ageing and Conservation Conservation with Energy Conservation. Göteborg 2021 Planning Model - DoMaP. A response to the need of Silk: Evaluation of Three Support Methods of conservation and long-term maintenance of facades Using Artificially Aged Silk. Göteborg 2015 52. Arja Källbom. Painting Treatments of of modern multi-apartment buildings. Based on case 38. Patrik Järefjäll. Navarsmide – en metodstudie Weather-Exposed Ferrous Heritage – Exploration studies in Göteborg in Sweden. Göteborg 2010 ur ett hantverksperspektiv. Göteborg 2016 of Oil Varnish Paints and Painting Skills. Göteborg 2021 24. Christer Gustafsson. The Halland Model. 39. Mikael Hammelev Jörgensen. A Trading Zone for Building Conservation in Förhandlingar om kulturföremål. Partens intressen Concert with Labour Market Policy and the och argument i processer om återförande av Construction Industry, Aiming at Regional kulturföremå. Göteborg 2017 Sustainable Development Göteborg 2011 40. Susanne Fredholm. Making Sense of 25. Johanna Nilsson. In Search of Scientific Heritage Planning in Theory and Practice. Methods for Conservation of Historic Silk Experiences from Ghana and Sweden. Göteborg Costumes. Göteborg 2010 2017 26. Birgitta Håfors. Conservation of the wood of 41. Tina Westerlund. Trädgårdsmästarens the Swedish warship Vasa of A.D.1628. förökningsmetoder. Göteborg 2017 Evaluation of polyethylene glycol conservation 42. Kristina Linscott Interpretations of old wood: programmes. Göteborg 2010 figuring mid-twelfth century church architecture in 27. Gunnar Almevik. Byggnaden som west Sweden. Göteborg 2017 kunskapskälla. Göteborg 2012 43. Charlotta Melin Bylund. Wooden objects in 28. Jonathan Westin. Negotiating 'culture', historic buildings: Effects of dynamic relative assembling a past. The visual, the non-visual and humidity and temperature. Göteborg 2017 the voice of the silent actant. Göteborg 2012 44. Malin Weijmer. I sökandet efter delaktighet: 29. Ingalill Nyström. Bonadsmåleri under lupp. praktik, aktörer och kulturmiljöarbete. Göteborg Spektroskopiska analyser av färg och teknik i 2019 sydsvenska bonadsmålningar 1700-1870. 45. Jonny Eriksson. Kalkbruk: krympsprickor Göteborg 2012 och historisk utveckling av material, metoder och 30. Thomas Strang. Studies in Pest Control for förhållningssätt. Göteborg 2019 Cultural Property. Göteborg 2012 18. Britta Roos. Värdeproduktion i 31. Nina Nilsson. Färgbilden som redskap vid 46. Joakim Seiler. Management Regimes for 53. Tina Westerlund, Camilla Groth, Gunnar kulturvårdande projekt. Fönsterrenoveringen vid växtkomposition. Göteborg 2012 Lawns and Hedges in Historic Gardens. Almevik (Eds). Craft Sciences. Göteborg 2022 Stockholms slott. En fallstudie. Göteborg 2006 32. Ulrik Hjort Lassen. The Invisible Tools of a Göteborg 2020 54. Anna Lindgren. Staten som 19. Malin Myrin. Conservation of Gotland Timber Framer. A survey of principles, situations 47. Anna Lindgren. Planteringar vid järnvägen: trädgårdsmästare: järnvägens planteringar från Sandstone. Overview of Present Conditions. and procedures for marking. Göteborg 2014 funktion och organisation under stambanornas naturförsköningskonst till testamente. Göteborg Evaluation of Methods. Göteborg 2006 33. Karin Hermerén. Den utsatta konsten. Att första tid. Göteborg 2020 2022 20. Sölve Johansson. Hydrauliskt kalkbruk. förvalta konst i offentlig miljö - etik, lagstiftning och 48. Erik Småland. Det frivillige fartøyvernet i 55. Robin Gullbrandsson. Hidden Carpentry: Produktion och användning i Sverige vid byggande värdeförändring. Göteborg 2014 Noreg: Historisk bakgrunn, omfang og motivasjon. Investigations of Medieval Church Roofs in från medeltid till nutid. Göteborg 2007 34. Jonny Eriksson. Bruk av kalk och sand ur Göteborg 2020 Västergötland and Northern Småland. Göteborg 21. Agneta Thornberg. Knutsson ett hantverkligt perspektiv. Göteborg 2015 49. Karin Hermerén. Konsten att förvalta: 2023 Byggnadsminnen - principer och praktik. Den offentliga kulturmiljövårdens 35. Leidulf Mydland. Skolehuset som bevarandets utmaningar och möjligheter värderingar 56. Moniek Driesse. Leaving dry land: Water, och beslutsprocesser i 1900-talets Sverige rörande heritage and imaginary agency. Göteborg 2023 byggnadsminnesverksamhet. Beskrivning och Kulturminne: Lokale verdier og nasjonal utvärdering. Göteborg 2007 kulturminneforvaltning. Göteborg 2015 offentlig byggnadsanknuten konst. Göteborg 2020 57. Maitri Dore. From gone to gain: Exploring 36. Gustaf Leijonhufvud. Decision making on 50. Maria Nyström. Managing Ecclesiastical the scope of historic environment compensation in 22. Erika Johansson. House Master School. indoor climate control in historic buildings: Heritage: Transformation of Discourses, Roles and planning. Göteborg 2023 Career Model for Education and Training in Integrated and Sustainable Conservation of Built knowledge, uncertainty and the science-practice gap. Policy in Sweden. Göteborg 2021 Environments. Göteborg 2008 Göteborg 2016 51. Petra Eriksson. Balancing Building 23. Pär Meiling. Documentation and Maintenance 37. Johanna Nilsson. Ageing and Conservation Conservation with Energy Conservation. Göteborg 2021 Planning Model - DoMaP. A response to the need of Silk: Evaluation of Three Support Methods of conservation and long-term maintenance of facades Using Artificially Aged Silk. Göteborg 2015 52. Arja Källbom. Painting Treatments of of modern multi-apartment buildings. Based on case 38. Patrik Järefjäll. Navarsmide – en metodstudie Weather-Exposed Ferrous Heritage – Exploration studies in Göteborg in Sweden. Göteborg 2010 ur ett hantverksperspektiv. Göteborg 2016 of Oil Varnish Paints and Painting Skills. Göteborg 2021 24. Christer Gustafsson. The Halland Model. 39. Mikael Hammelev Jörgensen. A Trading Zone for Building Conservation in Förhandlingar om kulturföremål. Partens intressen Concert with Labour Market Policy and the och argument i processer om återförande av Construction Industry, Aiming at Regional kulturföremå. Göteborg 2017 Sustainable Development Göteborg 2011 40. Susanne Fredholm. Making Sense of 25. Johanna Nilsson. In Search of Scientific Heritage Planning in Theory and Practice. Methods for Conservation of Historic Silk Experiences from Ghana and Sweden. Göteborg Costumes. Göteborg 2010 2017 26. Birgitta Håfors. Conservation of the wood of 41. Tina Westerlund. Trädgårdsmästarens the Swedish warship Vasa of A.D.1628. förökningsmetoder. Göteborg 2017 Evaluation of polyethylene glycol conservation 42. Kristina Linscott Interpretations of old wood: programmes. Göteborg 2010 figuring mid-twelfth century church architecture in 27. Gunnar Almevik. Byggnaden som west Sweden. Göteborg 2017 kunskapskälla. Göteborg 2012 43. Charlotta Melin Bylund. Wooden objects in 28. Jonathan Westin. Negotiating 'culture', historic buildings: Effects of dynamic relative assembling a past. The visual, the non-visual and humidity and temperature. Göteborg 2017 the voice of the silent actant. Göteborg 2012 44. Malin Weijmer. I sökandet efter delaktighet: 29. Ingalill Nyström. Bonadsmåleri under lupp. praktik, aktörer och kulturmiljöarbete. Göteborg Spektroskopiska analyser av färg och teknik i 2019 sydsvenska bonadsmålningar 1700-1870. 45. Jonny Eriksson. Kalkbruk: krympsprickor Göteborg 2012 och historisk utveckling av material, metoder och 30. Thomas Strang. Studies in Pest Control for förhållningssätt. Göteborg 2019 Cultural Property. Göteborg 2012 gothenburg studies in conservation 57 Large planning projects in old cities often lead to the loss of historic environments. Public actors face the challenge of meeting both conservation needs as well as planning needs. This thesis starts from an understanding of conservation as the dynamic management of change. It explores “compensation” for the loss of historic environments as a response to urban planning projects. It delves into law and policy, theory, and practice, and studies two large infrastructure projects – the West Link train tunnel in Gothenburg, Sweden, and the Mumbai Metro, in Mumbai, India. Compensation is found to be inadequate in law, policy, and theory. In practice, as the West Link shows, it can be a creative and change-oriented response. It can take the form of conveying stories about the old city through signage, design elements, displaying excavated remains, as well as creating entirely new urban spaces and programmes. The response found in the Mumbai Metro is one of physical preservation of the affected historic environment. Both compensation and preservation are largely steered by experts who interpret the historic environment. The responses are further entangled in complex planning processes, and therefore mediated by institutional and regulatory frameworks, a range of actors and approaches, and several constraints. Against this background, change-oriented conservation is often a challenge. Nevertheless, compensation offers a dynamic alternative to managing the loss of historic environments in moments of major urban transformation. Maitri Dore holds a Bachelor’s degree in Architecture from Mumbai University, and a Master’s degree in Urban Studies through the Erasmus Mundus+ 4Cities programme. This is her doctoral thesis. ISBN 978-91-7963-151-2 (PRINTED) ISBN 978-91-7963-152-9 (PDF) ISSN 0284-6578 acta universitatis gothoburgensis ISBN 978-91-7963-151-2 9789179631512