BODIES OF VITAL MATTER Notions of Life Force and Transcendence in Traditional Southern Italy PER BINDE ACTA UNIVERSITATIS GOTHOBURGENSIS Gothenburg Studies in Social Anthropology 14 © Per Binde, 1999 ISBN 91-7346-351-5 ISSN 0348-4076 Published and Distributed by ACTA UNIVERSITATIS GOTHOBURGENSIS P.O. Box 222 SE 405 30 Göteborg, Sweden. Printed in Kungälv by Livréna Grafiska AB, 1999 This PDF- vers i on of Bodi es of Vita l Matter was made ava ila bl e on the Internet in 201 2. It is an exa ct copy of the printed book. List of errata P . 127, para g ra ph 3, line 6: “del Bianc o” shou ld be “de Esaro” . P. 226, fig. 6: “Dea d plan ts” shou ld be “Seed s” . P. 294, refer en c e no. 5: “Cappa n a ri ” shou l d be “Cappa n n ar i” . P. 297 , the reference “Pri ori … 1970…” shoul d be: “Prof eta , Giuseppe, 1970 . Le legge n d e di fondaz i o n e dei santua ri (Avvì o ad un’a na li si morf ol ogi ca ) . Lares 36: 245- 58 .” Contents Acknowled g m e n t s .... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . iii 1. Introdu c t i o n .... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 Loca tion, p. 1; Sour ces, p. 2; Ass u mptio ns, p. 6; Ov er view, p. 9. 2. Featu re s of Socia l Orga ni sa t i o n .... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11 Mode r n Histo r y and Econo mi c Chang e s , p. 11; T he Commu ni ti e s , p. 16; House ho l d , Fami l y and Kin shi p , p. 19; Rel a ti o ns with Non - R e l a ti v e s , p. 22; Types of Recip r o ci ti e s , p. 28. 3. Body and Vita l Forc e .... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31 Para di g ms of Humo ur a l The o r y , p. 31; Vita l Humi di ty , p. 37; Sourc e s of Vita l Force , p. 49. 4. Shari n g .... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 55 ‘Dona ti o ns ’ of Vita l Nour i s hme n t, p. 55; Mothe r ’ s Milk and the Une qua l Sha r i ng of Foo d, p. 59; T he Fune r a l Mea l , p. 62. 5. Unintent i o n a l A ppropri atio n .... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 67 ‘The f t s ’ of Mo the r ’ s Milk, 67; The Evil Eye, p. 70; Mens tr u a ti o n, p. 82; Crav i ng s of Infa n ts , p. 86; Death- Br i ng i ng De a d, p. 88; Forc e s of Attr a cti o n , p. 92. 6. Witch e s and Chris t ia n Duali s m .... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 94 Bloo d-Sucki ng Witche s, p. 94; The Witc h in Chr i sti a n Cos mo l o g y , p. 98; The Carna l and the Spir i tu a l , p. 99; God and the Dev i l ; Gra c e and Gre e d, p. 106 ; Orde r and Diso r de r , p. 111 ; Pur i ty and Imp ur i ty , p. 111; Mal e and Fe ma l e , p. 112. 7. Sain ts Full of Grazie ..... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 114 Saints and Ima g e s, p. 114 ; Grazia and Body , p. 118 ; Ble ssi ngs of Mar ty r do m, p. 1 22 ; Amb i g ui ti e s of Car na l i ty , p. 129 ; Abun da nc e and Exc e s s, p. 133 ; Obta i ni ng Grazie : Con ta g i o n and Con su mp ti o n , p. 134 ; Tra nsa c ti o ns, p. 135 ; Sac r i f i c e , p. 139 . 8. Grazia and Creative Forces of Natur e ..... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 144 Coun tr y si de Sa n c tua r i e s, p. 144; Leg e nda r y Ori g i ns of Imag e s and Reli c s, p. 145; Crea ti v e Natur a l Forc e s, p. 146; Ob ta i ni ng Grazia at Sanctua r i e s, p. 1 49 ; Mer g i ng of Div i ne and Natur a l For c e s, p. 151 ; The Pas si o n of Chr i st, p. 154 ; The Euc ha r i st, p. 164 . 9. From Transi enc e to Trans ce n d e n c e ..... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 171 Corp se s and ‘Ne w Bodi e s’ , p. 172; Soul s, p. 184; Mour ne r s, p. 195; Cor r e l a ti o ns, p. 200 . 1 0 . Cycli c Rege ne r a t i o n .... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 203 Theme s of Late Autu m n and Mid- W i n te r Cele b r a ti o ns , p. 203; See ds and Reg e ne r a ti o n, p. 213; Reb i r th of the Dea d, p. 219; A Corr e l a ti o n of Thr e e Cyc l e s, p. 225 . 11. Concludi ng Summary .... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 228 Notes .... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 233 Refer e n c e s .... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 279 List of figures 1. Quali ti e s , eleme n t s and humou r s .... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31 2. A span of positio n s betw een God and th e Devil ..... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 107 3. Grace, exchan g e and greed .... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 108 4. Fortune , exchan g e and misfor tu n e .... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 110 5. Three aspects of the dura t i o n of death .... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 202 6. Three correl a t e d cycle s .... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 226 iii Acknowledgments F i e ld resea r ch in South e rn Italy and perio d s of libra r y studi e s in Rome were fina nced by gra nts from Götebor g Univers i ty . In Rome, the sta f f of the libra ry at the Museo nazionale delle arti e tradizioni popo- lari was very helpful in meeting my requests for countl e s s volu me s of ethnographic works and journals. I ha ve profited greatly from intens e and intell e ctu a ll y stimul a ti ng discus s i o ns with coll e ag u es at Göteborg Universi ty. Thanks to Janet Vesterlund for revi si ng the langua g e . Profess o r Kaj Århem offered fresh views on the manuscri p t in the fina l stage and all the support that was needed in completing my work. I am thankful to Professor Gö ran Aijmer for constructive criti- ci sm and advi ce in all matters rangi ng from the orga ni sa ti on of the study to the use of language. Throughout my work, Associ ate Prof es- s o r Åsa Boholm has given invalua b le assistance through her know- l e d g e of Ital ia n cultur e and her sens e of clarity in anthro p o l o gi cal reasoning. She has patiently read and commented numerous versions of the manuscript. The present text is essentially th at of my doctoral dissertation, submitte d in 1997 . Howeve r , I have made a number of clarif i ca ti on s and modifications that were suggested by the examiner Prof essor Mari a Cátedra, Universidad Complutense, Madrid, and the members of the examination board, fil. dr. Ulla-Britt Engelbrektsson, Depart- ment of Socia l Anthropology, Göteborg, Prof essor Prof essor Britt- M a ri Näss trö m , Departm e n t of Religiou s Studies and Theolog y , Göteborg, and Professor William Arens, Stony Brook – State Univer- si ty of New York. I am thankf ul for their advi ce. ONE INTRODUCTION T h e aim of this study is to inves ti ga te belief s and practi c e s relati ng to vita li ty , illnes s and death in tradi ti o na l South e r n Italy . My prime argu m e n t is that many of these belie f s and pra cti ces rel a te to just a few interconnected sets of noti ons. A basi c presumpti on for the anal ysi s of the materi al is tha t vita l force is construed as a qua li ty or substa n ce which can be lost as well as gained . A first set of notion s conce r n s losse s leadi n g to weakn es s , illness or dea th, caus ed by an- other person’s appropriation of vita l i ty . A second set inclu d e s ideas of how force of life might be gained from external sources, thereby rei nvi gora ti ng the body. A third set concerns the inevi ta bl e situa ti on in which phys ica l life can no longer be sustai n e d and death occurs . Transcendence beyond the carnal re alm is symbo li cal l y achie v e d ; a new and incorrup ti b l e body is crea ted, or death is construe d as giving new life. The study covers such topics as the occult transfer of mother’s milk, the evil eye, beliefs abou t menstruation and witches, the cult of saints, Easte r celeb ra t i o n s , death rituals , burial customs and the celebra ti o n of All Soul s Day. Location Southern Italy is here intended as the area usually referred to in Italy as il mezzogiorno ( ‘the South’) , tha t is, the regi ons of Abruzzo, Molise, Campa n ia , Pugli a, Basi li ca ta , Cala b ri a and Sicily. This area is com- monly considered — by Italians themselv e s as well as by social scien- ti s ts — to be rela ti v e l y soci al l y and cultur al ly homoge n o u s , maki ng it apposi te to spea k of the South as disti nct from Centra l and Northern Italy. Sardinia , which is someti m e s incl ud ed in the mezzogiorno, is exclude d from this study since the social orga nis a ti o n and cultura l tradi ti o ns of this island are marke dl y diff e r e n t from the rest of the South. 1 The main body of written ethnographic information on which this essa y is built descr i b es state s of affai r s at variou s points in time in the perio d approxi ma te ly betwe e n the unifica ti o n of Italy (1861 ) and Worl d War II. For want of a better term, the Ita l y of the south of this time will be referred to as ‘tradit i o na l ’ , to disting ui s h it from post-wa r and prese n t-d a y Italy. Certa i n ly , this perio d was chara c ter i sed by a 2 Chapter 1 g r a dua l modern i sa ti o n , in which the impact of demogr a p h i c change s , agri cul t u ra l reforms and market economy slowly eroded older pat- ter n s of living and thinkin g . Compa r ed to the post- w a r era with its radi cal changes, however, this period appears as quite ‘traditional’, cha ra cteri sed by a way of life which toda y has to a grea t extent dis- a p p e a r ed. Antho n y Galt write s in his study of a commu n i ty in Puglia (199 1 c: 44f ): ‘... a process o f radica lly cha ngin g rea lity had for med most Locor o tondesi . As in the coun tr y s i d e , the line s of de ma r c a ti o n in that expe r i e nc e of chang e sta nd out cle a r l y as the Sec o nd Wor l d War , and the pa ssa g e fro m the 195 0 s to the 196 0 s, whi c h many exp e r i e nc e d as a ti me of di sco n ti nui ty betw e e n the last deca d e of a locall y felt trad i ti o na l way of life , and inte g r a ti o n into a mode r ni ty whi c h bec a me mor e nati o na l in cha r a c te r .’ In discussing ethnographic data tha t are not contempora ry, the past tense will be used. The reader is asked to keep in mind that this does not necessa ril y imply tha t the matters discussed are somethi ng of the past. The past tens e is simply used for convenience as I have no inten ti o n , in this work, to asser t wheth e r a particu la r custo m or belie f , documented in the past, also exists today in a simila r fashi on. When quoting verbal expressions in South Itali a n diale c ts, I will simply reta in the phoneti c transc r i p ti on s used in the source docu- ments. Sources T h e study of the societi es of Europe offers unique possibi l i t i e s for the social anthropologist. Few other part s of the worl d are so well docu- mented, in many cases offeri ng the anthropologist access to an immense amount of historic a l and other kinds of informat i o n on economy, demographic conditions and ‘folk customs’. This informa- ti on can faci li ta te thema ti c investi ga ti ons tha t tra nscend the hori zon of the loca l communi ty and the conf i nes of the present and allow the anthropol ogist to venture into the study of soci eti e s of the past and of long-term cultural processes. This study makes use of some of the contents of this huge store- h o u s e of informa ti o n . It is princip al l y based on ethnogr a p h ic infor- ma ti on extra cted from two bodi es of texts. The condensed picture of the traditi o n al Ital ia n society of the South is derived from the works of historians , sociol ogists and soci a l anthr o pol o g i s ts. The main body of inform a ti on on belief s and practi c es rela ti n g to vita li ty and death has been obta ined from Italian folkloris ti c texts, compleme n te d with data extra cted from a variety of other sources, such as anthropologi - Introduction 3 c a l essay s and arti c le s , trave l books and religi ou s publi ca ti o ns . Some of this materi al concerns more re cent times, and I have included information from these sources when the ethnography describes conditions or ways of thinking an d acti ng tha t were essential l y the same in ‘traditiona l ’ society. Between 1989 and the present, I have spent severa l months tra vel - l i n g in South e r n Italy. Durin g these field trips I partici p a te d in a number of saints’ fea s ts 2 and the Easter celebrations, events that have an extrao r dina r y atmosph e r e , dense with intens e emotio n . I also visi ted numerous pla ces of interest with regard to this work, such as sanctua ri e s and cemeteri es, and had the opportuni ty to converse with informa n ts about traditi on a l and contem p o r a r y ways of life. These fiel d experi enc e s , comple m e n ti n g the informa ti on from written sources, have been of grea t value in my interpreta ti on of South Ita lia n societ y and culture. The exten s i v e use of folkl o ri s ti c materia l is both advanta g e o us and a source of probl e ms . The grea te r part of this body of data cons is ts of texts written in the decades around the turn of the century. The infor ma ti o n found in these texts is both extensive and deta i le d . Itali an folkl o ri s ts and ethno g r a pher s coll e c ted infor ma ti o n on ‘popu l a r tra- di ti ons’, and they put on record the vari ous sides of life among people in a certain community or region. In some works there is an ambition to render a more comprehensive picture of that life, while others simply list items of informa ti o n. The ethnogr a p h e r s aimed to document for genera ti ons to come the Ita l i a n fol k life of thei r own time, a documentation which could serve as a source for futu re com- para t i v e or other types of secondary studies — such as this one. Basically, these sources are reliable. The ethnographers were usual l y well educa te d men of humani sti c inter e s ts and with a local patri oti c zeal . Most of them had thorough knowl e dge of thei r fiel d of interest, gai ned through deca des of intera cti on with informa nts, with whom they conversed in the local dialects. Pure misunderstandings of facts should be rare in their reports. Whenever these scholars ventured into anal ysi s and interpreta ti on of thei r materi al , they reli ed on theor i e s of cultu ra l diff u si o n , surviva li s m and curre n t brands of social psychology which to present day anthropologists appear as old-fas h i o n ed. In the light of modern anthro p o l o g y , their explica tion s appear to be, if not directl y mislea di n g, rather irrele van t. Howeve r , it is not the folkl oristi c explana ti ons tha t are of interest to this work; my concern is rather the data that these texts provide. By a careful sifting of these source s , basic inform a t i o n on what people thought and did have been extra c ted and put to analy tica l use. 4 Chapter 1 I n traditi o n al times, especia ll y befo re the turn of the century, most South Ita li a ns had littl e conta ct with the worl d beyond thei r own community. 3 There was a strong sense of local patriotism in the towns and village s that counter a c te d the adopti o n of practi c e s of other places and enforced adherence to local custom. Furthermore, in certai n spheres of acti vi ty , such as folk medici n e and techni qu es for dealin g with occult powers , knowle d ge was typi cal ly transm i tted in a pragma ti c fashio n betwee n indivi d ua ls in the local commun i ty . When knowle dg e is circula te d in such an inform a l way, withou t the aid of written text, it is liable to modifi ca ti o n in accorda nc e with variou s accident a l circumst a n c es and loca l contexts; new beliefs and practices can easil y emerge as a bricolage of elemen t s already employ e d. For these reas on s, local commun i ti es tended to develo p a versio n of the South Itali a n cultu ra l tradi ti o n that showe d a signif ica n t amoun t of uniq ue variati o n in both belief s and practi c e s. 4 John Davi s (197 3: 89) repor ts on a commu n i ty in Basi li c a ta in the 1960s : ‘Pisti c ci is still in many ways an isol a te d, idios y n c ra ti c society with its own dialect, its own marriage custo m s, reli g i ou s cults , myths and traditi o n s . ’ For thi s study, whi ch is topi cal in chara cter rather tha n based on the inves ti g ati o n of a parti c u la r South Itali a n commu n i ty , the easy access to ethnographic informatio n from hundreds of communiti es has been of great adva ntage. The themes in focu s are investigated with rega rd to thei r many and va ryi ng mani f es ta tion s in diffe re n t communities. The study of the beliefs and symbol ic practices of a multitu de of local communi ti e s can be likened to a kind of anthrop o - l o g i cal labor ator y work, where vari a ti on s help to eluci d a te a common cultural base. Throug h this kind of study, patter n s will emerge which woul d be diffi cul t to discern withi n the scope of a singl e communi ty. The folkl o r ists focus e d on issue s such as ‘supe rs ti ti o us belief s ’, ‘folk medi c i ne’ , folkta les , handi cr af ts , the local celeb r a ti o n of Chris- ti a n festi va ls , prac ti c e s conce r n e d with marr ia ge and death , and othe r spheres of interest tha t were taken to be part of ‘fol kl ore’ and ‘popu- l a r customs’. Hence these schola rs paid littl e attenti on to those other real ms of soci al life tha t are of crucial interes t to present- da y soci al anthro pol o gis ts , such as kinshi p and economy . This bias would pose seriou s problems if we were to reconstruct, on the sole basi s of such sources, everyday life and the details of the social and economic orga ni sa ti on of communi ti es. This, however, is not the intenti o n of this study. What is offer e d here is a themati c study of noti o n s rela ti n g to vita li ty and dea th; most of the issu e s of parti cu la r inter e s t are among those topi cs tha t the dili gent fol kl ori sts have focused upon, and there is thus an abund a n c e of docu men ta r y mater i al relati ng to Introduction 5 them. The social and economic orga ni sation of the area will be con- si dered only more genera ll y, so as to provi de the context wit hout which these belief s and practi c es ca nnot be properly understood; as was mentio ned earlie r , the lacuna e of informa ti o n regardi n g socia l organi sation and economy will be filled in with data from other sourc es . However , a heavy empha sis on the pe asa n try and the unedu ca te d strata of the popula ti o n is predo m i nant in folkl o r is ti c studies; theref ore, this essay will be concerned primarily with these sectors of the population. Anoth e r chara c ter is ti c featu r e of th e older folklori stic sources is a parti cul ar style of reporting. While much information concerns events tha t the schol a r witnessed with his own eyes, we someti mes come upon sta tements of the type: ‘in the village N it is belie v e d that in case of x , y should be done’. Hence we do not know whether the folklorist had witnessed acti vi ty y as a respo n se to x or otherwise could be certain of its performance; consequently, we do not know with cer- ta i nty whether y was ever actually done. While this uncertainty would pose a seri ous problem to a study of social organi sa t i o n, in which the discrepancy between norms and beha viour, between ideals and practi c e, may be of crucia l im portance, it poses no funda menta l dilem ma for the present study. We are concerned with expli c i t as well as impli c i t noti o n s , and the featu r es of a noti o n are the same wheth e r it sustai n s actu a l practi c es or exists only as a figure of thought that might be more or less clea rl y expressed verbally. To conclude, there are problems inherent in the anthropological use of folklo ri s ti c sources . To this particu la r work, howeve r , some of these problems are not crucial and others can be circumvented by using compleme n ta r y bodies of data . The adva ntag es of using these overwhelming ly rich sources compensa te for the disa dva nta ges. As several scholars in European anthropology have pointed out, there is a need for comple m e n ts to the traditi o na l anthro p o l og i ca l method of partic i pa ti n g observ a ti o n in small loca l commun i ti es . 5 Europe is no terra incognita; the anthropologist is not the first scientist to inves ti ga te its countr i e s and communi ti e s. There is alread y rich docume n ta tion by scholars in history, economy, sociol ogy, demography, religion and ethnography, and the anthropologist should look at these sources as valuable repositories of information. Assumptions O v e r time people in societi e s produce what we may call cultural represe n t a t i ons , symbols or collect i v e knowledg e , crucial for their 6 Chapter 1 o r g a ni s a t i o n of social life and understan d i n g of the world. Institu- t i o n s , practice s , belief s , ritu als and myths are produced collectively. Althou g h each indivi du a l assi gns hi s own private meaning s to these, the social and cultur al meanin gs can be re-con s tru c ted by the anthro - pologist interpreting the ethnography. In anthropology there is no consensus on how this more precisel y should be done or as to what are the fundamental forces in the crea- ti on of coll ecti ve representa ti ons. In interpreti ng the present ethnog- r a p h y , which to a large extent consis ts of descrip ti on s of beli efs and practi c e s, I will use terms that relate to process e s of thought; noti on s , idea s , intui ti on s and impli ci t assum p ti o ns . These eleme n ts of thought give rise to belief s about parti cu la r pheno m e n a in the world as well as inspi re to practi c e s used for accom p l i s hi n g speci fi c tasks . Such knowledg e is not produced by empirica l and experimental science, but by a ‘science of the concrete ’ in which immediately perceptible and salient fea tures of enti ti es ar e tied into webs of associa ti ons. 6 Beliefs can be understood as answ ers to such questions as: why has this mother no milk for her baby, why is this person ill and what happen s to a perso n after death ? Custo ma ry practi c e s provide accepted ways of, for instance, increa s i ng lacta ti o n , curin g illnes s and assisting the deceased in their other- worldly existence. I believe that the characte r of collecti v e knowle dg e can be illumi - na ted through the concept of tradi ti on, as it has been ela bora ted by Edward Shils (198 1) . A traditi o n of knowle d g e is handed down from the past to the present, from one generati on to the ne xt, but it is also subject to constant modification. Th e average person might be content with recei vi ng rather practi ca l knowledge. If a practi ce is recom- me nde d by others as a releva nt mea ns to an end, if it is cons tr u e d as being based on experience accumula ted by a multitude of persons in the remote or nea r past and if its resu lts are tolera bl y good — or at least if it does not bring about misfor tu n e — the practi c e will be ac- ce p te d , so will be the belie f s that account for its effica c y . The avera ge perso n will not inven t new means to a partic u la r end if effici e n t ade- q ua te means are alrea dy given in th e stock of collective knowledg e. Simila r ly , new and origi na l ideas about pheno me n a in the world that become accepte d by other s are rare. Rathe r , idea s and belief s alrea d y given tend to be accepted. The potent ial for acceptance is grea ter if a practi c e or belief is held by persons in positions of authority or those who are regarded as having expertise. Acceptance also relies upon a sense of piety towards the past — a notion tha t past genera ti ons had access to grea ter knowl e dge tha n people have now, and that they lived a life that was better in signif i ca n t aspec ts . Discu s si n g beli ef s in Introduction 7 s o r c e r y, witche s and spirits in a Sicilia n commun i ty , Charlo tte Gower Cha pma n (197 3: 207) wri tes: … [peop l e ] emp ha s i z e the past a nd its trad i ti o n s . It is gene r a l l y reco g ni z e d that in for me r time s witche s wer e mor e powe r ful , and spir i ts mor e nu me r o us and bene fi ci a l to manki n d. Old boo ks and thi ngs said to be par t of the kno w l e dg e of the anci e n ts a re beli e v e d to conta i n wisd o m b eyo nd the scop e of mode r n men. Like all o the r lear ni ng a nd custo m , thes e beli e f s make the pres e nt depe nde nt on the past a nd bi nd men to thei r trad i ti o ns. Knowledge as a body of tradition is therefore to a large extent ac- cepte d and handed down to others in origin al or cl ose to original form withou t being acti vely and critica lly consid er e d . In a society like the ‘tra di ti ona l ’ South Itali a n one, numerou s customa r y bel ief s and pra cti ces belong to the stock of knowledge for many generations. General presumptions about man and the world, which may be implici t or explic i t and on which more specifi c noti ons rely, usua ll y remain unaltered for long time. When such para digms of thought change, radica l l y new views on man and his place in the universe are implied. Examples of basic presum ption s that are going to be dis- cussed in this study are the idea of hea l th as dependent on the bala nce between different types of bodily humours and beliefs in divine and demonic beings. Neverth e l es s , traditi o n also change s. Some knowled g e is lost or ceas es to be transmi tted, since the poten ti a l reci pi ents do not wish to learn it or becaus e the teachi n g of it for some reas on is restri c te d . An amou nt of new knowledg e is crea ted, but seldom is it trul y new; typicall y it builds upon previou s knowle d g e. Other knowle d ge is more or less modified over time. Th e process of modificati on is com- plex and can be studied from two principa l perspectives. The deta il s of tra nsmi s si on, modi fi ca tion and crea tion of know- ledge can be elucidated in a micro- perspective. Here, the varying power s of the mind and imagi n a ti on among indivi du al s, and cognitive abilities involving symbolization, categorization, associ a tion and subconsci o u s informa ti o n proces si n g , are relevan t. A macro- perspective captures cha nges in a soci ety’s stock of knowledge over a long stretch of time, and endogenous and exogenou s factors influ- encing change can be studied. 7 In this essay, however, I am not concerned with the properties of the tra nsmissi on and modif i ca ti on of knowl edge but rather with the stock of knowled g e itself — beliefs, custom a r y practi c e s and legends , and the notions and presumptions on which they rely. This know- l e d g e does not form a logica ll y cohere nt system ; it is permea te d with obscu r i ti e s , ambig u i ti e s and logi c al contr a di c ti o n s . 8 Belief s and prac- 8 Chapter 1 ti ces were brought to the fore contextually, and therefore the some - ti mes appa rent incongrui ties among them were not very probl emati c. As it has alrea dy been pointed out, the informa l way of tra nsmi tting knowledg e in the commu nities worked towards diversity. Through the intu i ti o ns, imagi na ti o n, hunch es and creati v e think i ng of indi- vi dua ls , new versions of old beliefs and practices were developed and new expressions of old notions and basic presumptions were created. Differences in the way of life — so ci al organi sation and subsistence economy — among the communities of the South pr ovided different and loca l ‘diets ’ in ‘food for thought’, nurtur i ng the process of changi n g receive d knowled g e. Of this material — consta n tl y produ c e d by the intell ec tu al and imagin a ti v e power s of the human mind — some parts ‘caught on’ among the peopl e in the communi ty. It appeared to others, through their experience, reason or intuition, as usef ul , interes ti n g or good in some other way. It became part of local tradi ti o n and someti mes sprea d over a large r area . As Shil s (1981 : 205) puts it: Most of wha t exist s at any mome nt and which is give n fro m the past has not been arbi tr ar i l y accu m u l a te d . It is not th e outco m e of a long seri e s of arbi tr a ry or accid e nta l acts of selec ti o n. By acts of judg me n t less expli c i t and delib e r a te than the deci s i o n as to whethe r to reta i n or demo l i s h an old build i ng whic h can stil l be used with less cost than woul d be requi r e d for the const r u c ti o n of a new one , huma n bei ng s ado p t and ada p t the practi c e s and beli e f s of their pred e c e s s o r s . While inconsi s ten c i es and contra d i c ti on s are created by the rela- ti vel y independent devel opment of coll ecti ve thoughts on certa in subjects, webs of associa tions bind together diverse parts of the tra di- ti o n , not in the form of a logica l argume n t, but by way of resem- bl a n c es and anal ogi e s. In this way a general tone of harmony and integr a ti o n is create d , which as an intuiti v e impres s io n in everyday life is perhaps more importa n t in making belief s and practi c es per- suasive than increased logical consistence would have been. Here the world of sensory experience and bodi ly memory 9 creates in the indi - v i d ua l a prof ou n d and intu iti v e perso n a l invol v eme n t; it situate s belief s and practi c es in the uniq ue conf igu ra ti o n of experi e n c es and sentiments that has been created duri ng a pers on’s life. Overview The organisation of the study is as follows: Chapter Two points out features of social organi sation that connect with notions of distri bu - ti on of vita l force, with whi ch we wil l later be concerned. Chapter Introduction 9 T h r e e outlines basic concepti o n s of the human body and vitality. Chapter Four focuses on the idea l of shari ng , the volun ta ry offer i n g on the part of those who have plen ty to those who suff er from sca r- ci ty, in the contexts of vita l forc e. Dona tions of items of food sup- pos e d to stimula te the secreti o n of mother’ s milk or to bring vita l power s to those weak from illnes s , are discus s e d, as are offeri n gs of food to members of a household that recently has suffered a death. We will also consider beli efs and practi c e s , in which a suppose d seiz ure of mother ’ s milk is correla te d with instan c es of uneq ua l di- vi d i n g of food in a share d meal. Having thus gaine d insig ht into the impor ta n c e of shari ng in rela- ti on to distri buti on of vita l force, we are rea dy in Cha pter Five to discus s a number of belief s and practi c e s relyin g on a notion of appropriation of vital force. Those wh o suff e r a scarc ity are attri bu te d an involu n ta ry power of extracti n g what they desi re from those who have plenty but fail to volun ta ri ly share . I will argue that belie fs in ‘thefts’ of mother’s milk, in the ev il eye, in the power of nurs ing in- fants to cause the death of other ch ildr en , in the harmf u l influ e n ce of menstruati ng or pregna nt women, as well as of the dead in some parti cul ar contexts, all rela te to this noti on. In Cha pter Six we turn to a consi dera tion of idea s of wilf ul seiz u re of vita li ty: the acti vi ty of evil , blood-sucking witches. This subject requi r es a discu ss i o n of the dual isti c worldvi e w of Roman Catholi- c i s m , which also serves as an intr oduction to the followi ng argument. The topi c of Chapter Seven is grace-gi vi ng sai nts, who are the struc- tura l opposi tes of evil witches: whil e the latter ruthl essl y take, the former generously give. Notions in which grace is connected with huma n bodily vita li ty are centra l to the discussi on. I shall argue tha t the common assumpti on, among anthropol ogi ca l students of Medi - terra nea n Cathol i cism, of the rela ti on between bel iever and saint as being one of exchang e, is only partial ly releva n t. The rela ti o n is far more complex , incl udi n g ideas of the free gift and self- sa c ri fi c e . Cha pter Eight conti nues the expl ora ti on of the cult of saints, now with an emphasis on the relation between grace and creative forces of natu re . I also consider the yearly re-enactment of the Passion of Chri s t in the light of tha t associati on. Hence, Cha pters Four through Eight all concern notions of distribution of vita l force: by mea ns of shari ng , invol u n ta r y appro p r i a ti o n , wilfu l seiz u re , altru is ti c givin g and sacri - f i c e. In Cha pters Nine and Ten, the focus of attenti on is shif ted from notions concerning vita l force to notio n s of life in a more existenti a l sense. This shift from vitalità to vita impl i es tha t idea s of coll ecti ve 10 Chapter 1 f a mi l y immor ta l i ty, rathe r than indi v i du al well - b ei ng and survi v a l, come into focus. The first of thes e two cha pters deal s with the con- str u c ti o n , inspir e d by a vision of an eternal family , of transc e n de n t beings out of morta l , tra nsi ent huma ns. The tria d of body, soul and mourners, in death practices, is viewed from this perspective. The noti on of family as an enti ty ideal ly persi s ti n g in eterni ty is also fun- damental to the beliefs and practices discussed in the following chapte r . These, howeve r , reveal an idea of anothe r way of achieving famil y trans ce n d e n c e . The famil y renew s itself cyclica ll y ; a poten ti a l for life — a ‘seed’ of life — is handed over from the passing to the emerging generation. Fina lly, in th e concluding chapter, I summarise and discuss the main findings of the study. TWO FEATURES OF SOCIAL ORGANISATION I t is beyond the scope of this inqu iry to give a compreh e n s i v e account of tradi ti o n al South Itali a n socie ty and the consi d erabl e divers i ty that existed and continu e s to exist amon g different area s of the South. What follow s is a brief sketc h of the south e r n soci al lands c a p e — an account which draws on the work of historians , agrarian economists, soci ol ogists and soci al anthropol ogists — deli nea ted with the inten- ti on to outline the principa l fea tures of the socia l envi ronment in which the noti ons of life and death were situated. 1 Modern History and Economic Changes The feudal system of the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies (the state that encompassed roughl y the regions of present-da y Southern Italy) surviv ed longer than in most other parts of Europe. Its abolishme n t came about as a result of foreig n interve n ti o n : in contin e n ta l Southe r n Italy during the decade of French rule between 1806 and 1815 and in Sicily in 1812 by the pressu r e of the British who protected the island from the French forces . In feuda l times , few peas ants owned land. Most of the land suited for agricu l tu re or pastur e was the in aliena ble property of nobles or eccles i a s t i ca l bodies , or was un der communal ownership. The peas- a nts worked on domai ns of the feudal ari s tocra ts or the Church, to which they also had limited rights of use, and they cultivated small and scattere d plots of land on precar i ous terms of tenancy. They were allowed to pasture thei r animals on communal land, where they also collec te d wood and wild frui ts . Few peasan ts lived in permane n t settlements on the land they worked; instead they dwelled in villages or towns . A vast majori ty of communes were subject to baroni al jurisdiction, although the non-aristocratic population was represe nte d in the università , the loca l feudal counc il . The effects of the land reforms of the early nineteenth century were far-rea ch i n g . 2 Parts of the feudal holdings were given as free property to the barons, whi l e other tracts were handed over to the communes as publ i c land, mea nt to be assigned to landl ess pea sants. 12 Chapter 2 Church land was expropriated and sold on auction. For some noble fami li e s who had become indebte d and relati v e l y impover i s h e d, the possi b il i ty to sell off land came as a relief, enabling them to convert land into much needed capita l. For others who were weal thier, the free commerce in land gave them the opportunity to buy more land, and the abolis h me n t of feudal is m actua ll y led, in an early phase, to an increa se in the amou nt of land owned as private property by aris toc r a ts. 3 Large areas of forme r aristoc r a ti c and churc h lands were bought by the rura l bourgeoisie — that is, former administra tors of the feudal lords, tax coll ectors, mo ney lenders, lawyers, public offi- cers and successful mercha nts, as we ll as fortuna t e , enterp r i s i ng and competent tenants and shepherds — people who saw land as a secure investment which also brought pres tige. The communal lands became the subject of a long and intense struggle between the communes, peasa n ts , baron s and bourg e o i si e , and it was most often membe r s of the latter class tha t succeeded in getti ng hold of the land. The effect of land refor ms was essen tia ll y that the poor peasa n ts rema i n ed nearl y as landles s as ever, tha t many of the noble fami lies , especially those who succeeded in developing their agricultural enterprises, contin- ued to own large esta tes, and tha t increa si n gl y large area s of land came under the ownership of a bo urgeoi si e tha t persi s tently and success fu ll y strove to expa nd the area of their landho l d i ng s while impro v i n g agric ul tu r e. A signifi c a n t step in this expans i o n was taken in the two decade s that follo wed the unifi c a tion of Italy, when the new state confis cated and sold off over a milli on hecta r e s of commu n a l land and a simi lar amount of land that had remained in the hands of religi o us congre - g a t i o ns and eccles i as ti ca l bodi e s. 4 Since no adequate credits were offered, most of this land ended up not, as many had hoped, in the hands of peasa nts, but was bought by existing landowners. In gen- eral, the agriculture of Southern Italy became more effective. An exa mpl e of thi s is the esta bl i s hment, on the better soi l s in the interior and on area s of the coast that were unsui ta bl e for inten s i ve cultiva - ti o n , of more than 10 000 primiti v e but rati onal farms (the so called masserie), equi pped with build i ng s , anima l s and farm machi n er y. In the coasta l zones inten s i v e culti v a ti o n — mostly in the form of vine- ya rds, oli ve pla nta ti ons and almond or citrus groves — was greatly improved, princi pa ll y in the peri od from 1860 to 188 0. In these two area s of rapid agricu ltural develo pment, the peasants increa si ng l y beca me day labourers, and their living conditions improved. How- ever, in the mountainou s areas and the area s in the interior with poor soils, arable land was in most part s rented in small plots to peasants Features of Social Organisation 13 i n precariou s contracts of tena nc y and sharec r o ppi n g . The rapi d growth of the popula ti on intensif i ed competi ti on between pea sants for land and led to the cultiv a ti o n of poor soils that were best suited for pastur e . The living condi ti o n s among these peasants remai n ed as poor as ever. This first phase of the post- f eu da l agrari a n trans fo r ma ti o n of Southern Ita ly sta rted to lose impetus about 1880 , when a new trend emerge d : the fragme n ta tion of landhol d i ng s and the concom i ta n t increa s e in peasant owners h i p of land. This trend was intensif ie d from about 1915 up to the esta bli s hment of the fasci s t regi me and accelerated again after World War II. Among the landowners, the law of partib l e and equa l inheri ta n ce mea nt, since the rate of birth was signi fi ca ntl y grea ter tha n the rate of mortal i ty, that land was progre s si v e ly divide d up among heirs. Fur- the r m o r e , an agra ri a n crisis , in part crea ted by the policy of protec- ti oni s ti c tra de adopted by the Ital ia n sta te in 1878 and lea di ng to the war of trade with Fra nce in 1888 , led to dimi ni shi ng prof i ts for many landowners, especially those who re lied on the production of wine. The spl i tti ng up of landed esta tes through inheri ta nce together with lower prof its made many holding s simply too small to provide a satisfactory income; numerous owners sold or rented out their land. These transactions were stimulated by chiefly two other factors. First was a disinterest in agri culture among many of the owners of land, who were of the third descending generation from those who had acquired and developed these holdings in the first phase of the agri cul tu ra l transf o r ma ti on. Among the elder genera ti o n were many expert agri cul tu r al is ts who took a personal interes t in farming and managed the daily chores of their enterprises themselves. However, a great many of their descendants, among whom higher education was common, were more incline d to make a prof es s i onal career in other sectors, foremost in the bureaucracy. They therefore sold land or became absentee owners. Second, an increasing demand for land resul te d in risin g price s. Thi s dema nd was rela ted to the rapi d growth of the popul a ti on, which occurre d despite large emigra ti on. Contine n ta l Souther n Italy had a populati on of 6.9 mil l ion in 1871 , whi ch had increa sed to 10.1 million by 1936 . 5 Betwe e n 1800 and 190 0, the popu l a ti o n of Sicil y incr ea s e d from 1.5 to 3.5 milli o n ; by 195 0, it had reached 4.5 mill ion. 6 In the virtual absence of industrial development in the South, 7 many wished to invest in land: ‘Memb e r s of the grow i ng smal l bour g e o i s i e — every lawy e r , doct o r , merc ha n t, publ i c offi c i a l or carabiniere — fe lt that by buyi n g so me piec e of land, they 14 Chapter 2 s ta b i l i z e d thei r econo mi c co ndi t i o n and, in any case , gaine d hi ghe r soci a l statu s . T here is no need to add that these new lan do w ne r s, mos t of who m had thei r main acti v i ty away from the land, were by far more rentier - min ded an d deta c he d from agri c u l tu r e than the old o nes . ’ 8 Over time an increa si ng number of pea sa nts mana g ed to buy themse l v e s a small lot of land. One importa n t factor behind this was emigra ti on. The opportuni ty to lea ve the misery of the South for better prospects in Northern Italy or in Western European and transo c ea n i c countr i e s led to massiv e emigra ti o n , beginn i ng in about 1880 . In the first 15 yea rs of the 20th century, about four mill ion Southern Italians left their land , foremost for the United States; 9 from the end of the 19th century to the middl e of the 20th century some nine million South Italians emigrated. 10 Over the peri od 1902- 1913 , 33.8 % of the popul a ti on of Abruzzi emigra ted to transocea ni c coun- tr i e s ; the corres p o n d i ng figures for Cala br ia , Basi li c a ta and Sicily were 36.8%, 34% and 26.4 %, respe c ti vel y. 11 The proportion of able-bodied, unskil led men among emi gra nts was larger tha n in the popu la ti on at large. At times, when emigration was particu lar l y grea t, and led to a reducti o n of the number of work- e r s in a certai n geogra p hi c area , it had the effect of favouri n g the conditi o n s of those who remained . The wages for day-la b o u r could actua ll y increa se owi ng to the shorta ge of labourers, and landowners could reluctantly be forced to sign sharecropping contracts that were more favourabl e for the tena nts tha n they had been bef ore. In area s where the situ ation was the reverse, where demographic expa nsion was grea ter tha n emi gra tion, the pea sa nts beca me more and more involved in competition between each other. A common strategy for gainin g a secu re incom e was to become a direct culti va to r by way of contracts of tenancy or share-croppi ng , rather than being one of many day- labourers for which work was scarce. These attempts were faci li ta ted by the increa si ng number of landowners who, for reasons outl i ned above, wished or were forced to be absent from thei r do- ma i n s. As direc t culti v a to rs , rathe r than day- labourers, these peasants were in a better posi ti on to sta bi li s e thei r economy and later buy small pieces of land. It was not only saving s earned in Italy that allowe d peasan ts to buy land, howeve r . Many emigran t s were able to send substa nti a l sums of money to thei r famil ie s back in Ital y, and many retu rned with a handsome capi tal ; in the 50 yea rs tha t foll owed the turn of the century, about fo ur millio n South Italia n emigran ts returned. 12 Furthermore, since the 1930s, the Italian government has provi ded peasa nts with both capi tal and incen ti v e to acqu ire small farms . Features of Social Organisation 15 T h e effect of this second phase of agricu l tu ra l transfo r ma ti o n was tha t most land, with the ex cepti on of the large esta tes on the pla i ns of Pugl ia and in Western and Interi or Sici ly, was divi ded into a patch- w o r k of propert i e s of very small to medium sizes. Many of the former were cul ti va ted with ancient and ineffi ci ent methods; the soil was broken with a scra tch plough or by hoeing. 13 In the 1950s there were 22.6 priva te prope r ti e s per 100 inha bi ta n ts in Souther n Italy (excl u d- i n g prope r ti es of less than 1/2 hecta r es; the figur e for Centr a l Italy was 5.4) . 14 Many of the landh o l d i ng s were so small that they did not permi t a family to live on agricu l tu r e alone , even if sever al sepa ra te fiel d s were owned . Due to the varying abili ti e s and needs of the househol d — typica lly established neolocally and consisting of a single nuclear family — at different times of its existence in accor- d a n c e with its develop m enta l cycl e, land was frequen tl y bought and sold, or was leased, rented or sharecropped on a wide variety of terms. 15 Anoth er factor that stimulated the commerce in small plots of land was the prestige attributed to land-ownership — numerous transactions in land were essentia ll y tra nsa cti ons in presti ge. 16 The extensive commerce in land meant tha t not only was land fra g- mented, but the plots of land owne d by a household were typi ca lly also scattered and could be located fa r from each other. The system of land ownership in Southern Italy has been char a c teri z ed as perhaps the most complicated and confused in the Western world. 17 Smal l sca le and fragmentati on was ch aracteristic also of other eco- nom i c sectors . The indu str i a l unit s were typically small workshops operated as family busi nesses with the assi stance of a few workers recruited among kin and friends. 18 The service sector was even more atomistic, crowded with individu al s opera t i n g shops , stall s, barbe r shops, tail or shops, lotteries and so on, often as a part- ti me acti vi ty beside farming. There was a strong reluctance to seek partnership, and the ideal was to run a business on one’s own. Under- empl oy ment as a resul t of over- e s ta bl is h men t and the absen c e of an adequa te demand for services was the rule. This state of affa i rs led to a fragme n ta ti on of econo m ic acti v i tie s of the indivi dual and the househol d. In a soci ety in which land was sca rce and usually poor, and over-population and under- empl oy men t were common, life was often a struggle to make ends meet by a viabl e combinazione of acti vi ti es, mixi ng agri cul tura l work with petty co m- merce, day-labour, part-time wage labou r and what other oppor t u n i - ti es tha t were at hand to earn a fe w lire. John Davi s reports on Pisticci in Basil i ca ta: ‘Pisti c c es i say that life is a strug gl e . There was no one at 16 Chapter 2 Ca porotondo who coul d afford to allow himsel f to be carri ed along passive on the ebb and flow of his domestic cycl e.’ 19 Despite the economic improvements of the 20th century, many South Ital ia ns contin ue d to live in deep poverty until a few decades ago. F. G. Friedmann wrote in th e early 1950 s tha t: ‘…Ca la bria and Lucania still exhibit the most shocki ng poverty… The peasant’s home is still a hovel which he share s with his wife and a litter of child r en, and a mule is still his only possession.’ 20 Descriptions of the povert y in the South are found in both the work of socia l sci entists 21 as well as a number of novels, among which Carlo Levi’s Cristo si è fermato a Eboli and Enzio Silone’s Fontamara are perhaps the most wellknown. The typi ca l diet of peasa nts and the poor was based on bread, comple- mented with legumes and vegeta bl es; mea t was rarely eaten. During times of economic crisis and crop failure, many families suffered from hunger. Many houses were poor and overcrowded — the typical peasa n t family live d in a house wi th only one room — and sani tary arra ngements were often lacking. 22 Poor diet and poor housing con- di ti ons contributed to bad heal th; tuberculosis and other respiratory disea s es were wides pr ea d, and mala r ia was brought under contr o l only in the 1940 s. At the time of the unif ica ti on of Ita l y, 87% of the popul a ti on in the Kingdom of the Two Sici li es did not know how to read and write , meani ng that illite ra c y was close to 100% in many parts of the South. 23 Still in the mid-195 0s , illi te ra c y was high: in the community in Basilicata studied by Edward Banf ield, one- third of the men and two- thi r ds of the women could not read or write. 24 The Communities Most South Italians lived in densely populated towns, and this holds true also for the majori ty of the popula ti on who subsi s ted on agri - c u l t u re . 25 Isolated farmhouses in the countryside were generally few and were mostl y found in the littor al areas, in Wester n Sicil y and in the area s bordering Centra l Italy. 26 From his town, which might range in popula tion from perha ps a few hu ndred inha bi ta nts to several tens of thousa nds, the peasa nt tra vell ed to the scattered fiel ds tha t he cultivated himself or where he was offered work; the trip to the fields and back could take him several hours each day. As noted, in previ- ous times, many communities were rather isolated from their sur- roun d i ng world, and there was a strong sense of local patrioti s m . The campanilismo (local patriotism) of the South, however, has been de- scribed not so much as an expression of pride in one’s own village or town as a depreciation of other communities. 27 Co-opera tion between Features of Social Organisation 17 c o m m u n i t i e s was usually rare, and th ere was, with the exception of the upper soci al stra ta , littl e interma rri age between towns. 28 Joint acti vi ti es on a communi ty level were infrequent. These were often limite d to the celebra ti o n of reli gi o u s feasts, among which the most importa nt was typi ca ll y tha t of the patron sai nt, a focal symbol of communi ty identi ty. Some communities were popula te d by two distinct groups of people with occupational differen ces — such as fishing people and peasan ts , artis a n s and farmer s , or miners and non-mi n e r s — who lived in separa te area s of the town and each forming its own pari sh , honouring different patron saints . Usually there was perpetual con- flict between these groups . The pa ri shes were essentially endoga- m o u s , and the inhabi ta n ts of each considere d themselv e s as bette r tha n those of the other and depreca t ed them by saying, for example, tha t they were all thi eves and the women were all whores. 29 As is vividly described by Giovanni Verga in his famous short story Guerra di santi (‘The War of the Saints ’ ) , the celebra ti o n of a pari sh saint could be an occasion when this hostility came to the fore and erupted into open viol ence. In larger towns with a more mixed popula tion, there could be numerous parishes honouring their own patron saints, but the antagonism between these seems to have been less pro- nou nced. The pari s hes did not orga nise themselves as separa te com- munities in conflict, but expres sed thei r belonging to a singl e communi ty by all celebra ting the same town patron besi de thei r own parish patrons. Living in a town, even a small one, had a strong positive value in contra st to sta yi ng on the countrysi d e. It was generally held that in town lived people who were civili sed , while those living on the country si d e were crude, stupid and uncivili s ed . 30 This might seem a bit para doxica l, since pe a sa nts livi ng on the countrysi de were gener- a ll y better off tha n those livi ng in the townshi ps. Becau s e of varia ti o ns in the size of popu la ti o n s and in the chara c- ter of the local economies, in addi tion to fluctua ti ons over time in the period with which we are concer n e d , it is diff icu l t to draw a typical picture of social stra tifi ca t i o n in the local communities. However, a general trend can be observed, that affected particular communi ties to varying degrees. In the beginning of this peri od, distinct and en- dog a m ou s social stra ta were recogni s ed in the commun i ti es — for insta nce, wealthy landowners, an intermediate class of mercha nts and arti sa n s, and peasa n ts . 31 The peasan t stratu m was rela tivel y homoge- n o u s , and soci al mobilit y was low. At the end of the era, social strati- f i ca ti o n had becom e less disti n c t, soci al mobil i ty was greater and the 18 Chapter 2 peasant stra tum had decreased in homogeneity and become much more intern all y diversi fi e d. This develop m e n t is, of course, an effect of the agricu l tu ra l and econo mi c transforma tion outlined above. Manlio Rossi-Doria observes: ‘Be fo r e 188 0 peasa nt s ... wer e in simi l a r condi ti o ns, so tha t the i r cla ss as a whol e had a rema r k a b l e homo g e ne i ty . Afte r 188 0, the grow i ng sub di v i si o n of bour g e o i s prop er ty and the grad u a l chang e of lando w ne r s into rentiers opene d the roa d to cha ng e for indi v i d u a l pea sa nts . M or e and mor e day lab or e r s beca me tena nt s, sha r e cr o ppe r s, or othe r kinds of coloni. The i r ear ni ng s and savi ng s as dire c t culti v a to r s perm i tte d many of them to buy a piec e of land , to bui l d a house , and to hav e so m e ani ma l s . But in doing so, each one beca me diff e r e n t from the othe r . They bec a me more and more invo l v e d in the compe ti - ti o n for a job and for mor e and bette r land to cul ti v a te , adhe r i ng less and less to clas s soli d a r i ty and co mmu ni t y parti c i p a ti o n as they beca me more excl u - s i v e l y inte r e s te d in perso na l or fa mil y progr e s s . ’ 3 2 A simil ar diver s if i ca ti o n also affec te d other socia l strata . Land ownership ceased to be of crucial so cial signifi c a n ce when person s of all social strata beca me owners of land, a posi ti on tha t brought pres- ti ge to people over a continuous sca l e dependi ng on the rela ti ve siz e and quali ty of the holdi ng s. The disti n c tion betwe e n peasa n ts and the interme d ia te social stratum became blurre d in a process in which more and more peasan ts became rather well-to - d o . Sydel Silverm a n sums up: ‘... [P]er son s are ranked along a contin uous range. Sta tu s is no t de t e r mined by memb e r s hi p in disc r e te cate g o r i e s : a “land l o r d ” might be just a slig htl y bette r - o ff pea sa n t, a “pea sa nt” is ofte n a pa rt- ti me no na g r i c u l tur a l work e r , agri c u l - tur a l i sts are also town sme n, and so on. In thi s situ a ti o n, the r e can be no shar p bound a r i e s betw e e n econo mi c and soci a l group i n g s . An indivi d u a l ’ s rank is deci de d by his o wn par ti cul a r co mb i na ti o n o f arr a nge me n ts at any give n time — the qua n ti ty of land owne d , the occupa ti o ns pra cti se d, and othe r attr i b - utes .’ 3 3 In this situation, a basic social distinction emerged from the con- sideration of whether or not a man had to perform manual work, since this was an inspe c tab l e and indispu ta b l e indi ca ti o n of relati v e wealth. 34 Physi c al labou r, espec ia ll y in agri c ul tu r e , was gener al ly despis e d and conside r e d degrad i ng ; this view was also shared by most of those who had to work the earth themselves, while total freedo m from work — to live in leisur e with a high income from landhol di n g s or from some other enterprise, the daily matters of which were cared for by employees — carried high prestige. 35 The privileged position of not having to perform manual labour could be expressed by allowing the fingerna il of the littl e finger to grow ostenta ti o us ly long, by spendi n g the days loungi n g in public spaces Features of Social Organisation 19 d r e s s ed in expensi v e suits and by adopti n g a relaxed and slow- pa ce d mode of walki n g , gesti cu la ti n g and talki n g which contr a s te d sharp l y with the goal-ori ented and excited bodily movements and way of speaki ng associated with manual labour. 36 It should be empha sised, however, tha t the prestige associa ted with idl eness did not imply tha t lazines s was a virtue ; on the contr a r y , this chara c ter trait was despised among those who had to work since it impeded a man in to provid e well for his family, and a hardwo r k i n g man gained a certai n prestig e among his peers through his industr i ou s n es s. Household, Family and Kinship The South Italian household — which, in those areas where large estates where absent, was the basic unit of production — has long consis ted predom i n a n tly of a nuclea r family, althou g h hous eh ol d s consisting of more complex fami lies (stem, extended or joint) have been quite common in certain areas. 37 There was a posi ti ve correl a tion between household wealth and household complexity. 38 It has been argu ed that, under certa i n econo mi c circu ms ta n c es , this correla ti on is caus ed by a more advanta g e o us balance between expenses and income for complex fami lies, the members of which could co-opera te in agri c ul tu ral or artis a n work and avoid the fragmen ta ti o n of famil y patrimony through inherita nce. 39 However, thi s appears not to be the case under certain other economic circums t a n c es , where instead the correlation has been seen as foll owing from the circumstance that greater wealth allowed a househol d core to realise ideals of kinship solida ri ty by welcomi n g poor and unable rela ti v e s. 40 As mentioned, the household of a nucl ea r fami ly was established neolocally, and the marriage age was most often low, especially for girl s. 41 In the househo l d there preva il e d an ideol o g y of stron g solida ri ty . In a society charac ter i sed by weakne ss of formal soci al organi sa tio n , the sense of belong i ng that it inspir e d in the indivi d ua l was unpara l- l e l ed by other institu ti o ns . It has been observ e d that ‘an adult hardly may be said to have an indiv i du al i ty apart from the fami ly : he exists not as “ego ” but as “par e nt” ’, 42 and that ‘child re n were percei ve d as organi c parts of la famiglia rather tha n as persons’. 43 The earnings of the able-bodied members of the househol d were pooled in a common economy to cover regular expenses and finance long-term projects, such as buying new land or educating a son. Under the formal autocratic leadership of the father, its members were expected to shed the i r indivi dual interests and sacrifice them- sel ves for the common good of the fami l y. In pra cti ce, however, the 20 Chapter 2 mother often had considera bl e infl uence over important family mat- ters, such as the household econom y and the choice of marriage part- ners for the children. The fami ly has been described as ‘father- domi na ted, but mother- centred’. 44 Some sources, however , describe how the ideology of fami ly concord was under severe pressure by forces tha t tended to fragment the nucl ea r famil y. Typi cal ly this seems to have been the case in settings characterized by deep poverty and an economy of wage labour, and to have enta i l ed confli cts between the indivi dual interests of adult children (especially sons) and the interests of the other members of the family. 45 Rela ti ves belongi ng to different ho us ehol ds were also idea ll y sup- posed to feel togetherness and soli dari ty . An often used meta phor for thi s tra ns- househol d bel ongi ng, used also for the atta chment between househol d members, was that of the blood relationship. Indivi duals with a common ances to r are, as in Englis h , calle d consanguini (‘con- sanguines’); a father may call his son sangue del proprio sangue (‘blood of the own blood’), while members of the fami ly are said to essere dello stesso sangue (‘be of the same blood’); la voce del sangue (‘the voice of the blood ’) is an expres s io n that refers to a suppos e d insti n c t that predisposes a person to recognise and love his relati v es , and the expression il sangue non poù divenire acqua (‘blood must not become water’) is used when speaking of relatives who, although they quarre l among themse l v e s , neverth e l e ss unite to assi st and defend each other in times of need. Hence family belonging is expressed in biol ogical terms; although indi vi dua ls have sepa ra te bodi es, they sha re the same vital essence of blood, they ar e part of a fami ly depi c te d as an orga ni c enti ty. The notion of parenti (‘relatives’) could, however, be rather vague. Genera ll y this term denoted bila tera lly rel a ted consa ngui nes and affin es , but there was often a patril a tera l bias expre s s i ng a stron g e r sense of belongi n g with blood rela ti ve s of the male line, brough t forward also by the inheritance of the surname from the father. We find cons id era b l e variati o n betwee n communi ti es as to the genea logi - c a l distan c e within which person s were consid e r e d as rela ti v e s , as well as to the classification of kin. 46 The general vagueness concer ni ng the spa ns of kinshi p permi tted a ce rtain contextuality in deciding whether or not a person was a rela ti ve; a man coul d try to inv oke notions of kin solida rity in order to gain assi stance from a distant relative and, conversely, a person could choose to consider a rather close rela ti ve as dista n t in order to avoid kins hip obligations. 47 Ideally, relatives should help one another, and it was common to ask one’s kin for help in specifi c matter s, such as in borrowi n g money Features of Social Organisation 21 or providing recommendations for employment. It is clear, however, that many times such help, especi ally when it enta iled cons iderable effort for the househol d concerne d , was denied, and we find proverbs expre s si n g the burden felt to follow from kinshi p obliga ti o ns . 48 In the case of baptisms, weddings and fu nerals , all rela ti ves were supposed to be invi ted; a refusa l to invi te or to partici p a te when invite d was understood as a serious br eak of kinship solidarity. In some areas, patri la te ra lly rela te d families tended to live close to each other in neighbou r h ood s . This was a result of the parenta l fam- i l y ’s practice of providing houses for sons when they married and of a preference for acquiring or building these houses close to the parenta l home, which was inherited by the youngest son. 49 In other areas, matri la te ra l kin clus ter e d in a si milar way, since daughters were instead provided with houses as inheri tance or as marriage endow- ment, as an advance inheritance. 50 In bot h cases, the rela ted fami li es forme d a clos el y knit neigh bo u r h o o d chara c ter iz e d by kinsh i p soli- dari ty. Each household was assigned by the members of the neighbou r- hood or the community a specific degree of honour, abou t which there was general agreeme n t . Principa l l y , a househol d achi eve d hon- our through the capa ci ty of its adul t members to conf orm to ideal fami l y roles . 51 Signi fi ca n t chan g es in the househol d’s honour affected the honour of close relatives belonging to other househol ds. There- f o r e , in the case of grave dishono u r in one househo l d, relati v e s could appl y pressure to the adult male househol d members to act to restore their honour or could feel forced to act themselves. The most common type of grave disho n o u r for a family was illici t sexua l acces s by another man to a daughter or to the wife; this man commi tted an offesa di sangue (‘offence to the blood’). In the case of an unfait h f u l wife, the offen c e stain ed the famil y ’ s honou r and defiled its blood so gravel y that honou r and purity of blood could be resto r e d only, at leas t in theory , throug h a washin g in blood by killing the offend er or the wife or both — it was said tha t sangue lava sangue (‘blood washes blood’). 52 In the case of the pre-ma rita l relation of a daughter, an accepta bl e alterna ti ve to viol ent reta lia ti on was to settl e the matter through marriage between the man and the girl . The vendetta and the feud were institu tion s which essenti a ll y con- cerned honour. The vendetta was often preceded by a minor conflict that had developed into a series of reciprocal and increasingly grave acts of insul t, thef t, destructi on of property and physi ca l assaul t, in which the origina l reason for discor d became of lesser and lesser importance. Instead the honour and reputation of the men involved 22 Chapter 2 a n d of their fami li e s became more and more impor ta n t and, in the end, it was this tha t was at stake. A man lost honou r if he was unabl e to defend his property and fami ly interests agai nst others and a repu ta ti o n of being brave and ready to reta li a te had a signif ica n t strategic value. 53 In some communities, such an esca la ti ng confl ic t was calle d a vendetta, even if homi ci de was not the fina l outcome. 54 The ulti ma te aggressi on was rea ched when one of the fami lies sought vengeance in blood and killed a member of the opposing family. The vendetta mobiliz e d rela tiv e s belongi ng to differe n t househo ld s into common action. Especi ally in Sicily , groups of kinsmen could unite agains t other group s in feuds , invol vi n g hosti l e acti o ns and recip r oca l killing s , that could continu e over many decades and sometim e s came to an end only with the exti ncti on of one of the parti es. 55 Relations with Non-Relatives A descr i p ti on by Sydel Silve r ma n (196 8: 15) of extra- ki n rela tio n s , quite typic al of those found in the social scien tif i c liter a tu r e on South- ern Italy, 56 depi c ts commu niti e s as chara c ter iz e d by: ‘… the prev a l e n c e and isol a ti o n of th e nucl e a r fami l y , the abse nce of func- ti o ni ng grou p s beyo nd the fami l y , the insta b i l i ty of poli ti c a l alignme nt s , the rari ty of loca l forma l asso c i a ti o ns, and the weak ne s s of the comm u ni ty enti ty ... the mistr u s t of pers o ns o uts i d e the i mme d i a te fami l y , the scep ti c a l atti tu d e towa r d coop e r a ti o n, the abse nce of a conce p t of “commo n good ” , the unwi l l - i ng ne s s to identi f y ones e l f with eithe r a “pub l i c inte r e s t” or a spec i a l - g r o u p inte r e s t . ’ Lookin g in more deta il at this common render i ng of relati o ns with non- rela ti ves, and with a sta rti ng point in the wea kness of loca l for- ma l assoc ia tion s , it is clear that trade union s and co-oper a ti ves have long been less numerou s and also wea ker tha n in most other parts of Italy. 57 Politi c al allegia n c e s have tende d to centr e aroun d loca l influ - ential men concerned primarily wi th local issu es , who could shift their affi li a ti on from one politi ca l party to anothe r overni g h t when it suited their own interests. These politicians gained a following through personal influence and promis es of sati sf yi ng the interests of indivi d ua ls rather than groups . Hence politi c s was mainly non- id e o l og i ca l, and neighb o u r i n g commun i ti es with simila r soci o- economic characteristics could show enormous variation in the voti ng for different political parties. 58 As mentioned earlier, community- wi de acti vi ti es were typi ca ll y limi ted to the celebra ti on of the patron saint and certain other religious feasts. Features of Social Organisation 23 W h i le in this way formal associa ti o n s are descri b e d as being few and weak, social relati o ns outsid e the househol d and the kin are ofte n described as having consisted to a great extent of what George Foster (196 1) has call ed ‘dya di c contra cts’, tha t is, an informal rel a tion betwe e n a pair of individ u al s, su stained by a series of balanced exchan g es of materia l goods, physical assista n c e (such as exchan ge of days of work) and other forms of favours. Thes e relations were talked about as being based on friendship: ‘when people excha nge favors voluntarily, they call each other “friend” ’. 59 Two perso ns who consid- ered each other ‘friends ’ could be partners in a specific or more gen- eral enterprise; they might not necessarily feel pers onal affection but instead have a certain trust in each other. Hence friendship has been descri b ed , using Eric Wolf’s (1966 a: 10f) distin c ti o n , as ‘instr u m e n ta l ’ rather tha n ‘emoti ona l ’. 60 Trustworthy friends were seen as rare and worth ‘more tha n a trea sure’, but fals e friends were said to be ‘worse than an enemy’. 61 Beside s ‘trust’ , a key value in these social relationships was respect for the other party — he should be trea ted with courtesy and not be forced to do things, and intrusi on shoul d not be made into his pri va te matters. The respect for the integrity and privacy of others also extended to members of the communi ty more genera lly. In the pres- ence of intrig u i ng offi ci als , there was a strong relucta nce to reveal information about others; not so much, it seems, for reasons of soli- da ri ty, but beca use of respect for the right of other househol ds to manage their own affairs in whatever way they wished as long as it was not to the immediate detriment of one’s own household. In a Calabrese village, the sa ying ‘mind your own business’ was referred to as the ‘eleventh commandment’. 62 The subjective aspect of this ideol og y was that of self- r e lia n c e; a strong positive value was atta ched to the abil i ty of a ma n to manage his own business and provide well for his househo l d with out having to depend on others. ‘Dyadic contracts’ could be esta blished between persons of une- q ua l socia l stand i ng , who assu med the roles of ‘patron ’ and ‘clien t’. The ‘patron’ was supposed to give his ‘client’ advantages by using his influence among the higher strata of soci ety , while the ‘cl i ent’ was expected to speak well of his ‘patron’, supply him with information on loca l events and be ready to assist him in undertak i n g s he consid- ered below his dignity. Both types of ‘dyadi c contracts’ were condi- t i o n a l — if one of the parties failed to reci proca te, the rel a ti on was termi na ted. Existi n g dyadic relati o ns could be streng the n e d into a formal and lasting connection by means of comp aratico (godparenthood), and new 24 Chapter 2 r e la ti o n s could also be esta bl is h e d in this way. This implie d that the rela ti onshi p was extended to concern two famil i es. The godparents were selected among soci al equa ls or superiors, and the so estab- l i s he d fictiti ou s kinshi p , prescr i b ed by the Church, could not be bro- k e n . The famil i es unite d by comparatico were not to qua rrel with each other and were supposed to show mutual respect and help. Gener- ally, this seems to have been observed. 63 Indi vi dual s coul d also enter into formal iz ed fri endshi ps; the term comparatico denotes both the spiritual relati o n created by baptism and a ceremoni a l l y declare d friends hi p . 64 In the insti tu ti on a li zed friend- shi p, the two persons were to be loya l to each other for the rest of their lives . The ceremon y in which this kind of comparatico was declared could take numerous forms, and in some of these blood was mingled . To declar e a comparatico di sangue, or a patto di sangue (blood pact), each person drew a little of his blood and the drops were mixed. 65 Hence the notion of shared blood, which was of importance in the concept of rela ti ves, also entered into these rel ati ons of mutual solidari ty. 66 Relationships outside the househol d and kin grou p had a slightly different character among the higher social strata than among peas- a n ts and arti sa n s . The need to esta bli s h conta c ts , valu a ble for reason s of commerce and career, made distant relatives more important and promoted the esta bl ishment of dyad ic ‘friendship’ between men. An indivi dual could thus establish an extensi ve network of rela ti ves and ‘frie n ds ’, among s t whom could be found equa l s in socia l standi ng as well as persons both beneath and above his own position. Through all these connections, he could have access to an even more extensive set of potenti al contacts . 67 Among these classes, men were frequently members of local ‘clubs ’, which had few other functions than to pro- vi de their membership with occasions to maintain their ties of ‘fri end- ship’ and to establish new ones; e ssenti a l l y these clubs had only one express ideology: to hail the blessing of having trustworthy friends. 68 In genera l, the prevalence of dy a di c rela ti ons can be seen as a response to the household being the basic unit of production in large area s of Souther n Italy. Person s represe n t i n g househo l d s enga ge in rela ti ons tha t essentia ll y concern the pra cti ca l matters enta il ed in running the ‘business’ of a househol d. A salient theme in the literature is what has been called the ‘men- ta l i ty of mutual distrust’. 69 This expres sion refers to a cluster of idea s that concerns the rivalry, deceit an d selfishness that was presumed to cha ra cteriz e, or at lea st to be latentl y present in, extra -f a mi li ar ties, as opposed to the idea l harmony, un selfishness and honesty that was Features of Social Organisation 25 supposed to exist between rela ti ves, especia ll y those of the nucl ear famil y. We are infor m ed that it was assum e d that peopl e self ish l y minded their own business without much concern for others, and tha t they were prone to cheat and steal whenever they had an opportunity to do so. Everyone shoul d watch out caref ul ly so as not to be chea ted by others. Hence the saying s: ‘a ma n cannot even turn his back on his own shadow’, 70 and ‘easy acce s s make s a thief out of anyo n e ’. 71 Social rela ti o n s have been descr ibed as ‘carefu l ly calcu la ted and mani pu - l a t e d, rarel y relax e d ’ 72 Distru s t of others is an aspect of Edward Banfi el d ’ s (1958 : 85) much discus s e d noti o n of ‘amora l famil is m ’ , which stems from his hypothe s i s that each individ u al follo w s the rule: ‘ma xi mi z e the materi al , short- run adva nta g e of the nuclea r famil y; assum e that all other s will do likew i se ’ . The recip r o ci ty of doubt has been seen to be a more or less explicit consequence of the competition among peasants and the middle class caused by the scarci ty of land and job opportu n i tie s , and the overcro w d i ng of enterprises in the service sector. 73 The skill to be cunning and shrewd, to be furbo, was seen as a most valu a ble quali ty of a person; furberia was the chief tactical device by which one person coul d favour his own interests to the detri ment of another person. N. T. Colclough (197 1: 224) writes: ‘A man is furbo if he succ e e d s in mani p u l a ti ng the mu tua l righ ts and obli g a - ti o ns of a parti c u l a r soci a l rela ti o ns hi p in his own favo u r . The insti tu ti o n of frie nd s hi p is ofte n used for this purp o s e . A man make s a seri e s o f shor t-l i v e d frie nd s hi p s with the inte n ti o n of expl o i ti ng the r ight s and priv i l e g e s of the relati o ns hi p witho u t givi ng any thi n g in retur n . If he suc ce e d s he gains the reputa ti o n of being furbo. The one who easily was cheated and tricked by others was ridi- cu l e d as fesso (‘soft- w i tte d ’ ) and receiv ed no sympath y since he had no one but himself to blame. More politely he could be called troppo buono (‘too good’) or tre volte buono (‘three times good’) . 74 Havi ng revi ewe d some fea tu res of soci al orga ni sa tion tha t have been regar ded as quite typic al of larg e tra cts of Southern Ita l y, let us now turn to some fea tures whi ch ha ve often been overlooked in the angl ophone litera ture and which raise seri ous doubts as to the more general validity of the theory of ‘amoral fami lism’ and simi lar overly simplified ways of construing South Italian social life. Peasants commonly volunteered as members of various local organi sations concerned with religi ou s matters, such as burial broth- erhoods and committees for the organi sation of religi ous feasts. At least in older times, such organi sa ti ons were both qui te numerou s and had many members.7 5 Parish churches could also be built with co- 26 Chapter 2 o p e r a ti v e efforts , in which peasan ts and more well-to- d o citi ze n s contri buted labour, materia l and capi tal. In the sociological and anthropo l o g i ca l litera t u r e, there are few references to the fact, thoroughly documented in the Ita l ia n fol klori s- tic sources, that South Italians commonly gave away money and food as dona ti ons and alms; one of the few notes to this effect is rela ted by Gower Chapma n (197 3: 195), who state s that ‘gene r osi ty in the givin g of alms’ was one of the most important virtues in the Sici lian commu- ni ty she studi ed in the late 1920 s. Members of religious committees for the arra ngement of saints’ feast were able to coll ect substa ntia l sums of money for fina nci n g the celebra ti o n s. 76 In older times, the poor of South Itali a n commu n i ti es , as well as itine ra n t begga rs , sub- sisted primarily on alms; most households, except those who were extremely poor themselves , seem to have given alms of food regu - l a rl y . To help those who were unfortunate by sharing with them one’s own assets was seen as a Christi a n duty. Such acts of sharing shou ld be unselfish, and one shou ld not ask for anything in return; when alms were given to the poor, there was indeed no return, except for a certa i n prestige and the imma teria l gain of religious merit. Further- more, travellers and bona fide visitors to the community were typi ca l l y trea ted with grea t hospi ta li ty, even if it was evident tha t they woul d not have the opportu n i ty to recipro c a te . Such hospital i ty was embed- d e d in a reli gi o u sl y tinte d ideol og y that it was a duty, for those who were abl e to do so, to assist thos e who were in need. It should be pointed out tha t South Ita li a ns, although there was a wide- s pr ea d anti-cl e ri c a l discou r s e, perceiv e d themsel v e s as good Christi a ns — the word cristiano was generall y used when speaking of persons. Gower Cha pma n (1973 : 28) wri tes: ‘To be human is to be a Christian, and cristianu is the term most frequentl y heard when referrin g to a huma n being, as opposed to one of the lower animals.’ Notions of assista n c e and sharing were also strong in relations between neighbours. 77 It was common to borrow sma ll sums of money, as well as household and other utensils. The women of the neighbourhood helped each other wi th the tendi ng of chil dren, with labori o us domest i c tasks and when extraor d i na ry events , such as a birth or a serious illness of a hous ehol d member, called for the assis- tance of others. Gifts of food we re exchang e d, as were customa ry dishes prepa re d at certa i n feas t- da y s of the year. The appre c i a ti o n of neighbours was the subject of prover bs that compar e d neighbour s to close relatives. 78 Two Italian ethnographers describe relations betwee n neigh b o u rs as follo ws : Features of Social Organisation 27 ‘ T he p e r s o n s o f t h e n e i g h b o u r h o o d a r e e s t e e m e d a s t h o u g h t h e y w e r e rel a - ti ve s, and a t ti m e s also mor e tha n tha t. .. T he nei ghb o ur s hel p each othe r ; in mome nt s of nee d, they ha ste n to help at ever y lamen t and ever y cry... Amo ng the peop l e of the neig hb o u r ho o d , ther e is a conti nu o u s excha ng e of favou r s and cour te si e s, o f wate r , of salt, o f brea d, of utensi l s , and [i t is said]: “with the tabl e cloth that goes and co me s , frie n d s hi p is co nse r v e d ” . O n the contr a r y , many ti me s the nega ti o n or refu s a l of a small serv i c e is the caus e of rese nt- me n t, o f bitte r ne s s tha t lead s all the way to the qu ar r e l ’ 7 9 ‘... [B]ein g neigh b our s does not necessa r ily imply friends hip. It ma y be limited to simpl e forma l i ti e s , thes e bein g eithe r bila te r al or unil a te r a l : excha ng e s of fir e , wate r , mat c he s, yea st, do me sti c an d agri c ul t ur a l ute n s i l s , trad i ti o na l food s and di she s, gi ft s of fruit or pig’ s mea t etce te r a . From this form a l i t y may grow true frie n d s hi p whic h can lead to spir i tu a l ki ns hi p ( comparato) as well as to actua l kins hi p (ma r r i a g e s). The one wh o does not sub mi t to suc h rules , who asks withou t giv i ng so methin g o r brings trou b l e to the one who give s , auto - ma ti c a l l y plac e s hims e l f outsi d e of the neig hb o u r ho o d . T hey say of them: “It’ s peo pl e who make no-o ne happy” …’ 8 0 Hence, while rela ti ons between neighbours sometimes involved bala nced but dela yed reciprocity, other relations can more aptly be said to have been chara c ter i ze d by a shari ng of scarce asse ts , that is, by generalized reciprocity. 81 In generalized reciprocity the return is neither expected to occur within a certain time nor to be strictly equi val e n t in value. There is an expecta ti o n of recipr o c i ty , but it is indefi n i te and diff use . Reci pr o c a ti o n may take place when it is possi- ble or convenient for the one who has received and may be urged should the donor himself experience acute need. Failure to recipro- ca te withi n a speci fi c interva l of time does not mea n tha t the one who has given may not give more. In the long run, however, the assis tance on beha lf of one party is expected to bala nce tha t of the other party. As Evans -P r itc h a r d (1969 :8 5) rema r ke d about the Nuer, the ideolog y of sharing can be seen as a response to scarci ty of food and other resou r ce s cruci al to survi va l: ‘Thi s habi t of shar e and shar e alik e is easi l y unde r s ta nda b l e in a comm u ni ty wher e ever y one is like l y to find hims e l f in diff i c u l ti e s from time to time , for it is scarcity and not sufficie ncy that ma kes peop l e gene r o u s , sinc e ever y b o d y is ther e b y ensu r e d agai nst hung e r . He who is in ne ed to-d a y rece i v e s help from him who may be in like need to-mo r r o w . ’ This view of relations between ne igh bo u r s as often chara c teri z ed by general iz ed reci pr o c i ty fits in well with the frequen t reports of a social discourse stressing egalitarianism among South Italian peas- a n ts , stati n g that all were equa ls and no perso n was worth more than any other. 82 The idea of a basic equa li ty is crucia l to general iz e d reci - procity. If a person has a need and is helped by another, then the 28 Chapter 2 other ought, in the long run, to be able to recipr o ca te . This can take place only if the persons are perceiv e d to be roughly equa l in weal th and resources, although one is at times more fortunate than the other. One aspect of the egalitarian ethos was the sensitiveness to superbia , that is, beha viou r indica ti n g that someone considered him- self to be of higher socia l rank tha n he actua ll y was accordi ng to the neighbourhood or community cons en sus. Such manifestations of inappr o p r ia te superi o ri ty were critic is ed and ridicu le d . 83 The strong disapproval of everything that could be interpreted as superbia reifi e d the picture of an egalitarian peasantry in settings where the actual economic circumstances worked towar d s a diff e re n ti a ti o n among households in terms of assets. Types of Reciprocities M a rs h al l Sahli n s ’ (1965) typol o g y of three idea l types of recipr o citi e s — generalized, balanced and nega tive — allows us to speak more abstr a c tly about South Ital ia n socia l rela ti ons. Sahl i ns’ typol ogy out- li n es the princi p al logi cal possib il i ti e s for dealin g with the distrib u - tion of scarce assets. In the South of Italy, gener al iz e d recipr o c i ty character i z ed rela - tions between kins men, especially between those of the nuclea r fam- ily, and to some extent between pseudo-kin compadres. Ideal ly , all should share and help one anothe r , but there was an expecta ti o n that, in the long run, giving and receiving shou ld bala nce. This is expressed in the nuclear family by the expectation that children should reci procate — ‘pay back’ — what they had received from their parents by caring for them when they became old and unfit. 84 Shar i ng could extend also to neighbours and other members of the commu- ni ty, and in this context the noti on of equa li ty is brought to the fore: people are equals since they all depend on one another. The ideologi- c a l elabo ra ti on of genera liz e d reci pr ocity is the Christian notion of equa li ty between huma n beings before God, the concord tha t shoul d cha ra cteriz e interpersonal rela ti ons, and the impera ti ve of assi sting those who are in need without regard to one’s own well-being. Brought into pra cti ce situa ti ona ll y, thi s ideol ogy mea nt tha t also persons not belongi ng to the community, such as itinera nt begga rs and travel l e rs , were also incor po r a te d into the spher e of shari n g . In the case of the occasional visitor who is offered an overwhelming amount of the best of what the house can offer, the household is allowe d to momenta r il y create an impres s i o n of itself that compli e s to the ideal of shari ng and hospi tal i ty — an ideal that, if broug h t into Features of Social Organisation 29 practice on a more regular basi s with the community members as reci pi ents, woul d soon exha ust its resources and assets. 85 Bala n c e d recipro c i ty means that each instance of giving or assist- i ng is expected to be me t by an equi va l ent retu rn, either directl y or at a dela y. Thi s type of reci proci ty is cha racte r i s ti c of ordi nar y commer - ci al tra nsa ctions, but it may also appl y to rela ti ons between more distant kin, neighbours, ‘friends’ and other persons of the commu ni ty . The ideology accompa ny i n g bala nc ed recipr o ci ty in tradition a l Southern Italy was that of self-rel i a n c e. Each househo l d is an inde- pendent uni t tha t rela tes to other hous e h o l ds rather infor m al ly in ways that are agreed upon in mutu al respect for the other party. In practi ce , the distincti o n between dela yed balanced reciproc i ty and general iz ed recip r o c i ty may not be sharp; if the delay is long and if multiple actions flowing in the same directio n are agreed upon with- out direct returns, the rela ti onshi p begins to look like general iz e d reciprocity. Nega ti ve reciproci ty is, as Sahl i ns puts it (p. 148 ) , the ‘attempt to get somethin g for nothing with impunity … ’ , in which ‘…the partici- pants conf ront each other as opposed interests, each looking to maximiz e utility at the other’ s expens e ’ . This type of recipr o c i ty is at the core of Banfield’s notion of ‘amoral fami li s m ’ . Among its ideo- logical corollaries are the ‘mentality of mutual distrust’ and the posi- tive value assigned to furberia . The three types of reciprocities ca n be assumed to have been basic to the concep ti on, orga ni sati on and instituti ona li sa ti on of socia l rela - ti o n s in South Italia n commun i ti es . They are made manife s t by diff er - ent indivi duals favouring one over the other, or each expressed by the same individu a l in differe n t contexts. Furthermore, notabl e variati o n has been documen te d in the charac ter of social rela ti o n s and in the discourse and ideology tied to them, between communities in diff e re n t area s of South er n Italy and also over time in parti cu la r communities. Such variat ions can be seen as resu l ting from divers e constellations of a number of factor s that inf luence soci al rela ti ons — such as demog r a ph y, the avai la bil i ty of natu ra l and other resou rc e s , the character of the local economy, the impact of market economy and the power of the state or of local politi ca l bodi es to enforc e vari- ou s regu lat i ons . Differe n ce s in such constel l a t i o n s could, as has been shown with rega rd to Cal abri a , 86 genera te significantly diverse socio- cultural patterns even between co nte mporary communities in the same regi on. 87 To conclude, the features of Sout h Italian soci al organisation of especia l importa n c e for the follow i n g discus si o n s may be summa- 30 Chapter 2 rised. The family househol d — whether nuclea r or complex — stands out as the fundam e n tal social unit. The family in a broa de r sense, includ i ng rela ti v e s living in diff er e n t househ ol d s , was also of great importa n c e as a group inspir i n g a sense of belongi ng and soli da ri ty in indi v id ua ls . Reli gi o n was an ideol og i ca l force that exten d e d the noti ons of soli dari ty and sha ri ng from the sphere of the fami ly to the worl d outsi de of kinshi p; the patron sai nt was the symbol of the communi ty, havi ng the capa ci ty to mobi l iz e communi ty members into otherwise rare common action. The type of reciprocity underly- i ng the distributi on of assets vari ed signi f ica ntly in accorda nce with Sahlin ’ s typolo g i cal model of genera liz e d , bala nc ed and negati v e recipr o c i ty. The factor s accoun ti n g for this vari ati o n are comple x , but distance in kinship and the prevai li ng economic conditions of a com- munity emerge as highly significant. THREE BODY AND VITAL FORCE Paradigms of Humoural Theory I n the cultur al tradi ti o n s of Weste rn Europe the most systematic, non- modern attempt to understa nd the huma n body and its functi ons is the humoural theory, funda mental to schol a rl y medici ne from anti q- ui ty up to the 19th century. The humoural theory builds upon the thinking of the Greek natu ral philosopher Empedocl es (5th century B . C .) . In antiqu i ty it was develo p e d mainl y in the Hippoc r a ti c writing s — a body of texts written by or ascrib e d to the Greek phys ici a n Hippocra tes (ca. 460- ca. 377 B . C .) and colle c te d in Alexa n d ri a in the third century B . C . into the Corpus Hippocraticum — and by the Greek medi cal schola r Galen (130- ca. 200) . 1 The theory combined four basic quali ti es — hot, dry, wet and cold — into four fundame n ta l elements : air, fire, water and earth. The four elements further corresponded to four consti tuent humours of the body: blood, yell ow bil e, phl egm and black bile (see Figure 1). Thus yell o w bile and fire were hot and dry, black bile and earth were dry and cold, and so on. YELLOW BILE (Fire) (Water) PHLEGM (Air) BLOOD (Earth) BLACK BILE DryHot Wet Cold Figure 1. Qualities, elements and humours. 32 Chapter 3 In the healthy organi sm the four humours were balanced; illnes s resulted from an upset of the equilibrium. Since the condition of bodil y waste produ c ts such as urin e, vomi t and faeces were thought to revea l the humou ra l state of the organ is m, a diagn o si s could be made by their examinat i on . Therap y consisted of a manipulation of humours. Regimens of diet could restore humoural balance, since also foodstuffs were understood to consi s t of the four basi c elements in varying proportions. For instance , ‘hot’ foods should be consumed to countera ct ‘col d’ sta tes. Drugs were prescribed, supposed to have effects on the humours of the body. Unwanted and dangerou s fluids tha t had accumula ted in the body could be eva cuated by purging, vomi ti ng, swea ti ng, blood-l etti ng and blisteri ng. The humoural theory was integrated , especially during the Middle Ages and the Rena is sa n c e , with a unitary and assoc ia ti ve view of the world and the cosmos. The human body and the universe was seen as consi s ti ng of the same funda menta l qual i ti es and eleme n ts . On the basis of identi ti e s in quali tie s and elements — as well as accordin g to resemblance in form, colour and other outer appearances — far- reachi ng webs of associations were worked out by scholars of that time, in which minera ls , gems, plants , anima ls , seaso n s of the year, the heavenly bodies, the houses of the zodiac , state s of the huma n body, its intern al orga ns and so on were all interc o n n e c te d in the cosmos. Such associ ations provided the rationale for medical thera- pies as well as for the ‘science’ of alchemy. Folk medi ci ne in Southe r n Italy was, as in other South Europe an countries, 2 a rather incoh er e n t agglo mer a te of idea s and practi ces concerning health, illness and curing. 3 Although it included aetiolo- gies, common sense recommendations , herbal decoctions and cures that accor d i ng to moder n medic al science are accu rate or effica c i ou s , folk medici n e at large was a body of knowle d g e in which aeti ol og ies and cures based on associ a ti ve princi pl e s of contagi o n and resem- bl a n c e were mingl ed and amal ga ma ted with eleme nts of Hippoc ra ti c medicine. In this diversity, howeve r, a simplified version of the old humou ra l patho l o g y stands out as a coher e n t medica l branc h . The Italia n folk medica l versio n of the humoura l theory relied on the assumpti on tha t corrupted flui ds tended to accumula te in the body, while it was less preoccupied with the elaboration of the sys- tem of the fo ur humours. 4 It was thought tha t many ail ments were caus ed by an abnormal condi ti on of the blood: it coul d be ‘ba d’, ‘cor- rupted’, ‘too thick’, ‘too dark’, ‘too ho t’, it could ‘conta i n pus’ or it could have accumu la te d in too great amounts in a specifi c bodily part. These ideas found thei r main applica ti o n in blood- l e tti n g, which Body and Vital Force 33 in older times was a widespr e a d practi ce perfo r med as a prophy lac ti c mea sure or with the intenti on to cure ailments by dra wi ng the cor- rupted or superfluous blood. Bleed ing could be brought about by mea ns of incision, by wet cupping, or by the applica tion of lea ches. One could perform the drawing of blood oneself, but it was most common to have it done by the barb er. A natural evacuation of blood, such as a moderat e nose-bl e e d , could also be seen as benefici a l for the health. 5 Prophyla c ti c bleeding was recomme n d ed at least once a year. The speci fi c times of the year when this was to be done coul d vary accordi ng to local tra di tions, but the most general pra cti ce was to draw the blood in March. According to other wide-sprea d recom- mendations a bleeding shou ld be made at the beginning of every new seas o n , that is, four times a year. 6 Hence the humoural cleaning and renewal of the body coi ncided with junctures in the cal enda r. March is a month suggesti ve of renewa l of the vegeta ti on and the yea r — the ancient Romans celebr a te d New Year in this month — and the begin- n i n g of a seaso n is the star t of a new phas e of the year with disti n c tive chara c te r i s ti cs of tempe r atu r e , humid ity and daylig h t. Just as the exter n a l world annu al ly renew itsel f and at the begin n i n g of a season assu m e a new constell a tion of fundame n ta l quali ti e s , so should the inner humoural world of the human organi s m also be perio d i cal l y renewed and adjusted. A thera peutic blood-l etti ng was ca rri ed out with care. A timel y bleedi ng could cure the pati ent, but an unti mel y one could kill him. The amount of blood to be drawn was strictly controlled; too much coul d cause harm, and it was better to take a little tha n too much, since one could alwa ys undergo an additional bleeding. Blood shou ld be taken at an appro pr ia te place and, in case of some ailme n ts , this was the part of the body that was cons idered to suffer from an accu- mulation of blood. For example, ha emorrhoi ds were trea ted by the appl i ca ti o n of leach es at the anus , 7 and headac h e , often though t to be caused by an excess of blood in the head, could be cured by a pro- vok e d nose-bl e e d . 8 In the case of many other ailments, the exact spot of the bleeding was determined by ideas about the loca ti on of blood vessels. It was thought tha t the blood sprea d through the body only when there was a reason for it, such as a wound in the skin. The expressi o n jirisinni ’n sangu (‘the blood is circulati n g ’ ) was thus used in Sicily when a per- son was in danger of bleeding to death . We learn that two veins were widely known as suitable for bleeding. One was the salvatella (the ‘saving vein’), which was located in the hand, and the other was 34 Chapter 3 thought to lea d from the hea rt to th e fourth finger on the left hand. 9 On the basis of such notions, this also being the practi c e in Sicil y, hea rt troubl es were trea ted by a bleedi ng of the hand. 10 Yet oth er internal organs were thought to be con nected through specif i c vei ns to the ends of limbs or to certa i n other poi nts of the body. Nephriti c col i c was thus trea ted by blood-l etti ng in the foot, and hea da che and pneumoni a by inci si on s made at the shou lder s . 11 The idea that the body could contain corrupted humours was also expressed by the pra ctice of bliste r i n g. From a Sicil ia n sourc e we learn that blis ter i n g was perfor m e d mostly in older times and was less common tha n blood-letti ng. 12 It was employed especially in the case of a catarrh of the chest, but also in the case of swol l e n gla nds of the neck, scrofulous eruptions, eye ailme n ts and again s t measl es . The sign of a good trea tment was tha t the vesi ca nt in twel ve hours pro- d u c e d a large blister filled with a yellow i s h liq ui d . This liqu id was identif i ed with the mali umori (‘bad’ , or ‘evil’ , liqui d s) that were thought to have caused the ail ment. Blisteri n g was usual l y made on the arms, and it was believed that if it was made at the nape of the neck, or behind the ears, thi s woul d make the pati ent bli nd. Similar idea s concerned the emissi on of pus and lymphatic fluid from wounds. In Cala bria , for example, skin diseas e s in general , such as eczema , furuncl es and exa nthema ta, were thought to be outl ets of bad blood tha t should not be arrested; if thi s was done, the ‘ba d’ humours would cause the organi sm harm. 13 It was also believed that an intenti o n al l y procur e d wound in the leg, a ruttorio (or lettorio ) , which was constantly kept open an d therefore emitted pus, protected from all disea s es and could allev ia te rheum a ti c pains of the legs. The ruttorio w a s made by tying tightl y a small objec t, such as a chick - pe a, aga i nst the skin. Some persons were said to have had a ruttorio for over forty years. 14 In Sicily it was held that carbun c le s and boils were outl ets for deteri ora ted blood, and tha t one shoul d not attempt to he al old and persistently suppura ting wo unds on the lower limbs, because this might have a bad effect on the chest or the hea d. 15 The dregs from an infla me d ear were also seen as an emana ti o n of corru pte d blood , which should not be hindered as this would cause other ailments. 16 It was thoug h t in Basil i ca ta that suppu rating boils were necessary since they purged the blood, and tha t th is was especial l y necessa r y for person s living in chas ti ty . 17 This latter beli ef is one of several tha t spea k of a notion tha t sexual acti vi ty provide s a benef i ci al evac uation of humours from the body, the absenc e of which caus es liquid s to accu mu la te and caus e harm. This idea, which was widely accepted in schola rly humoural medi- Body and Vital Force 35 cine from anti qu i ty up to modern times , 18 pres u ma bly also inspi r ed the belief held in Sicily that leucor r h ea (the whites) was though t to afflic t foremos t girl s and women who lived in chasti ty , such as nuns and widows, and tha t the best cure was to marry (tha t is, to have intercours e). 19 Thus the whitis h mucus emitted in leucor r h e a, which is strongl y sugges t i v e of decay and putrefaction, was identified with bodily humours that had become corrupted since they had not been let out of the orga ni sm in due time through sexual acti vi ty. It may be noted tha t an alterna ti ve cure for these women was to take baths, 20 tha t is, a measure implyi ng puri fi ca ti on of the body. The view of sexual interco u r s e as a prophy l a xi s as well as a rem- ed y is also expres s e d by the follo wi ng Cala bria n proverb on the sub- ject of how often one shou ld have intercourse, a saying which also states that it should not be enjoyed too frequently: 21 Ogni jornu, Eni scornu; Ogni settimana, Ti sana; Ogni quindicina, È medicina. (‘Every day, That is a disgr a c e /a mortifi c a ti o n; Every week, It makes you healthy; Every fortnight, It is a medi cine’) . Given the supposi ti on that intercourse impl i es an outl et for bodily fluids, it may be assumed tha t the objection against excessive sexual acti vi ty connected with an idea tha t the orga ni sm was thereby drained not only of dangerous and superfluous humours, but also of substa nces of vita l importa nce. In the ethnographic sources, only a few items speak of such a notion; there were some proverbs concern- i ng the woes tha t affli ct the man who too easi ly gives in to the sexual tempta ti ons of women, 22 and it was thought tha t a newl y wed man can be ‘exhausted’ or ‘dra ined’ by his wife. 23 The scarci t y of such documentation possibly reflects th e circu ms ta n c e that most earl y Italian ethnographers avoi ded subjec ts concerning sexuality out of a sense of decorum. 24 The idea that intercourse deprives the male of valuable semen, and hence strength and vital power, has been docu- mented elsewhere in southern Europe, 25 and was a common theme in 36 Chapter 3 scholarly humoural medicine. 26 There is therefore a reason to assume that South Italian folk medicine did not consti tute an excepti on. Still anoth e r expre s si o n of the assumpti o n that sexua l acti vi ty purifi e d the body from unwante d humours is found in beliefs con- cer n i n g eyes igh t. To understa n d these beliefs it must first be pointed out tha t the humi d substa nce of the eyes was seen as connected with the flui ds of the orga ni sm. This vi ew is indicat e d by the already men- ti oned idea tha t blisteri ng at the na pe of the neck or behind the ears should make a pati ent bli nd. Other belief s and practi ce s also spea k of such an assump ti o n . In Calabri a, for instan c e , ophthal m i ti s was call ed ’u sangu all’uocchi (‘bl ood in the eyes’) and was thought to be caused by a ‘bleeding vein’. 27 In Sicil y, a prophy l ac ti c meas ure , as well as a cure agains t ophth a l mi tis and other ailments of the eyes, was to prick a small hole in the lobe of the ear. This should be done at the ear on the same side of the head as the afflicted eye. Some people kept the hole perma n entl y open by means of an earri n g , in this way ‘clea ring ’ their eyesight. 28 In Lanci a no (Abruz z o) , one of many cures agains t conju n c ti v i tis was to prick the inside of the eyelid with a blesse d palm-lea f so that some drops of blood were drawn. 29 Given thi s noti on about the eyes, we can understand the idea, docu mented in Abru zz o and Sici ly , tha t intercou r s e or onani s m preserved good eyesight or even increa sed the sharpness of vision. Intercourse could thus be recommended when someone suffered an eye ailment. 30 Hence these beliefs, sometimes expressed with sincer- ity, sometimes more jokingly, were based upon an assu mpti o n that intercourse and onanism provided outlets for bodily fluids which otherwi s e accu mu la ted in the orga nism and obscured the visi on, apparently by muddying the clea rness of the eyes; in the countrys ide surrou n d i ng Acirea le (Sicil y ), inter c ou rs e was said quite seri o us ly to ‘draw the blood out of the eyes’. 31 The assumption that bodily fluids whos e excretion was hindered caused harm was expressed in a host of other beliefs and practices, for instan ce in connec ti o n with the weanin g of a child 32 and in con- nection with perspiration. 33 To summa ri ze, the body was thought to be under a constant threat of corruption. Only the most rigorous control, by prophylactic and therapeu tic measures , could prevent humours from accumu lating, corrup ti ng and so causi ng harm. With- o u t this contro l , the body would inevita b l y suffer a more rapid decay tha n necessary. Body and Vital Force 37 Vital Humidity Another tra in of thought in Western humoura l theory concerns the rela ti on between bodil y flui ds and vital force. In his study, The Ori- gins of European Thought ( 195 1, especia ll y Ch. 6), Richa r d Onia ns presents ample evidence that a healthy body was unders tood in anci ent Greece and Rome to be saturated with life-f l ui d, of which sweat, tears, sperm, blood and th e cerebrospinal marrow were mani- f e s ta tion s . 34 Certa i n ailme n ts were explai ned to result from a defi- c i e n c y in this flui d — the Lati n word for illnes s, siccus , lite ra r y mean s ‘dry’ — and hea l th was thought to be restored by increa sing the amount of vita l flui d by certai n means, such as anointi n g with par- ti cula r kinds of oils . As the body grew older, the vita l flui d dried up; death occu r r ed when it had decrea s ed to a critica ll y low level. In Medi eval medi cal tra diti on, the noti on of a generic vita l essence conta i n e d in the huma n body was elabor a te d as a theory of the humi- dum radicale (‘radica l moistu re’). 35 The theory’s princi pa l idea s can be found as early as in the writin g s of Greek philos o p h er s , in the Hippo- c r a ti c writi ngs , and in Galen ’ s works, but it was Arab natu ra l phi- losophers, foremost the physicia n Avicenna (980 -1037) , who formulated the theory more consiste ntly . On the basi s of his writing s , the theory was further developed until the middle of the sixteenth centur y , after which it bega n to decline . The basic idea was that a huma n being was born with a finite amount of radical moistu re — this derived from the sperm at concep- tion — which was consumed duri ng the span of life. The radical moisture could be repl enished, but only to a certain extent and not indefi n i tel y , since food, when it entered the human organism, was ref i ned so as to form a sequ ence of four ‘seconda ry humou r s ’ — often called ‘humidities’ or ‘moistures ’ to distingu ish them from the four consti tuent (‘pri ma ry’) humours — of which the fourth, and hence the most refined, was the radi cal moistu re. The radica l moistu re was rela ted to ‘inna te hea t’, which was identi f i ed with bodi l y hea t and viewed as a princip l e of life, in the same way as a fuel is rela ted to a flame; the metaphor of the process of life as being equi val e n t to a burnin g oil lamp was often used. The innate heat cons um e s the radi- cal moisture, and the fleshy parts of the body thus dry up as life proceeds; hence, young age is ‘moist ’ and ‘hot’, while old age is ‘dry’ and ‘cold’ . When all radi cal moistu re has been consumed in the pro- d u c ti o n of innate heat, death will resu lt, just as the flame of an oil lamp expi res when all oil has been consumed. 38 Chapter 3 This theory provided a basis for further speculation concerning the medi cal trea tment of fevers, mara smus and senile diseases; it also provid e d guidel i ne s for possib il i ti e s for prolon gin g life. In Piero Camporesi ’s (19 88a , 1988 b) investi gati ons of medi eval and earl y modern atti tudes to the huma n body in Ita l y and Lati n Europe, we find abundant evidence that the project of reinvigorating man and prolongi ng his life was of great im porta nce; this quest coul d also be found in the works of scholars who did not explici tl y rely on the theory of radi cal mois ture. Medi cal pra cti ti oners of these times recommended many ‘recipes’ for vi talizing drugs, which contained human blood or other substances obtained from a living or dead human body — the medi cal scholars designed elaborate procedures for distil li ng from the body its essen tial vita l fluid . The theory of life as the continu o us consum p ti o n of a vital fluid resulti n g in a progres si v e drying of the agei ng organi s m is no doubt inspire d by the observa ti on of nature. Living orga nisms — plants and animals (including human beings) alike — have nearly alwa ys in their earl y age a soft and humi d appea ra n c e . In Abruz z o, it might be noted, the newborn chil d was pla ced for a whil e by the hea rth in order to harden the bones. Small irregu larities in the shape of the face and the body were corrected by strokes of the fingers, as the child’s flesh was thought to be as soft and forma bl e as wax. 36 With increa sing age, living organis m s seem to become less humid, to become dryer, harde r and wrink le d , and death impli es an actu al and radi ca l loss of moisture, leaving behind dry material such as straw, shel l or bone. This proces s of natu re has inspire d the associ a ti o n betwe e n life and humi dity, and between death and dryness, that is found in many cultural traditions the world over. 37 Simil a rl y , the idea in humoura l medicine that the body becomes corrupted has its foundati on in the observa ti o n of actual state s of natu ral decay of orga nic matter , where putresce n c e and mildew occur under conditio ns characte r i z e d by exces si ve humi d i ty and stagna n t liqu i ds . Compa ra ble idea s of bodily corruption are documented in numerous societies. Hence, the sym- bol i s m of corrupti on, humi di ty and dryness in rela tion to the huma n body and its vita l force is found in many parts of the world; in this study, where it is a prominent them e, I will attempt to elucidate the parti c ul ar form it had in tradi ti o n al South e r n Italy. In traditiona l Southern Ital y, there was no explicit ‘theory’ con- c e r n i n g humid i ty and vital force , like that of the humidum radicale. Nor do we in South Italian folk medicine find many reinvigorating procedures intended to suppl y the huma n orga ni sm with vita l force, such as those described in Medi eval and Rena issance medi cine. Body and Vital Force 39 Rather, the vast majori ty of medi ca l cures were employed in order to maintai n the deli ca te balance of the bodi ly humours or to make vari- ous other kinds of adju stments and interventions in the assumed workings of the huma n organism. However, we find, in the material from South e r n Italy a strong associa ti o n betwee n life and humidi ty , a pervasive conception of death as a proce s s of dryin g and also, altho ug h rathe r vaguel y , the meta ph o r of life as a gradual consum p ti o n of vita l moistu r e. These associa ti o n s and noti o n s are parti c ularly evident in the ethnography which rela tes to dea th; 38 an indivi d ua l ’s passi n g away broug h t to the fore the importance of vita l force for the human orga ni sm. Indeed, the notion of death as a process of dryi ng is key to an understanding of numerous beliefs and practices conne cted with death. In the follow- i n g , we will discus s some lingui s ti c meta p h o r s for death, ‘medica l ’ uses of a ‘dry’ corpse, the notion of dryness as a desirable state of the dea d, the idea of the dead as suff eri ng from thi rst and the symbolism of candl es and oil lamps in death ceremon i e s . Linguistic metaphors T h e concepti o n of death as a proc ess of dryi ng of the moist human orga ni sm is refl ected in the Ita l ia n langu a ge: restarci secco (‘fi nd one- self dry’; ‘to be dry’) means to die a sudden death, fare secco (‘make dry’), when said of a person, means to kill him and a common figura - tive meaning of the reflexive form of the verb seccare (‘to dry’) — seccarsi — means to suffer a loss of vitalit y and vigour. La morte secca (‘the dry dea th’) is the term for a representa ti on of dea th in the form of a skeleton with a scythe or of a skull over two crossed bones. As in the English language, the word ceneri (ashes ) is used for man’s morta l remai ns , even if no crema ti o n has taken place. ‘Medical’ uses of a dead body A corpse could be used for ‘medical’ purposes, and some of these uses reveal the conception of deat h as a sta te of dryness. To under- stand these practices, however, we must first briefly consider a vast set of cures in folk medi ci ne, na mely those which aimed at drying enlarged internal orga ns, unwanted bodily abscesses and excres- cences, and certain other states impl ying excessive humidi ty. Let us consider some examples of such cures, documented from vari ous communities. Nasal polyps could be trea ted by drying one marine polyp while another was consumed by the patient, 39 and slugs were dried by the fire to cure warts and corns onto which they had been rubbed. 40 A 40 Chapter 3 child’s excessi v e dribbli n g could be trea ted by touching its lips with a living frog, which then was hung up by the fireplace ; the cure started to work first when the frog had died and turned compl etel y dry. 41 A swol len spleen coul d be trea ted by drying an anima l’s spleen by the firepl a ce , since the patient ’ s spleen was thereby also thought to be dried. 42 Anothe r cure for swolle n spleen or liver was to dry by the fire leafs and fleshy stems from certai n pla nts, most often prickly pea r and agave, which had been associa ted with the swolle n organ (for insta nce, by atta chi ng such a leaf for eight days onto the ski n of the pati ent at the loca ti on of the spleen) ; this dryi ng was thought to bring about an analo g o u s drying of the aff li cted orga n. 43 These cures could also be empl oy e d agai ns t mala r ia , since the enlargement of the spleen and the liver often caused by malari a was seen among the un- ed u ca te d more as a cause of this ailme n t than as one of its symp- toms. 44 A swolle n liver or spleen, and conseq u e ntl y also tertia n fevers, coul d be trea ted by suspendi ng a toad in the air, or otherwi s e restr ai n i n g it, and leaving it to die and become completel y dry. 45 The logic of these cures is obvious. An object characterized by humi di ty , such as a dribbl i n g toad, a slug or a fresh leaf, represe n ts the swollen organ or another form of excessive humidi ty and, according to the principle of ‘s ympathetic’ magic, the unwanted excessi v e humidi ty is dried up when its counte r p a r t is dried. We also find therap i es in which the object to be dried is soaked with the pati ent’s uri ne, and thus consti tutes a metonymi c link to excessive humidi ty or swollen parts of his body. In Abruzzo, for instance, a thera py again s t swoll e n splee n and mala ri a was to fill a sock with bran, in which the pati e n t was to urina te until it was soaki n g wet. Then the sock was hung by the fireplace in order to dry. 46 There are, however , still other cures involvi n g drying in which the implici t reasoni n g seems to be a bit differ e n t. For instan c e , the pow- der from a crab that had been hung up alive by the fireplace until it had died and become completely dry, was used in treatments of whitlow; 47 it was thought possibl e to stop nose-bleeds by means of a powder made from a frog that had been placed alive in an empty pot on the fire, burnt to death and then compl etel y desi cca ted; 48 and chi l bla i ns were trea ted with the touch of a pig’s penis whi ch had been dried in the oven. 49 In these cures, no symbolic relation seems to have initially been established between the excessively humid orga n and the object tha t brings about the cure. Instea d it appears as though the dry object is understood to have a capaci ty to dry the excess flui ds of the aili ng part of the pati ent’s body. The ‘medicinal ’ object apparently works like a dry sponge that has the capa ci ty to absorb liqui ds. Body and Vital Force 41 Let us now turn to some ‘medical ’ cures involving corpses. In Palermo, it was thought tha t excessive swea ti ng of the hands and malaria could be cured by touching the desiccated corpse of a certain Count Amari (in Sicil ia n dial ect: Conti Amaru) , resting in the under- ground cemetery of the Capuchin convent (on Capuchin burial cus- toms, see Cha pter 9). In the case of the former illne s s , the follow i n g spell was to be read when the corpse was touched: 50 Toccu lu Conti Amaru, E mi passa lu suduri di li manu. ( ‘I touch Count Ama ri , and the sweat will pass away from my hands. ’) A simi la r belief was reported in Lancia no (Abru zz o) . It was hel d tha t excessive perspira tion of the hands could be cured if they were rubbed agains t the soles of the feet of a dead chil d . 51 These two cures can be understood as aiming at diminishing an exces s of a bodily flui d (swea t) through conta c t with a symbol i ca ll y ‘dry’ corpse. In one case, the corpse was actual l y desi c c a ted, whil e in the other it was most likely a body waiting for buri al . It is not sur- pri s i ng that mala r ia was also assu med possi bl e to cure by touch i n g Count Ama ri, since this illness, as noted, was thought to be caused by an excess of fluid in the spleen and the liver. Furthermore, the Italian word amaro means bitter. Substa nces with a bitter taste were com- mon l y used agains t malari a, sinc e their bitterness was considered to counteract the illness. Presu ma bly this idea was inspired by the asso- ci a ti on between bitter taste and dryn ess — this taste gives an impres - sion of dryness in the mouth. Hence the ‘dry’ bitterness will counteract the excessive humidi ty of the swollen liver or spleen, and the use of the desiccated corpse of ‘Count Bitter’ — ‘Ama ri’ is an actua l Sicil ian fa m i l y na m e — ag a i n s t ma l a r i a is th e r e f o r e presu ma- bl y moti va ted by an associ a ti on between dea th, dryness and bitter- n e s s . Numerous other cures aimed at decreasing the size of swollen internal organs by means of direct or indi rect conta ct with a corpse — this type of ailment was clea rl y the most common to be cured in tha t way. In Naples the touch of the hand of a dead child was believed to cure phala n gi ti s , an ailment that causes swel li n g and pain of the fingers . 52 Swol len gla nds in the throa t coul d be trea ted in Abruzz o by the touch of a deceased person’s hand; 53 in the area of Naples, the same cure was used against goitre . 54 In Montefa l c o ne (Campa n ia) , goitr e was instea d suppo sed to be cured by inserti ng a needle with a 42 Chapter 3 threa d in the throa t of a corpse. After a peri od of time the threa d was removed and tied around the neck of the suffering person, and it was beli eved tha t the goitrous swel li ng dissol ved as the forms of the dea d body dissolved. 55 Similarl y, a ribbon that had been tied arou nd the neck of a corpse, 56 or a piece of thread that had been passed (by mea ns of a needl e) through the wrist of a corpse, 57 was thought to be a remedy for goitre when carried around the neck by the person who suff ered from the conditi o n . In Abruzz o , inflame d and swollen lym- pha ti c gla nds in the neck and below the jaw were trea ted with anal o- g ou s methods . The suff erer pla ced his comb or, in the case of a woman, her hair ribbon, under the head or neck of a dead human body. 58 In this regio n of Italy , scrofu la (an illnes s that cause s swel ling of the lympha ti c gla nds of the ne ck and throa t) was trea ted by rub- bi ng the hand of a dea d priest on the tumours. It was held that the effect of the hand was at it strongest when his body was still warm. Thus, when a priest was deathl y ill, those who had need of this cure made thems el ve s rea dy to hasten to his dea thbe d as soon as he had expired. 59 All these thera p i es can be seen as util is i n g the symbo l i ca ll y dry quali ty of a corps e or estab l i s hi n g a correspondence between a corpse that will be the subjec t of a drying proces s and the swolle n bodily organ that is supposed to dry accordingly. However, some cures may also, as the comment to the cure used in Montefalcone suggests, be inspired by notions of dissolution , disa ppea ra nce and expira tion — just as the flesh of the corpse disi ntegrates, so shou ld the swollen organ decrease in size. These notions were important in a number of cures agai n s t warts empl o y e d in Somma Vesu via n a (Campan i a) , which consiste d of bringing objects , such as corns of grai n and small pieces of meat or pigski n, into conta ct with the warts and then letting them rot. Among these cures we also find the idea that the hand of a corpse appli ed to the warts had the power to make them disa ppea r; the earth over which a funeral coac h had passed was also attribu t e d thi s capa ci ty . 60 Dryness as a preferable state for the dead N u m e r ou s belief s and practi c e s speak of drynes s as the pref era b l e state for the deceased from the point of view of the living. First, how- ever, the wider frame of meaning in which these practices are set must be briefl y outl i ned. A theme recurri ng in the pra cti ces rela ti ng with the death of a fami ly membe r is that death shoul d impl y a shift to another form of existence and tha t the dead is aided or incited to comply to this shif t. The practi ces aim at controlling the initial phase Body and Vital Force 43 of a long proce s s of death and there by give this proce s s a prope r start and directi o n. A metaphor for this move from one form of existence to another was that the dead must emba r k upon a passag e to the other - w o rld of the dead. For insta n c e, at the momen t of death , or immed i a tel y before or after, a window or door was opened, and sometimes rema ined so as long as the body was kept in the home. This custom was usuall y explained by the necessity of giving the soul of the departed free passa g e out of the house , so that it shoul d not rema i n in its forme r home. 61 In one community, the door and the windows were closed as soon as the corpse had been carri ed out of the house; this was done to make it clea r to the dea d tha t he should not return to this worl d. 62 Similarly, the feet of the corpse were alwa ys directed towards the door of the room as long as it remained in the home, a position inspi re d by the common meta pho r for death as an ardu ou s walk to the other world; 63 with his feet pointed towa rds the door, the deceased was rea dy to leave and set out on this journey. A corollary of this meta phor is the idea tha t if the corpse was buri ed with its feet tied together, then the soul of the deceased would not rea ch hea ven. Numerous other expressi ons of the thought tha t the dea d must lea ve their former homes and the realm of the living can be found. Exam- pl es of this were to carry the dea d body out through an openi ng in the roof so that the soul would not easily find its way back, 64 or to verba ll y urge the dea d pers on to lea ve the home whil e his body was carried out. 65 In summary , after death, the deceased should leave his former munda ne home and move towa rds another rea l m. This move is a meta phor for a transf ormati on of the dea d. It will be argued tha t the dead gradu all y assumed anoth e r form of existen c e and, in that other , transcendent form, was present in this world. The living did not wish to rel a te to the deceased in his earl ier form, associa ted with deca y of fles h and death as a state of disi n te g ra tion, but they did wish to rela te to him when he had assumed another form. This new form of the dead will be discussed in Chapter 9, and it will be shown that the tra nsf orma ti on of the dead impl i es a process of drying. The tra nsi ent and humi d flesh of the fresh corpse should be repl aced by a ‘new body’, dry and permanent. A first expres s i o n of dryne s s as a prefera bl e state for the dead is found in connecti on with the washi ng of the corpse. This was done shortl y after dea th, prior to the dressi ng of the deceased in the clothes he was to wea r in the coffi n. The washing of the corpse clea rl y con- n e c ts with a noti on of purify i ng the dead as prepara ti o n for their 44 Chapter 3 encounter with the Divi ne, aki n to such other preparatory measures as the Last Uncti o n and the Viati cu m. Judgi n g from the availa bl e ethno g r a ph y, the dead body was most often washed with vinega r or alcohol, either pure or mixed with water. 66 In Abr u zzo, wine could be used, either for the whole body or merely for the face, while the rest of the corpse was washed with pure or diluted vinegar. Pure water was only seldom used. In some com- muni ti es, the corpse was not washed at all, or only occasionally, and in some places it was only the face, or the face and the hands, that were washed. In contemporary Naples , immedi atel y after death, the corpse is: ‘… washe d wi th surg i c a l alco ho l “whi c h disi nfe c ts and clea n s , wi tho u t mois - te ni n g it”. Humi d i ty is inap p r o p r i a te for a quick desi c c a ti o n . The use of wate r is, there f o r e , consi d e r e d inco nsi st e nt wi th any thi n g conce r ni ng the cor pse ’. 6 7 A rapid and comple te desi cc a ti o n of the buried corpse is an idea l in Naples, since a ‘dry’ corp se indica tes tha t the depa rted has had a ‘good ’ death and has come to rest. After a perio d of appro xi ma te l y two years in an earthe n grave, the remain s of the corpse , ideall y consi s ti ng of the dry bones , are exhumed to be pla ced in a stone niche. The exhumed bones are washed with surgi c al alcoh ol , and it is sai d tha t alcohol — and not water — is used to ‘avoi d wetti ng the remains ’ . 68 Humidity in the grave is furthermore understood to both er the dea d. The use of other liquids than pure water for washing the corpse, and the neglect of washin g it at all, may be unders to o d as expres sin g a noti on , verbal is e d in Naples but implic i t elsewhe r e in the South, tha t washi ng with water is detri menta l to the proce ss of dryi ng tha t the dea d shoul d undergo. The appl ica ti on of water to the corpse mea nt tha t thi s process was disturbed, whi ch further impl i ed tha t the tra nsi ti on from the world of the livi ng to the worl d of the dea d had been disturbed — the dead do not ‘come to rest’. If this interference with the dryness of dea th was not altogether avoi ded by negl ecti ng to wash the corpse, or minimised by wash i n g only parts of it, it could be evaded by the use of liquids that had connotations of dryness. Vine- ga r, alcohol and wine clea rl y had such associations. 69 We learn, however, tha t the dea d someti mes were off ered water for washing . Accordi ng to reports from Sicily and Abruzzo , 70 a wash basi n with water, someti mes together with a towel and a comb, coul d be prepared when death had occu rred and placed in the room where the corpse was kept. It was said that the soul needed to wash itself before going to the other world. In Venosa (Bas il i cata ) , a wash basi n Body and Vital Force 45 and a towel were placed in the room where the dead body had been kept; it was held tha t the soul of the decea s ed returned 24 hours after the corpse had been carried away for a wash after wande ri n g among the shadows of the other world. 71 These idea s are connecte d with the noti on tha t the dea d shou l d be clea ns ed before enteri ng the other worl d. It is the imma terial soul tha t is beli eved to need the water for cleans ing , and hence the conflict with the ideal drying of the dead is not as strong as when water is applied to the corpse. Nevertheless, a dilem ma with respe c t to this ideal is sugges te d ; to suppl y the dead not only with water for washi ng, but also with a towel so tha t they may dry themselves, can be seen as a way of resolving the problem. 72 The corps e to be buri ed was usua ll y pla ced in a coffi n, and it was quite common to place certain objects there, to be buried together with the deceased. Some of these objects had been dear to him or were considered to be usef ul for him in his afterlife (for instance, a smokin g pipe or a hat or, in the case of childre n , a favour i te toy) . The character of other objects, however, suggests that they were placed with the corp se beca use they were assoc i a te d with dryne s s and final dea th. In some villa ges in Basi li ca ta , it was customa r y to cover the bottom of the coffi n with a layer of charc oa l and to place dry maiz e leaves in it. In other vill age s in this region, the corpse was placed on a mattress filled with straw or its head was supported by a cushion stuffed with leaves of maize. 73 Similar customs have been recorded in Puglia: pieces of charcoal were placed under the cushion supporting the head of the corpse, 74 or the body (or just the hea d) was laid to rest on a mattress (or cushi on) fill ed with stra w. 75 In one town (Gal li poli) , a bundle of straw was placed under the head of the decease d in order to ensure that his soul would reach God. 76 Dry leaves and stra w are dea d orga ni c matter, and to pla ce them in the coffi n can be under- stood to expr ess a thought tha t the dea d shoul d become equa ll y dry and dead. Charc oa l is dry, and it can glow and burn. It thereby sug- g e s ts a drying of the corps e by means of heat and fire and allu d es to the idea of the dead as burni n g in Purgato r y . The thirst of the dead In Cala bria , a recepta cl e with water was often pla ced in the vici ni ty of the deceas e d while he was kept in the home prior to burial. 77 This was done in the belief that his soul (or the souls of decease d relati v e s who came to visit him) were thirsty and needed to drink. Offeri ngs of water to the dea d coul d also be made after the corpse had been removed from the home and buried. From Campa nia , Basilica ta, Calabria and Sicily it has been reported that, for some days after the 46 Chapter 3 funeral, water, and most often also bread, were placed in the room where the corpse had been kept prior to burial. It was believed tha t, duri ng the night, the soul of th e dead returned to drink and eat. 78 Furthermore, offeri ngs of water could be made each year duri ng the night of All Souls. On thi s nigh t, the dea d were bel i eved to return to thei r former homes, and the water (and often also brea d and other foodstuffs) was placed on a table in the house or on a window sill. 79 In Abruz z o, it was belie ved that the grea test suffering of the dead in thei r other- worl dly exi s tence was thirst. Thus water should never be missin g on this night, while brea d and other foods were optional offeri n gs . 80 The idea of the dea d as consta ntl y suff eri ng from thirs t has also been documented in Napl es where, more precisely, it was held that the souls tormented by the fire of Purgatory suffered in this way. 81 Thus all the belief s and custo m s descri bed above express an idea that the dead suffered from thirst. To offer them water was an expres- sion of concer n for thei r well-being, similar to many other acts per- formed as care for them in their ot her-wor l d l y existence (see Chapter s 9 and 10). The noti on of the thirst of the dea d may be understood as being inspi r ed by an idea of their subjective experien ce of the process of drying — since the vital humi di ty is dryi ng up, they becomes thirsty. 82 The idea tha t the dea d were tormented by the dryness of death seems also to be present in a numb er of other death-related practice s and belief s. To console the souls of the dead in Purgatory, was often called to rinfrescare (‘refresh’) the dead; 83 in the flames of Purga tor y — an image of the drying affecti n g the dead to which we will retu rn in Chapter 9 — they suff e r ed heat and thirs t. This ‘refr e s h men t’ could, according to some reports, take th e form of soakin g the clothe s that the dead had worn, as well as the sheets and the mattress he had used, with water immediatel y after the funera l , 84 or pouring water outside the door on the day of Assumption. 85 In some village s in Cala bri a, it was the custom to empty all recep- ta cl es in the home conta i ning wate r when a member of the family had died. It was believed tha t, if this was not done, the soul of the departed would not leave the house but instead stay in the water . 86 The custom has also been documented in Basil i ca ta, where this water was called the acqua morta (the ‘dead water’ ) , 87 as well as in some area s of Abru zzo, where the emptyi n g of water was rationa l i z e d as being a sign of cryi ng. 88 It was the custom in Abruzz o to empty all recepta c l es of water in the house at still anothe r time: immedi ate l y after the corpse had been carried away. This was done in the belief Body and Vital Force 47 that the soul of the dead, and the souls of depa rted relatives who had come to visi t him, had been dri nki ng from the water in the house or had washed themselves in it. 89 Furthermore, if someone who carried a recepta cl e with water happened to meet with a funeral procession, he or she had to pour out the water since it was beli eved tha t the dead had dipped his hands in it. 90 These custo ms and belief s appea r to express two assumpti ons: tha t the dea d have an interest in water and tha t thei r dea th has contami na ted the water so that it coul d not be used by the living. Hence, out of concern for the well-being of the thirsty dead, water could be offer e d while, from the point of view of the living , the dead should be ‘dryi ng’ since this impli ed thei r tra nsi ti on from the worl d of the living to the world of the dead. Evidently, these two concep- ti ons co- exi sted without bei ng consci ously apprehended as contra - dictory. The camera ardente The dead body was usual l y kept in the home of the fami ly for a minimum of 24 hours (buria l with in 24 hours after death was not permi tted) and, when this time ha d passed, the buri al was perf orme d bef ore to the foll owi ng eveni ng. Th e body of the deceased was laid out on a bed or a table that had been placed in the middle of a room, and the rest of the furniture was lined up again s t the wall s . If a coff in was to be used, the corps e was placed in it as soon it could be obtained. The room in which the dead body was kept was called the camera ardente (‘the ardent room’) . As thi s term suggests, candl es and many times also oil lamps, were kept burning there. 91 The number of candles and lamps coul d be substantial; according to one ethnogra- pher, all the visi tors to the dea d brought with them a candl e or a lamp, 92 and these could be place d around the corpse or at its head or feet. If instead the corpse was kept in church, or was brought there for the funeral ceremo n y , it was also surrou n d e d by burnin g candle s and sometimes torches. The use of candles and oil lamps in Roman Catholi c i s m and in Italy has rich and complex signi fi c a nc es ; 93 in their use at the wake, two meanings emerge that connect di rec tl y with this partic ula r occa- sio n . First, darkness was associat e d with death and evil force s, while light was associa te d with God and benevol e n t forces . The light pro- d u c e d by candle s and lamps thus ha s the capa ci ty to ward off those evil and diabol i c force s which threa t ened the soul of the dead and the living persons who were present. 94 A second meaning connects with the process of combusti on rather tha n with the light produced by it. 48 Chapter 3 The burning candle or lamp symbolica ll y serves as a vehi cle by means of which somethi ng can be transported from thi s world to the other world. To surround a corpse with burning candles and oil lamps can therefore be construed to express a concern that the dead should lea ve the worl d of the livi ng and move towa rds a transcen- d e n ta l real m. This cons ide r a ti o n was also express e d verball y . In Pugl ia , for instan c e , the relati v es of a depa rted person said tha t the flame of the oil lamp kept burnin g besides the decease d had ‘the pious missi on of accompanyi ng the soul of the dead to the kingdom of God’. 95 The same two basic functions of candles and oil lamps — as offering protection and having the symbol i c capa ci ty to tra nsf er — were also evoked during the agony of death, when they could be lit by the bed of the moribund person. In Sicily, candles blessed on Candlema s (or on some other feast day) were lit in order to secure for the death - bou n d a ‘good agony ’ (tha t is, a swift and relati ve l y pain- l e s s death ) and a ‘good pass a ge ’ to the other world; 96 in Abruzz o, the rati o na l e for lighti n g such a candle, in the case of a long and painf u l death agon y, was that it kept away evil spiri ts. 97 The para llel between the burni ng candle or lamp and the tra nsi ti on of the soul to the other world is especially appa rent in the custom, documented in Abruzzo, of lighti ng an oil lamp besi de the person in agony and to keep it burni ng until the buria l had taken place, after which it was left to fade away by itsel f . 98 This meta phor is also evident in a number of other customs observed shortly after the occurrence of death. According to ethno- g r a p h i c docum e n ts from Cala br ia , Basil ic a ta and Sicily, an oil lamp was kept cons ta n tl y burning in the room, in which a corpse had lain, for severa l days after the buria l (3, 10, 30 or more days) . Sometime s this lamp was placed in front of a photograph of the deceased, and sometimes it was placed instead on the floor at the place where the death bed had stood. 99 In some Calabr i a n commun i ti es , it was believ e d that, if the lamp went out, this caused the decease d pain and hindere d him from rea chi ng the celes tia l worl d. 100 Furthermore, can- dle s, which ought to be left burning once they had been lit, coul d be lit in the forme r camera ardente for three days after the buri al — one addi ti o n al candle for each day. 101 In thi s context, we may note th at certa i n South Itali a n forms of sorcery drew upon the parallel between the consumption of wax by the flame of a candle and the wani ng of the vita l forces of a human being. By spells and ‘magical’ procedures, one or several candles were placed in corresponde nce with the person who was to be hurt; Body and Vital Force 49 as the candl es burned, so were the life-powers of the victi m thought to be waning , resu l ti n g in illnes s and death . 102 Hence the consumption of a fini te amount of wax and oil by a flame, and the fina l expi ration of the flame, were employed as meta- pho r s for the ceasi n g of a huma n life — as a Neapol i ta n prove r b, used when talki ng about a life tha t is coming to its end, says: è fernuto l’uoglio a’ lucerna (‘the lamp has no more oil’). 103 By the force of this meta phor, the mani pula tion of fla mes was thought to inf l uence the fate of the dea d. More general l y, there is a likening of life to the burnin g of a candle or a lamp. As mentio n e d earlie r, this image was often used in the old theory of life as dependent upon the ‘humidum radi cale’. The combustion metaphor for organi c life is rather appro- priate in the light of modern physiological knowledge of the metabo- l i s m as crucia l for susta i ni n g life, and it might be under s to o d to be inspi re d by the circu m s tanc e that a flame is simil ar to a living organ - i s m in several respects: both are self - regula tory, have the capa ci ty to reproduc e, have a limited duration when a fini te amou nt of fuel is present, and in the case of warm-blooded animals, heat is produced. Sources of Vital Force Thus far I have argued that the human body was seen as having a tendency to become corrupted and that organic life was associated with humidity , while death was associated with dryness; it has also been claimed that the consumption of fuel by a flame was employ e d as a meta phor for the wanin g of vital power s . Thi s latter meta phor rela tes to the assumpti on tha t vita l force is a quality of the transie n t human body which coul d be lost as well as replenished. In a general sense, this assu mpti o n was explici t. The Italian word vitalità has, by and large, the same meani ng as the Eng- l i s h ‘vita li ty ’ . South Itali an s would undou b ted l y agree d to the state - ment tha t the vita li ty of the huma n orga nism — understood as the power to live, as physical vigour and as endu rance — is sustained principa ll y by the consump ti o n of food and that it is diminis he d by consump ti v e illnes s and old age. However , what will conce rn us prima ri ly are the belie f s and prac- t i c e s surrou nd i n g the gainin g and lo sing of vita lity, which do not correspond to actual physi ol ogi ca l processes, although they may be inspire d by such process es and symb ol i ca ll y inco r po r a te featu r es of them. In rela ti on to these, we seldom find an expli ci t reference to the abstra ct concept of vita li ty. This is beca use the pra cti ces and beliefs are not theori e s of the possibi l i t i e s of gaining and losing vita l force; 50 Chapter 3 instead, they are situ a ti ona l mani pula tions and thoughts about con- crete entities (such as bodies, flesh, blood, mother’s milk, food and water) tha t are inti ma tel y linked with life, tha t in a sense are life. It is in the analy s is pres e n ted here that an abstr a c t compo n e n t of vital i ty is extra cted, thereby maki ng it possi bl e to discern the more genera l and implici t noti on s on which the beliefs and practi c e s rely. The subjects of the foll owi ng five chapters will be such ideas and pra cti ces as rela te to the loss and repl eni s h i ng of vita l force . Four princi p al direc t sources of vita l force can be identi fied in the ethnographic material. First, vita l force was understood to be somethi ng gained through the consumpti o n of food. Physiolo gi ca lly, food is the true source of vita l power, and the sensory experi ence of the metabolism of the human body allowed foodstuffs to be conceived of as bringing energy to the orga ni sm in a degree tha t roughl y corresponds to thei r actual content of calories. Hence, meat an d fat were viewed as more sati at- ing than vegetables. There are, however, notable exceptions. Bread baked from whea t was thought to be very strength- bri ngi ng and theref o r e , in some area s, was consum e d in the case of illnes s, 104 while rice, at least in Sicil y, was consi d e re d to bring only littl e nutri ti o n to the body. 105 Secon d , vital force coul d be appro pri a te d from anima ls and human beings. In Calabria, the fres h blood of a slaughtered pig or cow coul d be drunk in the convi cti on tha t it gave strength. 106 In thi s case, the blood is not pri ma ril y food, but a substa nce tha t conta i ns a vita l force that is incorpo ra te d by consump ti o n . In Europea n cultural tradi ti o ns , blood is seen as conta i n i n g the princ i p l e of life. This idea is no doubt a corol la r y of the obser va ti o n that a radi ca l loss of blood leads to death . In the area of Nicotera (Cal a bri a) , the last remedy for seri ou sl y ill children, for whatever sickness had brought them nea r dea th, was to boil a puppy and give the broth to the child to drink; 107 the liver of a newborn puppy could be consumed as a remedy aga i nst asthma ; 108 and, in Sici ly , illnes s of the spleen and dropsy were treated by giving the patient meat from a new-born puppy. 109 In these ideas, referring to a puppy as contai n i ng a vita li zi n g and healin g power , which huma n beings can appropriate through cons umption, it is not the eating of dog’s mea t as food tha t is of importa nce. Rather, the puppy suggests vita li ty in a pristi ne, intense and unconsumed state, and the eati ng of the dog implies an incorpo r a ti o n of this vita l force. Howeve r , yet another associ a ti o n is present. The consumption of dog meat was, as in the rest of Europe, normally viewed with disgust and horror. The princ i pa l reaso n for this is that the dog is in a certa i n sense part of Body and Vital Force 51 human soci ety, although it occupies a low posi ti on in it; the dog is seen as a membe r of the famil y , as a faith f ul frie n d, and is typi call y attrib u te d human sentim ents and qualiti e s. 110 Eating a dog is thus close to eati ng a human being , and it is preci s el y this sugges ti o n of anthrophopha gy tha t seems to make puppies suitable for enha ncing the vita l i ty of huma n bei ngs: they conta i n unspent and pri sti ne vita l - i ty that is almos t human. This quali ty of the dog’s vital i ty is quite explici t in a Cala br ia n cure agains t children ’ s rachiti s , descri b e d by Norma n Dougl as (195 5: 57): ‘I have ... m e t p e r s o n s w h o c l a i m t o h a v e b e e n c u r e d o f r a c h i t i c t r o u b l e s i n their yout h by eati ng a pupp y do g cook e d in a sauce p a n. But o nly one kind of dog is good for this purpo s e , to be proc u r e d from tho se foun d l i ng hosp i ta l s whit he r hund r e d s of ille g i ti ma t e infa nts are take n as soon as poss i b l e afte r birth. The mo the r s , to reli e v e the disc o m f o r t caus e d by thi s forc i b l e sepa r a ti o n from the new- b o r n, buy a certa i n kind of pupp y ther e , bring the m home , and nour i s h the m in loco infantis. These pupp i e s co st a franc apie c e , and are gene r - a l l y destr o y e d afte r per fo r mi ng the i r du t i e s ; i t is they who are cook e d for cur - i ng the scro f u l o u s te nde nc i e s o f othe r chil d r e n . ’ Thus, in this cure, the puppy to be consum e d is partic u la rl y closel y identified with a huma n being, si nce it has substi tuted for a human child. A concrete way in which vita l force can be transferred from one person to another is through mother’s milk. If the mother consumes adeq ua te amounts of food, she thereby gains strength and is able to lacta te , while on a meagr e diet her milk becomes scarc e and may even dry up. By nursing, she conveys vita l force to her baby, and the hun- ge r for food, as well as the loss of vital force implied by nursin g , were proverbial: La femmina che allatta Mangia come una vacca E fatica come una gatta (‘The woman who lactates eats as a cow and gets tired [as easi ly] as a cat’) 111 Mother’s milk is therefore a vehicle through which vital force is trans- ferred from mother to child. It is a bodily flui d which at the same time is food and, as will be seen, was the subject of numerous beliefs and pra cti ces rel ati ng to the transf er of vital force between huma n bei ngs. Third, the creative forces of na ture could be appropriated by human beings so as to increase fertili ty and vita l power. This will be 52 Chapter 3 discussed in detail in Chapter Eigh t. Only one example will be given here: the therapeutic procedures , of which some were part of the calenda ria l celeb r a ti o n s durin g the summe r , that invol v e d water in nature. These consi s ted of baths in the sea , lakes or rivers, or involved abl u ti ons or other uses of dew. We lea rn that women in Cala bria and Abruzz o took baths in the sea in the beli ef tha t this made them more ferti l e. 112 Accord i ng to a report from Abruzzo, bathing in the sea, in a river, in a lake or in a mineral spri ng was more generally be lieved to have a positive effect on many ailments; those who sought relie f from illne s s in this way were numerous. 113 In Calabria , people stayed long in the water when bathing in the sea as they considered this benefici al, 114 and one ethno- g r a p h i c source from this region infor m s that nearly all the folk medi- c a l ‘medi ci n es ’ and decocti o n s , regardl es s of what partic u la r ailment they shoul d be used against, were exposed to the dew of the night before use, in order to augment their curative powers. 115 The benef i ci al properti es of baths and dew were thought to be especia ll y intense at certai n time s of the year, most commonly at Ascension (celebrated 40 days af ter Easter) and at San Giovan n i (Midsu mmer Day). At least in Cala bria and Sici ly, it was common to take a bath in the sea or a river on the night precedi ng Ascensi on Day or on the morning of this day. This was held to be beneficial and to cure ailmen ts of the skin and other illne s ses . 116 In Sicily, domestic ani ma ls were led into the water to be hea led from ail ments or to be preserved from them, and some thought tha t the bath fill ed the udders of femal e anima ls with milk. 117 The dew tha t fel l on the night preceding Ascension Day was commonly held to have benefici al properties — thus people could roll themselves over the humi d vege ta ti o n of fields as a remed y agai n s t skin ailme n ts . 118 It was com- mon to expose water in a recepta cl e to the humid air of the night and use this ‘bles s e d ’ water as a drink or for washi ng , since it was belie v e d to help agains t variou s ailme nts or, more gener al l y, to bring vigour and good health. 119 From the ethnography we learn that the customs connected with baths and dew were quite similar on the day of San Giovanni. It was common to take a bath on the night precedi ng San Giova nni or on the morni ng of tha t day. This was often done with the intenti on of curi ng diseas es of the skin, rheu ma t i s m or other ailments, or in order to avoid heada ch e s or to purif y body and soul. 120 It was held, at least in Sici l y, tha t the sal ty water of the se a on this day turned sweet at mid- d a y; 121 a simi lar belief concerned seawater on Ascension, which was thought to turn sweet at midni g ht. 122 This idea can be understo o d as Body and Vital Force 53 expressi ng the vita l connota ti ons of water at these moments, since sweet water, in contrast to salt water, can quench the thirst of huma n being s , anima ls and plants and thus reinvi g o ra te them. In Abruzz o, the dew tha t fell duri ng thi s night was col l ected and used for thera - p e u ti c washing s of the body, which were held to cure variou s ail- men ts , protec t from headac h e s and pains, and general l y clean and strengthen the orga nism. 123 Appl i ed to the face, the dew was also thought to make girl s beauti ful and, if appli ed to the hair, to make it grow long and nice. 124 To summarize, these practices we re supposed to have two major effects on the human orga nis m . The first was a purifyi n g effect; to bathe is to clea n ones elf, and the actual cleani ng of the skin suggests a more thorough purifica tion of the enti re orga ni sm (it may be recal l ed tha t baths were consi dered to be a remedy aga i nst leucorrhea). Ascension Day, and particularly Sa n Giovanni, were days that sug- gested the beginning of a new season and, as we know, such times of the year were commonly held to be appropria te for purifying the humours of the organism. The most common ailments held possible to cure, or avoid, by means of wate r or dew on these days were those related to superfluity of corrupted humours in the body: cuta neous erupti o n s and other skin ailmen ts , headac h e and rheu ma tis m. The secon d was a fertil izing and vital iz i n g effec t — the ferti l i ty of women is increase d , hair grows longer , the udders of female animals are fill ed with milk, health in genera l is augmen ted , the body is imbu ed with streng th and new vigour. This effect can be seen as rela ti ng to water bei ng a primordia l element necessa ry for organi c life, and hence inti m a tel y conne c te d with life and vita li ty itsel f. The vita li zi ng eff ect is most marked on Ascension Day and San Giovanni. This is not the proper place for a detailed analysis of the significance and powers attri buted to these two days of the year, but it is clea r tha t they are closely connected with na tu ra l fertil i ty. May and June are months character i z ed by an intens e vegeta l fertili ty and growth, and the celebr a tion s of Ascens i o n and San Giovanni connect with this fecundi ty in a number of ways. The use of water from nature on these days — to cure illness and to reinvi gora te the body and puri fy it — can therefore be understood to be an attempt to appropri a te pure, natura l fertility and force of life for huma n purpos es. The fourth principa l way in which it was thought possible for human beings to increas e vita l force was to receive it from divine sources . God, Christ and the Saints were unlimi te d in their power and capa bil i ty and coul d in thei r gra ce bestow vita li ty to those who were in need and were worthy of receiving it. These divine powers could 54 Chapter 3 heal from illne s s and infer ti l i ty, give stren g th and vigou r to the weak and remedy all nega ti ve states of the tra nsi ent huma n body. The generic term for receivin g a favour from divine sources was to receive grazia (plura l : grazie) . Since grazia has meani ng s that are not commonly implied by the English word ‘grace’, the Italian term will be used when discussi n g grazia in Southe r n Ita l y. When speaki ng of a person, to have grazia denotes bei ng attra cti ve, del i ca te, beautif u l, gentl e and harmo n i ou s in a natu ral way. These chara c ter i s ti c s are seen as having been given freely to the person, by nature, divi ne will or fate. In the reli gi ous context this aspect of grazia as somethi n g given is also present — grazia means essentially a free gift bestowed upon human beings by divi ne powers. Since this gift could cons ist of vita li ty, grazia might in many contexts be transla ted as vita l force. For instan c e, the grazia bestowed upon a child at baptism by the app lica - ti o n of holy water, salt and oil was by the laity ‘believ e d to manife s t itself phys i cal l y, in greater heal th, streng th and beauty ’ . 125 Hence, in terms of excha nge, grazia means a free gift; as to its ‘conten t’, grazia is in many contexts synonymous with vital force. 126 FOUR SHARING I now turn to a discuss i on of beliefs and practic e s which speak of sharin g of vita l force among huma n beings or househo l d s . I will also cons i de r belief s concer ni ng the loss of mother ’s milk as a resul t of the unequal sharing of food between tw o persons, which elaborates upon a contras t betwe e n the ideal of equal shari n g and immoral appro - pria tion. ‘Donations’ of Vital Nourishment In Basi li ca ta , a chil d suff eri ng from paleness, exha usti on and radica l loss of weight coul d be trea ted by being smea red with hog’s fat tha t had been collected from seven different households. 1 Another trea t- me n t against such infant sufferin g s was that the mother should collect some water in which pasta had been boiled and three pinches of salt from as many femal e frien d s as was the years of age of her child. The water and salt were used for bathin g the sick chil d. In one versi on of the cure, wine was added to the bath, a pra yer to God for assi s ta n c e was read, and the child was massa ge d while being bathed. 2 In Calabri a, it was believ ed possib l e to cure malaria if the pati en t ate food that had been begged for in nine homes on the eve of Christmas Day. 3 In San Giorgi o Morge to (Cala bri a), a practi c e empl o y e d to cure partic ul ar l y grave cases of illnes s caus ed by the evil eye, which typi- c a l l y caused a depleti o n of vital fo rce (see the next chapter), was to feed the sick person with bread which had been collected from seven girls all named Grazia. 4 Similar collections of food and obje cts could also be parts of cures agains t agal acti a (seri o us shorta g e or absen c e of mothe r ’s milk in a nursing woman), quite common am ong peasant women and often caused by malnutrition or general weakness due to illness. Since good mil k substi tutes were unava il a ble, agala ctia posed a seri ous threat to the life of the nursing baby and was much dreaded. Therefor e, we find a multi tu d e of belie f s conc e r n i n g the caus e s of agala c tia and the mea ns by which it was thought possi bl e to cure the affl icti on. In Nicotera (Ca la bria ), it was thought tha t a nursi ng mother with insuffic ie n t milk coul d be helped if she collecte d seven smal l pieces of bread from seven women by the name of Grazia. The mother was to 56 Chapter 4 boil these pieces, give a little of the pap to her child, and wrap the remainder in a piece of cloth to be placed on the child’s chest. Another remedy suggested that the mother herself should eat a pitta della carità (‘bun of charity’) . She woul d bake this bun from ingredi - e n t s that she collecte d from the househol d s of nine of her female friends and with the help of utensils borrowed from them; one con- tri b u te d flour, anothe r fire-w o o d , yet another offere d a receptacl e , and so on. 5 Still anoth e r alter n a ti v e , also practi s e d in Calab ri a, was tha t the mother asked for food from seven women named Maria , one woman on each day of a week, and consumed this food. 6 Similar procedures for increasing lactation have been documented for Abruzz o , Sicil y, and Campa ni a. 7 The agalactous mother gathered food from women of a certain numb er of households in the commu- nity. Sometimes she also borrowed utensils for cooking from these women, and at times the women shou ld be named Gra zi a or Mari a. In some cures, the mother pra yed for assi sta nce to the Virgi n Mary, to the Madonna delle Grazie (Our Lady of the Gra ces), or to other saints thought to be parti cula rly hel pf ul in the case of agala ctia . In one Sici li a n communi ty, the mothers are said to have assumed tha t the Madonna dell a Graz ia , as a rewa rd for the humi li ty tha t they had shown when begging for food, conceded to them the milk. 8 Another set of procedures employed to cure agala cti a were thos e in which monks or nuns were asked to contribute leftovers of their meals. The followi ng procedures have been documented in Abruzzo. In Atri and Ortona an agalac tous mother could ask for, and then consume, leftovers from a meal partaken by monks or nuns. In Chieti, the unf ortuna te mother was advi sed to go to the Capuchi n conven t and ask for bread and parsley. The monks, understa n di n g her pre- dicament, conceded their help. The mother should then cook a soup based on the bread and season it with parsl ey . This dish was sup- po s e d to work miracl es in increas i n g lactati o n. Also in Cela no, a mother with insuf fi cient milk coul d go to the Capuchi n convent and there ask for a piece of brea d that ha d been left over from the monks’ meal. From this bread she made pap, which she hersel f ate. 9 In Orsog na , women suff e r i ng from agal a cti a asked for the lefto ve r s from the monks’ mea l and most commonly were given pieces of bread. They brought this brea d to the mira cu lou s spri ng in Santa Eufemi a, the water of which was thought to increa se lactati on, soa ked the brea d in its water, and appli ed water to thei r brea sts. 10 Outside Abruzzo similar procedures seem to have been documented only in Calabria; nursing mothers with scarce milk shou ld ask for food from monks for a period of seven days. 11 Sharing 57 These practi ce s , which we may call ‘donati o n s ’ of vita l nourish- ment, connect with two se pa ra te noti ons: the sha ri ng between equa ls and receivin g favours from divine sources. In the case of ‘donatio n s ’ asked for within the commun i ty , the noti on of sharing is central . As we know, there was a pervasive ideology that those who have plenty should be willing to share with those among thei r fel l ows who have little. The mother suffering fr om agal a c ti a is troubl e d by not having enough food for her baby, which is a state poss ib l y caused by an insuf fi c i e nt diet, and her baby suff e rs direc tl y from the life- threa t- e n i n g lack of milk. A person who is ill needs vital force and food is a direct source of strength and vital force; hence he or she is given food. In one case, however, hog’s fat was collected and smeared onto an emacia te d child. Hence, the fat which the child had lost throug h its illnes s was symbol i c al ly replac e d. The donated items cannot actually bring about the effects for which the recipie n t hopes. They are nutriti o n al ly insi gni f ica n t tokens of food or implements that are used for preparing a meal. In some cases, the food is not even consumed but applied to the body. It is an imagi na r y acti vi ty in which token s stand for a plenty of nouri s h me n t and vital force, received from external sources. 12 In many procedur es involvin g ‘donation s ’ asked for from neigh- bou r s , there is an invoca tion of divi ne grazia. The Virgin Mary and other saints were prayed to, and women named Grazia or Maria were speci fi ca ll y sough t out as donor s of food. The name Mari a sugges ts the Blessed Virgin Mary, and the na me of Grazia evokes the concept of divi ne grazia. The Virgin Mary was seen as a source of abunda nt grazia — for instance, in the ‘Hail Mary’, one of the most common of prayers, she is said to be piena di grazia (‘full of grace’) . Virgi n Mary listens to prayers, feel s compa s si on for those who suffer, and extends to them the assi sta nce they need. Since a consti tuent part of the Christian conception of divine grazia is that it is given freel y witho u t concern for returns, the Virgin Ma ry extends help to human beings asking for no direct compensation; the same is expected of those who ‘donate’ vital nourishment. Hence, in these practices, there is often an amal ga ma ti o n of a noti on of receiving mother’s milk and vital force from neighbours and an idea of receiv i ng divine grazia from the Virgin Mary or other saints. On the one hand, the person who suffers from a lack of vital force, or food in the form of mother’ s milk, may ask for food in the neighbou r hood (in pers on or by proxy) . By consumi ng the food, or appl yi ng it onto the body, tha t wh ich is in short supply is supposed to be gained. On the other hand, a mother may pra y to a saint, ask for 58 Chapter 4 alms from persons with names suggestive of divine grazia, and think that the Virgi n Mary will reward her for showin g humili ty in this way by bestowing her with milk. The two sets of notions converge since generalised reci procity is embedded in notions of Christian altrui s m and concer n for fellow human beings . When ‘donations’ of milk were asked for from monks and nuns, the prospec t of receivi ng favours from divine sources was central , and notions of sharing among equals absent. Monks and nuns (and also priests and other members of the clergy) are persons who are idea lly supposed to distribute divine grazia to deservi ng huma n beings. They occupy media ting po si ti ons between God and morta l human beings. Hence, to ask for a dona tion of food from monks or nuns is to ask for divine grazia — which in the mundane worl d may be manif es ted in the form of nouri s hi ng food and an abunda nce of mother’s milk. It shoul d be noted tha t the kind of food asked for from members of the community was different from tha t requested from monks and nuns. The ‘donations’ in the communi ty consisted of food kept in stock, groceries, and kitchen utensils with the help of which a mother could prepare her food. These dona tions speak of a basic equality between giver and receiver. The one who receives belong s to an independent household capa ble of transforming raw food into cooked food, but that at the moment suffers a shortage of one type of food — mother’s milk — which is produced by the mother when she eats food cooked in the househol d. The ‘donations’ asked for from monks and nuns are leftove r s from meals. To ask for such food sug- gests a subordi na te and dependent posi ti on, like that of the itinera nt beggar who has no household and must rely on cooked food from the kitchens of foreign households. This dependent posi ti on refl ects the subordi n a ti on of human being s in rela ti o n to the saints and to God and is associa te d with the theme of showin g humili ty before the Divine. As mention ed earlie r , mother s in Abruzz o who had asked for ‘dona tions’ from monks could take the bread that they had been given and soak it in a miracul o us spring , the water of which was supposed to increa se lactation. An alternative, also documented in Abruz z o, was to drink the acqua di San Francesco (‘water of Saint Franci s ’) from a spring located under a Capu chi n conve n t. 13 In some more elaborat e forms of asking fo r ‘donations’ among neighbours, the mother was also supposed to drink water from a spring or well that had a repu tati o n for curing agala c tia or use the water for prepa ring pasta with flour tha t she had coll ected. 14 More genera l l y , there was a Sharing 59 quite common belief that the water of certain wells or spring s, when drunk or appli e d to the breas ts, had the power to cure agala c ti a . 15 Hence, still another noti on of how to gain mother’s milk is present in some of the ‘donations’ — the abunda nce of the water of a spri ng will bring about an abunda n ce of milk. There f o r e, in some practi c es for the curing of agal ac ti a, all four princi pa l image ri e s of gainin g vita l force mentioned in the previous chapter merge: food is consumed, life-gi ving nourishment is received from other persons through the shari n g of food, milk is besto w e d by divi n i ti es , and, fina ll y , an abun- da n c e of milk is secured through drinkin g water from a spring or using it for ablu ti o n s. Mother’s Milk and the Unequal Sharing of Food I n Basilica t a , it was held as unwise tha t nursi ng mothers ate together, since one of them might lose her milk to the other. 16 Accord i ng to a more detailed report from Abruzzo, 17 nursing mothers should neither eat from the same plate nor drink from the same glass, since the woman who ate the last mouthful of the shared food or who drank the last sip of drink would ‘attra ct to herself ’ the mil k of the other (amon g the peasa n ts it was quite common to share plate s and glass e s when eati ng, not onl y when the famil y ate, but also when guests were invited for a meal). A simila r belief was held in the area of Irpini a (Campa nia ) : if a woma n (or a man) ate from the same plate as a nursi ng mother, the milk from the mother’s bosom would ‘flow’ over into the breasts of the other person. However, the milk could be resto r e d if the two perso n s again ate from a shared plate and the nursi ng mother was then all owed to have the last mouthf ul s. 18 It was a commo n belief in parts of South e r n Italy that an anima l, usual l y a cat or a dog — espec i al ly if the anima l was lacta ti ng — ‘stole’ the mi lk from a nursing mother by consuming the leftovers from her meal. Often it was held that the depri ved woma n coul d ‘stea l ’ the milk back agai n if she, in turn, ate leftove r s from the ani- m a l ’ s food. For insta n c e, it was beli e v e d in Basil i ca ta that if a lacta ti n g cat or dog ate from the plate of a nursing mother, her milk would dry up. To get it back, she shou ld prepar e a pla te of baby’s cerea l, give a littl e of this to the animal and then eat the rest hersel f while saying: ‘Give me my milk tha t you have stolen’. 19 In Abruzzo, it was said that even the flies gathering on the left overs from a nursing mother’s meal coul d steal her milk.2 0 In this region, it was also believed that a mother suff e ri n g from agala c tia could hersel f steal milk from any innoc e n t anima l which was lacta ti n g by consu m i ng lefto v e rs from its food. She 60 Chapter 4 could, for insta n c e , throw a piece of brea d to a lactating she- g oa t and then herself eat the bread that remain ed or that fel l from the mouth of the anima l while it ate. Throu g h this proce d u r e the animal lost its milk, which passed instead to the breasts of the woman. 21 These suppositions seem to expl ain some otherwise enigma tic ways to incre a s e insu ff i cien t lacta ti o n . In Abruz z o and Pugl ia , the excrement of mice, usually powdered and mixed with water or boui ll o n , was belie ve d to be an effi ci ent remed y agai ns t agala cti a , 22 and a report from Molise informs us that the mother who wished for milk in abund a n c e shou l d eat pasta with a sauce made from the meat of mice. 23 We also lear n that in Nicos ia (Sici l y) a cure agai ns t agala c ti a consi s ted of hanging a ribbon along the ceiling in the room of the unfor tu na te mothe r , takin g it down agai n when stain e d by the excrem e n t of flies, and then boiling it in wine. This wine was to be drunk by the woma n (who was tol d nothi ng about its disgusti ng ingredi e n t) , and she was thereby suppose d to regain her milk. 24 These cures make sens e if we assu me tha t the y connect wit h noti ons of mice and flies ‘stea li n g ’ milk from the agala c tou s woman throu g h their consumption of parts of the leftovers of her meals, and of her own possi bil i ty to take the milk back — not by eati ng leftovers from these anima ls ’ food, but inste a d by consu m ing their flesh or excrement, the latter being another kind of ‘lef tover’ from their food. Thus the beli efs descri bed above account for agal acti a as being caused by other persons or animals appropr i a ti n g a mother’ s milk. This takes pla ce under two condi ti ons. First, the one who appropri - ates the milk consumes the last piece of food of a meal shared with the mother; second, an animal ‘thief’ consumes leftovers from the mother’s meal. Consi d e ri n g the firs t condi ti o n , it is clear that commen s a li ty , to share a meal, has a profou n d signif i canc e of unifi ca ti o n ; it is a pri- mordial expression of togetherness. Momentarily, the sharing of a meal crea tes a minute, but neverthel e ss distin c t , social unit. In that situa ti on, the divisi on of the fini te asset of food between the two persons apparently becomes both a sensitive and evoca tive matter. The concern with whom consumes the last portion of the food can be seen as rela ti n g to an idea that a meal, idea ll y , shou l d be share d equally, an idea commonly evoked wh en equals ate together. If there is one portion left, then this shou ld ideall y be divided in two equal parts so tha t the two eaters coul d sha re it. The eati ng of the last porti on of a meal without divi di ng and sharing it can therefore be assumed to evoke noti ons of greed and appro pr ia ti on of what rightf u ll y belong s to others. Such concepti ons Sharing 61 are projected upon another asset, mother’s milk, and inspire the idea that the one who appropri ates the la st portion of the food also appro- p r i a tes the milk. Just as in the ‘dona ti o n s ’ of mothe r ’ s milk, the divi di ng of food is a model for the distri buti on of mother’s milk but, while the ‘donati o n s ’ build upon noti ons of egalita ri a n shari n g , the unequal sharing of a meal suggests an unjus t appro pr ia ti o n of milk. 25 To fully understa nd the mea ni ngs re la ti ng to the second condi ti on, we must more general l y consid e r the implic a ti o n s of the leftov e rs of food and water. These could be used for sorcery; in ‘magical’ proce- dures, rema inders of food could be buri ed in the earth, pierced with sha rp objects, or fed to a toad whi ch was then buri ed or tortured with sharp sticks. This was assumed to cause the person who had eaten the meal to suffer ailments and calamities. 26 There was a belief in Abruzz o and Campan ia that, if one person drank the remaini n g water from a glass that someone else had used, that person would be able to read the thoughts of the other. 27 In folk medicine, we find numer o us cures and aeti olo g i e s that invol ve food from which anima ls have eaten or water from which they have drunk. These uses and beliefs cannot be discussed in deta il here, since that would require lengthy arguments concerning the assumed nature of thes e ail ments . 28 However , it is clear that a funda m ental notion in all these beliefs and practi c es is that food or wa ter from which someone has earlier been eati ng or drinki ng consti tute occult links betwee n beings . In a certain sense the meal is still one en ti ty, and the trea tment of one part of it affects the other part. Such a connecti on could atta ch to the lef- tov e r s qualitie s which made them us eful for curing certain ailment s , or it could be exploited in order to influence the person who had left them behind. In the case of sorcery, the maltreatment of the leftovers corresponds, according to the principl e of pars pro toto on which much of the South Italian sorcery is based, to a maltr ea tmen t of the man or woman who left them. The food of the meal is contained in the body of the person who ate it, it is assi mi la ted by him and made part of his organi s m , and the leftove rs are thus not only a part of the food that he ate but also a part of himself. Accor d i ng l y, if an animal eats the lefto ve r s of a person’ s meal, this suggests a consumption of the person who left the food. When a nursing woman dries up, she has lost fluid contained in her body and the idea is brought to the fore tha t an ani mal has appropri a ted her milk by consumin g some leftover s of her food. In such a situatio n , as well as when she was believ e d to suff er from agalacti a for differ en t reaso ns , she may symbolica ll y incor p ora te milk from lactati n g ani- mals by eating what they have left. 62 Chapter 4 It is therefore possible that the pr actice of increa sing lactation by consuming the leftovers of monks’ and nuns’ meals can be seen, at leas t to some exten t, as a simi la r appro pr i a ti o n. The monks and nuns certainl y have no milk, but they are instead regarde d as having, or being able to distri bu te, divi ne grazia, whic h is what agala c tou s moth- ers pray for. There is no ‘theft’ involved, however, since the leftovers are given freely, just as grazie are supposed to be offered by divine being s to humans as free gifts. Finally, we may cons ider a procedure whereby a person was con- s i d e re d able to assi s t an agala c tou s mothe r thro u g h shar i ng food with her: one shoul d eat, as it was said in Scann o (Abru zzo) , a littl e from a trout and give the rema i nder to the mother. 29 In this procedure, the unequal sharing of food, in which the mother eats the second and largest porti on, combi nes with the notion of flowi ng water as being benefici al for the flow of milk. The person who eats the first portion of the trout is not understood as being in possessi on of an abundance of milk. Instea d, it is the trout tha t associ a tes with a plenty of con- ti n u o us l y flowi n g liqu i d, becaus e it has been caught in one of the local streams. Another expressi o n of the associ ation between streams and an abund a n c e of milk was the common idea that lacta ti o n increa sed if the placenta was submerged in a river or a stream. The mil k of the chi l d’s mother was assumed to flow as plenti full y as the water surroundi ng the placenta . 30 The Funeral Meal As long as the body of the deceased remained in the home, one or two days , all members of the bereaved famil y observed a stri ct fast. 31 On Sici ly, there was even a ban on drinking duri ng this time. 32 The fast was broken after the buria l but, for the three or more days after, when there was still grea t mourning, no food was cooked in the home. Duri ng thi s time, cooked food was brought to the fami l y by their relatives, friends, and neighbours, a practice called consuolo. This term derives from the verb consolare , signifying ‘to console’ or ‘to comfort’, thus referring to assumed consolatory intentions of the donors. The first meal eaten after the funera l was most often on a compa r a ti vely grand scal e, assumi n g the form of a banqu e t at which the berea ved famil y ate together with rel a ti ves and fri ends. Thi s funeral meal usual l y consis ted of an abund a n ce of all kinds of foods , 33 but, as will be pointed out later, some partic ul ar foodstu ff s could be banned. In some communities, the atmosphere of the funeral meal Sharing 63 appea rs to have been rather festive, 34 while it in others was expected to be very subdued. 35 To discuss the practice of consuolo , one result of the discussion of mourn i n g practi c e s, which appea rs in Chapter 9, must be anti c i pa ted . The ethnography suggests that in th e days followi n g the death of an adul t, all famil y membe rs were symbo lica ll y in a state of death . Vir- tu a ll y all ordi n a ry acti vi tie s were suspended, and the deepest grief was expected to be felt by the bereaved; one expression of the fam- ily’s state of death was the fast and the abstention from preparing food. After this time of intens e grief , there follo wed a peri od of more ordina ry mourning, suggestive of a family in which a sense of death was present, but not as overwhelmi ng ly as in the earlie r phas e. This shif t from a group in a state of death into a functi o ni ng househol d only touched by the presence of death took place in the period when food cooked by others was brou ght to the mourners. The funeral meal may be seen as a symbol i c re-crea ti o n of the family into a functi oni ng househol d, a first step in comi ng to terms with its state of disi nte g r a ti o n and death . As was mentioned earlier, eating together is a fundamental expression of belonging among human being s , and bringi ng rela tiv e s , friends , and acquai n tanc e s togethe r for a meal is a way to repair the ruptu re in the socia l fabri c caus ed by death. Those who partake in the meal reconfirm kinship and other socia l ties in a situ a ti o n in which the fragil i ty of human flesh threa t- ens to disrupt them. Food sustains life. Through the act of offering food, the bereaved fami l y is symbo l i ca ll y suppl i e d with life- f o r ce and its state of death is thereby terminated. The family’s ho usehol d sta rts to functi on nor- ma ll y agai n , altho ug h it is shado w ed by the presence of death, and the mourners can then again cook their own food. The notion of food as a source of vita l force is hinte d at in a sayin g that the gifts of food were made so tha t the fami l y of the decea sed ‘shoul d not lose thei r powers’. 36 We may also note tha t the funera l mea l might be celebra te d as a rathe r festive event, a circu ms ta n c e that sugge s ts that the bereaved househol d thereby takes a signi fi c a n t step away from its intense involvement with death. The leftovers from consuolo food shou ld not be re-cla i me d by the donors. From some sources we learn that this shou ld not be done, or that it was avoid ed , beca us e it was consi d e r ed a ‘bad omen’. 37 Accor d i ng to other sources , the re-clai m i n g of leftov e r food was avoi ded since it was thought to ‘bri ng the mourni ng outsi de [of the home]’, 38 or it was feared that to re-claim it would cause a death in the family.3 9 Still other sources (describin g customs in Abruzzo) inform us 64 Chapter 4 that taki ng food back was avoi ded beca use it woul d lea d to yet anothe r death in the bereave d househo l d . 40 Hence, to remove the l e f t o v e r s of th e consuolo fr o m t h e b e r e a v e d h o m e w a s b e l i e v e d t o have two specific sini ster conseque n c e s: (1) it woul d cause a furth e r death in the berea v e d famil y or (2) it would cause death in anoth e r fami l y. The first consequence may be understood as a result of the sym- b o l i c shari n g of vital force being null if i e d. By takin g back the lef- tovers, the donor destroys the image of him as generously bestowing the berea ved famil y with vita l force. He avari ci ously takes from the family the food they need in thei r precariou s positi on between death and life. Instead of being strengthened and brou ght back to life, the members of the household are weakened, and stru ck by another death. The second consequence concerns a noti on of the recl aimed food as bringi n g death . The funer al meal, altho u g h it symbo l i ca ll y bring s life to t h e b e r e a v e d f a m i l y , i s pe r m e a t e d by t he p r e s e n c e of d e a t h . The leftovers are still in a sense the funera l meal and, when con- sumed, they carry dea th with them. Or phrased more in terms of the logic of symbolic acti on, when the recl ai mi ng family eats a ‘funeral mea l ’ in their own home there ought to be a dead fami l y member, and one of them therefore dies. 41 The idea that a death will occu r in anothe r fami ly can also be understood — but this is a more specula ti ve interpreta ti on — to connect with the levelli n g functi o n of sharing . When consuolo food is broug h t to the berea v e d famil y, this means that it gains vital force while others supply it. The fami li es of the neighbou rhood or commu- ni ty thereby become more equa l with respect to vita l ity. When donors take food back they appea r to be stingy, and the sharing is suggest i v e of inef fi ca c y . In such a case, the levelli ng of assets betwe e n famili e s may take on a nega ti ve and sini ste r charac te r . Member s of other fami lies die and, through this, they become in a sense equal to the alrea dy bereave d famil y . Such a symbolic balancing of lives between families may shed light on the idea s tha t the dea th of a priest brought with it the dea th of two more persons in ordinary fami lie s , the death of a famil y head in the vici ni ty , or the dea th of seven or nine family heads. 42 In some commu n i ti e s of Abruz z o, it was also said that not only the death of a priest caused the death of seven fa mil y heads, but likew i s e the death of a man with a doctor al degre e . 43 The education for the priesthood was the most common invest- me n t in forma l learni n g made among peasa n t and arti s a n famil i es. It Sharing 65 was a costly undertak i n g, which nonethel e ss was an attracti v e eco- nomic option in a long-term perspective. Such a son, once ordained into priesthoo d , was expected to make an importan t and reliable contri buti on to the famil y ’s economy and to exerci se unti l his dea th his infl uence and prestige to obta i n favours for the members of his fami l y. 44 Therefor e , in terms of family resources , the priest repre - se n te d a substa nti al long-ter m investme n t, which however was lost should he die — lost to a greater extent in the case of premature death and to a somew h a t lesser degre e if death occur red at an advan c e d age. Hence it could be argu ed that the death of a priest or a doctor struck the family and househol d wi th extra ordi na ry force, causi ng grea ter loss of social assets tha n the death of an uneduca ted rela ti ve. Such grave ill fortune for the family could not be fully compens ated for through an input of consuolo food nor by other means, and there- f o r e a levelli ng with respe ct to vitality and human resources between househol ds is created by deaths in other fami lies. Since the loss in socia l assets is so grea t, it is not equa l to only one other dea th, as when leftover s from the consuolo food were reclaimed in the case of an ordi na r y death , but to the death of a famil y head or severa l death s . Whether or not these arguments are releva nt, the donations of consuolo food can be seen as inspire d by a notion of input of vital force into a househol d struck by death through food brought by relatives, friends, and neighbours. In some other parts of Europe, however, the symbolism of the fune ral meal quite expressly sugges ts an identification between the food and the deceased. 45 Such an identi - f i ca ti on can be seen as another solu ti on to the problem of the family’s loss of human life, tha t is, to recover the dead’s life- f orce through a symbolic cons umption of him. 46 The ethnographic evidence in Southern Italy for such a mortuary symbolism is scant. The only more substantial indica tion of an asso- ciation between the consuolo food and the deceased seems to be that the funera l mea l in Abruzzo was often eaten at the tabl e on which the corpse had been resting during the wake, 47 or at a tabl e that was oriented in the room in same way as the coffin had been placed, that is, with one of its ends towa rds the door. 48 Instead it is clear that in the period after death certain foods were identif i ed with the dea d, but were for tha t rea son not consumed. The most obvious evidence of this is that mea t was often banned from the meals for the membe r s of the bere a ve d famil y . In Bagna ra (Cala br ia ), this ban was explained by the statement: ‘ abbiamo perso la carne e non possiamo mangiarla’ (‘we have lost the flesh/meat and must not eat it’; in Italian, the word carne signif i es both ‘flesh ’ and ‘meat’) . 49 Absten- 66 Chapter 4 tion from meat for like reasons has been documented in several other regions : in Puglia , where it was said tha t eati ng mea t woul d cause the buried corpse to be eaten by worms at an early stage; 50 in the Abruz z o- M oli s e highl a nd s, where the berea ve d thoug h t that meat would remi nd them of the flesh of the deceased; 51 and in contempo- rary Naples, where it is said that ‘… it’s human flesh that one eats: one has just buried one’s flesh... Meat must not be eaten now.’ 52 Thus mea t on the tabl e was identi f i ed with the rotti ng flesh in the gra ve; to eat meat would suggest a consumption of the corpse. The horror of such implied necrophagy is given a somewhat maca bre expression by the saying from Puglia mentioned above: those who would eat meat on an occasion of death are like the worms that feed on the decayi ng corpse. It can therefore be concluded that a notion of necrophagy was brought to the fore when a death occurred in the fami l y, but that it evoked horror and repugnance rather than a poss ib il i ty for recove r - i n g lost force of life. FIVE UNINTENTIONAL APPROPRIATION T h i s chapter is concerned with beliefs used to explai n losses of vital force and of bodily substances closely associated with vitality. The core of the beli ef s is the assumpti on tha t someone has appropria ted what has been lost. We have already discusse d some instanc es of such appropri a ti on, the ‘th ef ts ’ of mother’s milk tha t occu rre d when food was shared unequa ll y . Thus, it seems apposi te to begi n thi s chapter by surveyin g other beliefs of furti di latte (‘thef ts of milk’) — this term was commonl y used by thos e who believed in, or discussed, the phenomenon — before turning to losses of vital force in a more general sense. ‘Thefts’ of Mother’s Milk I n Grottol e (Basi li c a ta ) , a mothe r with an unwe a ne d chil d who visite d another nursing mother was not allowed to lea ve the house with her child at the breas t, since leavi n g in this way was belie v e d to take the milk away from the woman visi te d . If this rule was ignored , the mother riski ng the loss of her milk called the visitor back, calml y and firml y sayi ng to her: — ‘Plea s e, give me back the milk tha t you have taken away’. The visiting woman wa s then to enter the house, again with her own child at her breast, in this way bringi n g the milk back. 1 In Colobraro (another community in Basilic a ta ) it was believe d that an uninten ti o n a l ‘theft’ of mother’s milk committed by a woma n who visi ted a mother coul d take place when the visitor had been allowed to hold the chil d in her arms and, when retu rni n g it, hap- pened to touch one of the mother’s breasts. Even the slightest touch was believed to dry the brea sts from milk. Nor was a visiting woma n all owed to dry the mouth of the baby with a handkerchi ef after it had been fed. Shoul d the visi ting woma n ina dvertentl y put her foot into milk which the baby had vomited on the floor, this was also cons id- e r e d a potenti al theft of milk. 2 Yet another belief was documented in Basil i c a ta : a visit i ng woman with her unweaned child must not give the brea st to the infa nt with her back turned aga i nst the hostess mothe r as, again, she would be susp ected of unintentiona ll y ‘stea ling’ her milk. If milk had been stolen in this way, it coul d be return ed if the two women share d a meal. It wa s also conside red danger o us for a woma n to nurse a baby tha t was not her own and, although the 68 Chapter 5 ethnogr a p h e r does not explici tl y say so, it can be understo o d from the context of this inf orma ti on tha t the danger was loss of milk. 3 Similar idea s of ‘thefts’ of mother ’s milk have been documented in other parts of South e r n Italy. In Cala bri a, it was belie v ed that if a nursing woman conceded to do another mother the favour of nursing her chil d, she ought to give the chil d back to its mother with her left hand had it been drinking from th e right breast and vice versa. Was this not observed, the child ‘took the milk away’ and the milk of the woman would dry up, at least in the breast from which the child had been drinking . 4 In Abruzzo , if a mother with an unwean e d chil d allowed another nursing woman to tast e her milk, it was held that she would suff e r from agala c ti a. 5 There are no indica t i o ns in any of the ethnographic sources that the ‘thief’ was morally condemned; rather, the appropriation seems to have been regarde d as a kind of natu r al phenomenon for which the ‘thief’ could not be held responsible. Furthe r m o r e, in both Calabr i a and Abruzz o , it was believ e d that a cat or a dog could ‘steal ’ the milk from a mother by lickin g up some of it which had been spil t on the ground or by otherwi se tasting it. This risk was especial l y grea t if the animal was lactatin g. 6 It was also thought tha t the turgi d brea sts of a nursi ng woma n could be drained of their milk just by the envious gaze of a nursing mother who herself had an insu ff icient supply. This was considered to be a form of the evil eye. 7 In one stor y, tol d by a fema l e inf orma nt from Savoi a (Basil i ca ta) and reco rded by the Italian ethnographer Ernesto De Martino in the 1950s, the idea of a ‘theft’ of milk provoked by a desi ri ng gla nce merges with a theme of male eroti c desi re s . De Marti no retells the story in the foll owi ng words: 8 ‘Once at the end of the harv e s t seas o n [thi r ty year s ago] a farm work e r retur ne d from Pugl i a and walk e d on foot the way back to his home to w n Pote nz a , maki ng stop s here and ther e on the way. One eveni ng he pass e d thro u g h the vill a g e of Vagl i o . Ther e a young mothe r sat by the door of he r hous e , feed i n g her littl e baby from her br ea st. She was so abso r b ed in this tha t she did not noti c e the man who passe d by . But he did take noti ce of her , a nd espe c i a l l y of her white , full brea s t s , and he coul d no t keep back a feeli ng of envy [ invidiare ] for that sple n d o u r . He conti n ued hi s walk and arr i ved in Pote nz a , but ther e he sudde nl y fel t a strai n in the chest and, to uchi ng it, he felt that his own bre a s t was fille d wi th milk. He immed i a te l y set out to retur n to the wo ma n wha t had been sto l e n fro m her and, i n fact , he fou nd her in tea r s, havi ng lost her milk. Wit h no fu r the r expl a na ti o n, the har ve ste r made him se l f read y to perfo rm one of the rite s presc r i b e d by trad i ti o n for retur ni ng stol e n milk. He sta r te d to reci te the for m ul a : I have your milk give me a slice of bread Unintentional Appropriation 69 now I take a bite of it and you snatch it from me, saying ‘Give me my bread’ D u r i ng the rec i t a ti o n, the cor r e sp o ndi n g acts wer e per fo r me d. The woma n gave the har ve st e r a piece of brea d witho ut sayi ng anyt hi ng , he too k a bite from it and she snatc he d it from his mout h, repe a ti ng the word s : ‘Giv e me my brea d ’ . When the cere mo ny had been perf o r me d , the two sepa r a te d witho u t exc ha ng i ng fur t he r wor ds, and the har v e s te r retur ne d to Pote nz a . His brea st had been empti e d of milk, while the breas ts of the young woman had once agai n beca me fill e d and turg i d . ’ The procedure supposed to restore the milk is a further vari ation of the belie fs that relate loss of milk to unequa l shari ng of food. In this procedure, uneq ua l sharing takes on the form of a blata nt thef t of food, the woman tearing the bread from the man’s mouth while he eats. This act corresponds to her intention to regain her milk which the man unwillingly has taken away from her. Desir e is centr a l in this story . The harvester is seized by erotic desire, which, since it is inspir e d by the sight of the mother ’ s turgid breasts, has a resemblance to the desire for the abundant milk of fortunate mothers experienced by le ss fortunat e ones. The story play- f u ll y combi nes noti ons relati ng to these two forms of desi re by letti ng the harvester involuntarily appropri a t e her milk; the effect of his erotic desire, experienced in an inappr opriate context of mothe r ly love rathe r than sexu al i ty, is an undesi r e d and ridic u l ou s femini sa - ti o n . Desi re is also of crucial importa nc e in anothe r story, told as a self-experienced event, recorded in Basilicata in the 1950s by the America n social scien ti s t Edwar d Banfi e l d (195 8: 56). In this case, however, it is not a look of desi re, but the pronuncia tion of certa i n words of prai se, implyi n g a wish for having plenty of milk, which brings about the dryi ng up of mother’s milk: ‘... a mot her told a group of ladies tha t whe n she was nur si ng her second child she ha d so much milk that she had to wear a rubbe r guard to avoid soili ng he r clothe s . One day when she was visi ti ng a frie nd the milk bega n flow i ng and conti n u e d unti l ther e was a pudd l e on the floo r . Her frie nd rema r k e d , “How luc k y you are . And her e am I, who can no t pro duce a drop ” . O n her ret ur n home the wo ma n fo un d tha t her brea sts wer e dry . They rema i ne d dry, and she was unab l e to nurs e her nex t babi e s . ’ Thus all the belief s on record — rela ted in the previo u s pages — are based on the assumpti o n that one caus e of agala c tia is someo n e appropr ia ti ng the milk. Typical ly this happens when a mother with plenty of milk is conf ronte d with a person (or anima l) who can be suspected to covet the milk: a nurs i ng mother (who alwa ys wish for plenty of milk) ; a mother who by words of praise implies her desire 70 Chapter 5 for the abunda n c e of milk; or a suckli ng child (who displ ay s an unin- hi bi ted desi re for mil k) . Another typica l fea ture is tha t the noti on of appropria ti on is brought to the fore by acts suggestive of remova l and seizure: a woman leaves a house with her child at the breast, thereby inspi ri ng a thought tha t she lea ves with the milk; a touch of the hand, a gesture associ a ted with the taki ng of somethi ng; wipi ng up milk with a handker c h i ef , an act of remova l throu g h absorpti o n ; a woma n gives milk to her own child, with her back turned towa rds the mother — a posi ti on with connota ti ons of concea led and illici t acti vi ti es; anoth e r woma n taste s the milk or anima ls lick it up, an actua l con- sumption of milk. Hence , the essenti al natu r e of the appropr i a ti o n of milk is — as the Italian term suggests — a theft. The ‘t hief’, however, is not indica tive of having any malici o us inten t to depriv e another perso n . She expresses only the innocent wish for the milk she needs or happens to act in a way suggesti ve of taki ng. 9 She is not morally condemned. In fact, the appro pr i a tion has a cert a i n legi ti ma cy. Accordi ng to the ideol og y of shari ng scarc e assets, those who have littl e have a justi - fied claim on anyone who has more, although it is not warra nted to deman d all. An argument tha t might be raised aga i nst the interpreta ti on of ‘thef ts ’ of milk as an appropr i a ti o n by one perso n from anoth e r is the fact tha t, in many insta nces, the ‘thi ef ’ is not supposed to gain, as logical l y she would. For examp l e , in the story rela ted by Banf i el d, the envious mother is not described as ab le to nurse after the ‘thef t’. Thi s weaknes s in logica l consequ e n c e , somethi n g which we will also find in other beliefs that concer n uninten ti o nal approp r ia ti on of vital force, may be understood if the contexts of the beliefs is considered. The belief s of ‘thefts ’ of milk were eviden tl y used as an explana ti on for agala c tia , an ailme n t that often appea re d to peasa n t women as inex- pl i ca bl e . It is thus actua l or fear ed loss of milk which evokes a notion of appropri ation. The idea seems suggestive enough to allow discrep- a n c i es in actua l circu ms ta nc e s — the ‘thie f ’ does not actu a ll y gain any milk. In the mythical world the basic principle is occasi on al ly given full expres s i on, such as in the case of the harvester who is sai d to have received the milk of the young mother in his own chest. The Evil Eye B e l ie f s in the evil eye can be found among many people s , and folk- lor i s t s , psycholo g i s t s , sociologi s ts and anthr o polog i s ts have paid much attention to the subject. 10 The evil eye has been seen as being Unintentional Appropriation 71 based upon gaze behavi ou r which humans share with many animal species, 11 as a representa tion of patron- cli ent rel a ti onshi ps, 12 as a means of social contr ol of devi an t pers ons in the name of commu ni ty values, 13 and as an expres s i o n of envi ou s feelin gs . 14 George Foster sees the evil eye as an express i o n of a cogniti v e orienta ti o n of ‘limite d good’ among peasa n ts , 15 and Allan Dundes has combined this view with symbolic and psychoa n al y ti ca l interpr e ta ti o n s. 16 The view pro- posed here bea rs simi la ri ti es to th at presented by Foster, since evil eye beli ef s are rela ted to ega li ta ria n ideol ogy, and is simila r also to that of Dundes, who argues that an equilibri um between we tness (ass o c ia ti ng with life ) and dryn e s s (asso c i a ti ng with loss of life) is an essentia l compo n e n t in these belief s. Howev e r , I have neithe r adopted Foster’s view of an ‘Image of Limi ted Good’ nor the psychoanalytical perspective of Dundes. What is more, I make no claims for the rele- va n c e of this interpr e ta ti o n for simi la r belief s in other societi e s, since the notion of occult ocular influence can evidently be incorporated into rather diverse fra mes of soci al signif i ca nces. 17 The belief in malocchio or iettatura , the evil eye, has been and still is wide-sprea d and enduri ng in Southern Italy. The notion was typically brought to the fore as a way of expl ai ni ng why someone or something — a huma n being , an anima l or an inani ma te objec t — had suff ere d harm. Even if a physi ca l caus e fo r this could be recognised — for insta n c e, that a horse had broke n its leg stepp i n g into a hole — the questi on stil l rema i ned as to why this had happened: why did the horse step there? In the search for a deeper cause it was thought that someone , intenti o n a ll y or uninten ti o na ll y , had cast the evil eye. 18 Typically this happened when the suspect had looked at, or pra i sed, what was harmed. The term malocchio could be used in a restri cte d sense to mean only the wilf ul ly ac ti va ted evil eye, whil e the involun- tary variant was called iettatura . 19 This distin c ti on is maintaine d throughout the foll owi ng text in order to disti nguish between these two varian ts . There is littl e informa ti on in the ethnog r a p h y about local ‘theories ’ concerni n g the more precise way in which the harm is inflicted. It seems that the evil eye was accepted by many as a real phenomenon beyond doubt, even if no elabo ra te expl a na ti o n of its nature could be offered. 20 The Englis h term ‘evil eye’ is an appropr i a te translati o n only for malocchio, male means ‘evil’ or ‘ba d’ and occhio means ‘eye’. However, it is less suitabl e to render the more common iettatura. The iettatore was not thought to wish evil, even thou gh the effects of his eye were seen as disastrous. An Italia n ethnographer speaks of the occhio bono (the ‘good eye’) in discussing cases when the evil eye has been acti- 72 Chapter 5 vated by strong feelings of positive appraisa l. 21 The Italian term iettatura derives from the Lati n verb eiectare (to throw, to cast) which has no moral connotations. The term ‘evil eye’ is used here neverthe- less, since it is the standard English translation for both iettatura and malocchio. 22 Let us cons ide r in some deta il th e harms thought to be infl i cted by the evil eye. These belong to two cate g o r i e s. (1) It ruins the health and life of human being s, anima l s and plants and harms biolog i ca l pro- c e s s e s invol vi n g growth and ferti li ty . (2) It caus e s misfo r tu n e s that bring disaster to objects, persons and projects. The followi ng exam- ples are representa ti ve of the first type of harm: — A person who was the victim of the evil eye suffered from anae- m i a , genera l weakn es s , palen e ss , dizz i ne s s , fainti n g , loss of weight, lameness, sleepiness, a sudden with ering away, poor appetite, vom- i ti n g , convu l si o n s , exha us ti o n , an unexpl a i na b le feeli n g of fatigu e in the arms and legs, spontan e o u s abortio n , sterili ty , deep melanch o l y, fever, headach e or colic. If the evil eye was strong, the afflict e d person could die. 23 — The health of animals is affected in much the same way as that of human beings: they waste away, horses lose weight, pigs do not become fat, whatever they are fed. 24 — As we know from the previous section, nurs ing mothers may lose their milk, and lacta ti n g animal s may also go dry. 25 — The crops may be harmed by persons gazing at the fields or watching the work of harvesting; 26 tree s and plan ts may be imped e d from setti ng frui t, or dry up so tha t they wither and die; 27 and, in baking brea d, the evil eye might prevent the dough from rising. 28 The common denominator in these injuries is that the evil eye caus es a loss of vita l force. A living orga n is m that has formerl y pos- s e s s ed an abund a n ce , or at least an adequ a te amou n t, of vita l forc e loses vital i ty . Since humidi ty is inti ma tel y linked with life, the harms of the evil eye often take the form of a drying process; 29 we may note that the evil eye could be attribut ed the capa ci ty to dry up a well . 30 The ‘drying’ effect of the evil eye was expressed verbally — in Basili- c a t a , chroni c suffer i ng s of the evil eye were called ucchiatura secca (‘dry evil eye’); 31 a Campanian term for the evil eye was uocchi sicchi, (‘dry eyes’); 32 and in Naples ‘… people who are envious or evil- minded are … called [ uocchie sicche], because envy and evil-minded- ness are believed to “dry up” one’s energy and the resources and good-fortune of others’. 33 Examples of the second type of harms — which in Naples coul d be said to be caused by a specific type of the evil eye, the iettatura sospen- Unintentional Appropriation 73 siva (‘suspensive evil eye’), a term which will be used below with reference to this type of influence — are the followi ng unlucky events: a person has bad luck in card games, someone loses money in fina n c ia l trans a c ti o ns or suff e r s an unsuccessful outcome of a legal proces s , a horse rears so that its carriag e is turned over, a person loses his voice when speak i ng in front of an audie n ce, a love affa ir takes an unhappy ending, a person misses the train he is hurrying for, domes- tic mishaps occur (such as the brea king of objects) and mechanical gadgets break or cease to function. 34 To understa nd why misf ortunes were thought to be caused by the evil eye, we must first consider an importa n t implic a ti o n of the noti on s of fortun e and misfor tu n e in traditi o n al Southe r n Italy. The essence of buona fortuna (‘good fortune’) lies in its reference to what is extra, somethi n g that is additi o na l to what is expec te d and norma l. This conception of the extra is found over and over again when the notion of good fortune is evoked. Among the circu ms ta n c e s leadi ng to the arriva l of good fortu n e, there were especially two that occupied the minds of South Italians and stimula te d their imagi n a ti o n: to win a terno on the game of lotto (the top priz e in a very popular kind of lottery) and to find a trea sure of gold buried in the earth. Legends tellin g of enchan te d treasu r e s and attempts made to take possessi on of them circul a ted in virtua ll y all villages and towns; the assumpti on that the winning lotto num bers could be foretol d inspire d numerous methods of predicti o n as well as an elaborate ‘science’ of how to interpret events in dreams and real life in terms of numbers, the knowledge of which was publishe d in thick manuals. Common to both circumsta nces is the idea tha t an immens e amou nt of wea l th will suddenl y be bestowe d upon a fortu - na t e person. Such an event would be extraord i na ry and entirely sepa- rate d from everyday economic acti vi ti e s involving transa cti o n s of prope r ty , goods and labou r . An appro pr i a te term for the wealth gained would be extra-economic . A two-tailed lizard was commonly used as portafortuna (‘luck - bringer’). It was held to bring richness and happiness to the person who owned it, and it was also considere d a good omen to see one. 35 Such a liza r d could be used as prote c ti on agains t the influ e n c e of the evil eye at games of cards and genera lly to increase chances of luck during the game. 36 It was also believed that, throu g h certa i n proce - d u r e s, a two- ta il e d lizard could reveal the winni ng numbe r s of a game of lotto. For insta nc e , it coul d be made to crawl on a surf a ce sprinkled with bran in which it was supposed to trace the numbers. 37 While the lizard is a symbol i ca ll y poten t repti l e , sugge s ti v e of regen- 74 Chapter 5 eration of life from death, this potenc y become s extrao r di n a ry in the case of a lizard with two tails becau s e it is so rare and has something extra. Consequ e n tl y , in Sicil y, a lizard with no tail was thoug h t to bring misfortu ne. 38 Such a liza rd has not even what is ordina ry and norma l; somethi n g is missi ng . Another exampl e of a portafortuna associa ted with somethi ng extra, additi ona l and multi pli ed is the four-leaf e d clover . As in many other Europe a n countr i e s , it was con- sidered to bring good luck to the one who found it. 39 Clover is a herb which grows in grea t luxuri ance (it has been employed as an emblem for vita l force) , and hence a clover with an extra leaf suggests extraor- dinary abundance. 40 Ther e was a beli ef , at leas t in Abruz z o, that all thing s safeg ua r di ng agai ns t the evil eye and agai ns t misf ortune in general ought to be stolen, or at least rece i ved as gifts . An exa mpl e of this from more recen t times is the idea that a car owner might avoid road accid en ts by stealing the radiator filler cap fr om another car to use it on his own vehicle.4 1 Similarly, the idea was wi despread that a horseshoe brou g ht luck and protected agai nst misf ortu nes, althou g h onl y when it had been found accidentally, rece iv e d as a gift or stol en . 42 In Calabria , it was thought tha t to have a chance of winni ng in the giuoco delle nocci- uole (‘the game of frui tstones’) , the fruitstones with whi ch one pla yed the game had to have been received as a gift. 43 In these ideas, we again find the extra in the sense of extra-economic. If a person buys a horse-s h o e , for instan c e, he partic i pa te s in an economi c transa c tion in which objects of value are exchanged. In stealing something or recei v i ng it as a gift, a perso n gains witho u t losin g . The value so stol en or recei ved is separa te from, and addi ti onal and extra to, the transactional exchanges of ordina ry economy. The incidentally found, stolen or gratuitously received object embodies the notion of the extra and is therefor e believed to promote it in the form of good fortune. Perso n s havin g certa i n physi ca l chara c ter i s ti cs were thoug h t to be especia ll y lucky. A rich growth of hair on the body and the face was, in the case of a man, seen as a sign of viril i ty , heal th, vita l force and good fortune, while littl e hair implie d stupi di ty and lack of energy and initia ti v e. 44 Another idea was that a child who had been born with the caul would be fortunate, 45 and that those who were so born could protect themselves agains t mi sf ortunes and ailments by carry- i n g a dried piece of the caul as a charm. 46 In both these cases, the occurrence of somethi ng extra on a pers on — also suggestive of vital force (the hair, the organi c substance of the foetal membrane envel- o p i n g the head) — is taken as an indi ca ti o n of extraor d i na r il y good fortune. Unintentional Appropriation 75 The notion of fortune as something unexpected and extra seems also to have inspire d the sayings , in commun i ti es in Sicily and Abruz z o, that it is good luck to be hit on the hea d by a bird’s drop- ping outdoors, 47 that it is a good omen to find an ant crawl i ng on one’s body, 48 and that it is a sign of comi n g abundan c e if a cricket leaps upon someone. 49 There is also a Cala bria n term desig na ti n g an unusually lucky person: lu sputatu (‘the one who has been spit upon’). 50 In the se sayi ngs, however, wha t consti tutes somethi ng extra has no obvious connotati ons of we alth or vita l i ty, excepti ng the sali va . 51 To sum up: good fortun e in traditi o na l Southe r n Italy implie s that a perso n acqu i r es something extra and is raise d above par, in compa r i- s o n with what is expecte d and normal. Misf or tu n e, then, implies that he falls under par: he has suffer e d a loss and experi enc e s a defici t in rela ti on to his expecta ti ons. Hence the iettatura sospensiva essentially brin g s abou t a sudde n loss of asse ts . It can therefore be proposed that the notion of the evil eye was employed to explain the loss of two classes of assets , one more spe- cific and one more general. When the evil eye causes bodily weak- n e s s , illne ss or death , the victi m has lost vita l force and falls below par with respect to life energy. In the case of the iettatura sospensiva, the victi m is sudde nl y depri ve d of a norma l amou nt of wealth, prop- erty or other things seen as crucial to his well-being. The loss of these things, which would be possibl e to distinguish as a number of sepa- ra te kinds of assets , is gene rally conceived as misfortune. Misf o r tu n e, or a loss of vita l force , could be expla i n ed as a resul t of some unknown person’s casting of the evil eye at some unknown point in time. However, the evil eye was commonl y thought to strike the victi m in a parti c ul a r situ a ti o n and to be acti va ted by a parti cu la r indivi dual. What is hurt by the evil eye is typi cally an entity suggest- i n g prosper i ty and abunda n c e , such as a fat pig, the turgi d udder of a cow, a chubby baby, a heal thy adul t, a brand new olive press and the like. As has been mentioned, the entity suffers harm when a person praises or gazes at it. In many co ntexts, the verbal expression of praise suggests that the one who expresses admi ra tion would himself like to poss ess or otherw i se enjoy what he is prai si n g. Simi la r ly , it is throu g h visi on that the abund a n ce of other s is percei ved , and a pro- longed gaze at the desirable object or state indica t es a wish for it — in the Italian language, the expression mangiare con gli occhi (‘to eat with the eyes’) is used to descri be such an intens e gaze, filled with desire . Hence envy is of great importance in the evil eye beliefs. Defined as the desi re to possess the adva nta g es enjoyed by others, it is the 76 Chapter 5 essence of the iettatura; defined as the malicious such desire , it is cru- cial for the malocchio. Envy triggers the evil eye, and so the evil eye could also be called invidia (‘envy’). 52 It may be noted tha t the word invidia itself was formed with referenc e to a notion of harmful ocular influence since it is derived from the Latin verb invidere (‘to look upon’). Therefore, the iettatura could be acti vate d involu n tari l y by anyone through an innocent word of praise, by astonishment when con- f ronted with abunda nce and beauty pe rta i ni ng to others or simply by an admir i n g look. A person and his valu a ble belon g ing s could even be struc k by the evil eye invol u n ta ri ly cast by his deare s t frien ds and rela ti ves. Most often it was thought to be acti va ted by persons in the community who were, roughly speaki ng, the equals of the victim with respect to wea l th and soci al posi ti on. It was beli eved, however, that unusu all y thin, lanky and emacia ted perso ns were especia ll y prone to cast the evil eye. 53 In summa ry, the acti va ti on of the evil eye was typi ca lly thought to occur in situ ati o n s in which a person was conf ron te d with somethi n g valuable belonging to someone else and displayed behaviou r sugges- ti ve of desi re; the ema ci a ted indi vi dual personif i es a noti on of short- ag e , implyi ng a permanent desire. We may note that the expressi o n sanguisugo a diguno (‘fasti n g medici na l leech’ ) is used in Ital y to denote an emaciated person, hence connecting this state with an inclin a ti o n to approp r ia te the vita l fluid of huma n beings . With respect to the coveted object, the iettatore has less of the same com- pa red with the victi m and the noti on of the former’s harmf ul inf l u- e n c e is essenti a ll y , it is argue d here, that he appro pr i a te s what he desire s — he ‘eats’ with his eyes. 54 The evil eye therefore bears simi lari ti e s with ‘thef ts ’ of milk and, as with these, the iettatore was typically supposed to have had no harmful intention, but only a desire to own or enjoy that possessed by others, and would not be reprimanded or subjected to sanctions. 55 Rather, we find examples of how he or she — like the ‘thieves’ of milk — was kindly asked to participate in procedures aiming at the removal of the influence of the iettatura. 56 Furthermore, since iettatore and victim typical l y belong to a group of persons who ideally should share scarc e assets , the appro pr i a ti o n has a certain legi ti ma cy ; the iettatore has a justif i e d claim on the victim for a share . In the case of the consciou sly inflicted malocchio, the person who throws the evil eye is thought to have both evil and immoral inten- tions and is therefore morally condemned. He may be envious, greedy and have a wish to enrich hims e lf beyo nd limi ts at the Unintentional Appropriation 77 expense of others. He may have a wicked desire, not so much for appropriating from others, but for causing harm and suff eri n g . Some indivi duals were considered to have a greedy, wicked, resentful and envious character which caused them to cast the evil eye continu- ously. The idea of the voluntarily acti va ted evil eye tended to merge with belie fs in other super n a tu ra l and evil forces causi ng harm and some peopl e rega rded it as a kind of sorcery. In Basil i ca ta, for instanc e, certai n forms of sufferi n g were said to be the resu l t of fasci- natura (‘fascination’), which could be caused not only by the evil eye but also by sorcery and posses si on by spiri ts . 57 As was the case rega rdi n g most ‘thefts ’ of milk, the logica l cons e- quence of the appropriation is no t elaborated. The person who casts the evil eye is not unders to o d as gaining an amount of vital force in correspondence to wha t the victi m loses, nor to benef i t from wha t is lost through bad fortune caused by iettatura sospensiva. Like the notions of ‘thefts’ of milk, the noti on of the evil eye was used as an explanation for losses suffered, not to account for someone else’s gain of vital force or good fortune. Since the loss is an actual event that could seldo m be juxta po s ed in time with an actua l gain by a person sugge s ti v e of desiri n g what was lost, the corol l ar y is left witho u t elabo ra ti o n . Furth e r mo r e, the malocchio was seen as an evil desire to harm others and, hence, the stress was laid on loss rather than on a possible gain. Let us now turn to a discussi on of counter- measures aga i nst the evil eye. As a prevention, a possibl e victim or desirable object could be concea led. Abunda nce and prosperity tha t nobody can see cannot exci te desire and so is safe from the evil eye. For insta nce, attra cti ve foodstuffs could be carried home hidden under one’s clothes, or the turgid udder of a she- goat could be covered by a sack. 58 It may also be argu ed that such beha vi o ur was a way to avoid claims from others for a share and their critici s m shou ld they receiv e nothin g , which in socia l rheto r ic was spoken of as a counter - meas u r e agains t the evil eye. 59 Such a preca u tion woul d however be closel y rela ted to the notion of the evil eye, since both conc ern the distribution of scarce assets withi n an idea ll y egali ta ria n commu n i ty . If objects could not be hidden from the gaze of others, there was the alterna ti ve to depreci ate thei r valu e. A source referri ng to Basi l i- ca ta descri bes the case of a woma n who received compliments for her sow, but interrupted these by enumerating more or less actual defects of the animal in order to avoid the evil eye. 60 N. T. Col cl ough (1971: 226) describes a case of a rather well-to-do man whose… 78 Chapter 5 ‘…o nl y surv i v i n g chil d was inva r i a b l y dre ssed in r ags. As his wife e xpla i ned to me, she had alre a d y lost a baby daug hte r as the resu l t of the envi o us glanc e s of her neighb o ur s a nd had no inte n ti o n of expo si ng her son to the sa m e dange r .’ There was a strong reluctance not only to speak in positive terms about one’s belongings but also to talk about one’s own health. When asked about the state of well-being, it was common to answer meno male (‘less bad’) if one felt fine, and when asked how things were goi ng, a person who prospered could easi ly respond: ‘I am still alive’. 61 A variation of the protec tive measure of depreci a ti o n has been documen te d in Cetrar o (Cal a bri a). A newborn baby was seldom shown to anyone outsi d e the fami ly, since it was feared that the evil eye would strike it. If someone was nevertheless allowed to have a look at it, tha t person had to repea t, together with the mother: è bruttu, è malfattu, prestu more (‘he is ugly, he is malformed, he will soon die’) and so on while the child was being shown. 62 This proce- dure forces the viewer to signal no desire for the child by pronounc- i n g words indica ti n g sentim e n ts of dislik e. More common was the practice of adding words such as Dio ti benedica (‘God bless you’) when a child had been complemented so as to suggest that the person who praised had nothing but good intentions. 63 Another protecti ve tacti c was to sha re wha t one had with the one who coveted it. For instance, if someone happened to come while one was eati ng, it was customa ry to invi te the visi tor to sha re, and the invi ta ti on coul d then be made with an expl i ci t reference tha t, if not accepted, this woul d cause the host to be struck by the evil eye of the unexpected guest. 64 Hence, concealment, depreciation and sharing were practices empl o y e d as means of prote c ti o n agai nst the evil eye. The belief in its power therefore tended to reify the image of a community of egali- ta r ia n peasa nts , where no one posse ssed more than his neighbour. Individual beha viour wa s regu late d so that displays of assets in amounts exceeding the average we re suppressed. If ostentation should occur, the value of the it ems displayed was depreciated, and other community members could be invited to sha re. 65 Anthropologi- c a l studies have shown that in some societi es accusa t i o ns of ‘witch- c r a f t’ are a powerf ul means of social contro l , in that those who de- viate from the norms for proper behaviour are likely to be singled out as possessing a malevolent, destructive force. 66 Concerning the South Italia n ethnog r a ph y, it is clear that this was not an aspec t of the belief in the involun ta r i ly acti vate d iettatura, since anyone could be believed Unintentional Appropriation 79 to cast the evil eye. Instead , social contro l concer n s potenti a l victim s , who concea l, deprecia te or sha re weal th. As to the intenti ona ll y acti - v a ted evil eye, howeve r , it is likely that sociall y deviant person s were accus e d , altho u g h this is not expli c i tl y said in the sourc e s. This is so becaus e the belief in malocchio tended to merge with images of evil witches and malevol e n t sorcer y . These images includ e d anti -s ocial behaviou r and moral corruption, and it is clea r that persons on the margi n s of socie ty could easi ly be assoc i a te d with diabol i c and evil forces. The wider social framewor k of the evil eye belief s , of which the old ethno g r a p h i c sources tell us little , is a gradual l y moder n is ing socie ty in which ideal s relati ng to a disa p p e a ri n g egali ta r ia n peas- antry are confronted with increasing soci al and economi c inequ al i ty . Finally, let us discuss charms em ployed as protection against the evil eye. A wide vari ety of such obje cts was used, and it is beyond the scope of the present study to offer a comprehensive descri ption and anal ys i s of these . In an artic l e disc ussing beliefs in the evil eye in the Mediter ra n ean area — and partic ul arl y on the Ita l ia n isla nd of Pantelleri a — Anthony Galt (1982 : 670) concludes tha t the pr ophy- l a c ti c meas ure s have three major common ‘emic subcomponents’: ‘(1) diver si o n of gaze, (2) appea l to stron ge r power s , and (3) injury and blockag e of the offendi ng eye.’ Galt’s conclu si o n applie s well to many, but not all, South Italian prot e c tive measure s taken agains t the evil eye. Here the discus si on will focu s on charms connec te d with the notion of the evil eye as an approp riation of vita l force and fortune from the victim , in that they all co unteract the influence of the evil eye by symbol i ca ll y bestowi n g the beare r with extra o r di n a ry fortu n e and strong vital force. It may be re called that one specific type of charms bestowing the bearer with extra-ordina ry fortune has already been mentione d: the portafortune, which were used not only to bring luck, but also to protect agai nst the evil eye. If a seriou sl y ill person was consid e r ed to be moribu n d , all the charms that he wore as a protec ti o n agains t the evil eye and other malevol e n t forces coul d be removed in the belief that they would only prolong his suffering. 67 It can hardly be assumed tha t the rela - ti ves would allow the person to fall prey to evil forces. Instea d, the act of removing the charms can be cons trued as a devi ta li za ti on of the dying pers on throug h the withdr a wa l of objects symbol i ca ll y confer - ring vital force, allowing him to ex pire pea cefully. This idea may be compar e d with the Calabr i a n belief that, should a person have brought a piece of firewood to his house with some mistletoe growi ng on it, he would suffer a prolonged, agonizing death. 68 In Southern Italy , mistl e toe was a symbol of fertil i ty and immorta l i ty: to bring 80 Chapter 5 ‘immor ta l i ty ’ to the home resulte d in an inabil i ty to die. 69 Both the amulets and the mistletoe have the effect of prolonging the death agony as they objecti f y lif e and vita li ty. Probably the most common protective charm against the evil eye was, and still is, horns. Authentic horns from ox, ram, goat, stag and other animals were used, as were charms depictin g horns (made from red cora l, mother of pearl, lava-s ton e , silver or gold) and other small objects resembling horns (such as a red pepper or a tooth from a wild boar or from a pig). 70 The protective power of horns could also be evoked by making the ‘horn’ gesture agains t immediate threats from the evil eye — the index and little fingers were extended while the other fingers were bent down towa rds the palm of the hand. Charms depicting a hand making the ‘horn’ gesture were also common. The horn, in the area of the Medi te rr a n ea n as well as in numerous other cultu res , is a symbo l of abund a n ce , viril e streng th, fertil i ty and vita li ty, hence the ima ge of the cornucopia (‘horn of plenty’, a repre- sentation of a horn overflowing with fruit, flowe rs and grai n ). Horns suggest physical force, since anim als employ them as weapons of defence and attack and horns display a rather independent power of growth (which in the case of castra ted male anima l s is markedly depl e te d ). Horns grow out of an animal ’s head and were associ a ted in anti qui ty with the spiri t of the bea st. Furthermore, horns were thought to be mois tened by the cere br os p i n al fluid, which was identi - f i ed with sperm and with a generi c life flui d; thus the horn was viewed as a congealed concentration and outcrop of the animal’s life force. 71 The horn is the defens ive charm par excellence . It symbolically bestows its bearer with an abunda nce of strength and virile power; it suggests tha t the bea rer will be abov e par in this respect, as long as the horn is carried or displayed. Moreover, the evil eye is confronted with a congealed and solid form of the vital humours of the orga ni sm, whi ch impl ies tha t the pe rson in danger will withsta nd atta cks tha t threate n to dry up vital juices . The horn is pointed , it is a weapon of defence, maki ng it a member of the cla s s of amul ets whi ch, owi ng to their sharpnes s and pungency , suggest injury to the evil eye (some exampl es of such amul e ts are: a dagger, a pin, a nail , a scyth e and a pair of scisso rs ) . From a Freudian perspective, the horn might be understood as a phalli c symbo l . A set of charms and apotr o pa i c gestu r e s are those which depi ct or indica te the male geni ta ls more explici tly . Phalli c amulets were considered by the Roma ns to be a most effective charm agains t the evil eye, and the use of them in Southern Italy was docu- Unintentional Appropriation 81 mented in the nineteenth century. 72 In the case of immedi a te threa ts from the evil eye, a phallic gesture could be made with the hand, by holding the middle- fi n g er strai g h t up while the other fingers were bent down towa rds the palm of the hand. Aga i nst such threa ts it was also common to make the fica gesture, which in the vocabu lary of Italian hand signs signify intercou r s e (the positi on of the fingers suggests the penis in the vagina ; in Italian, the word fica is a vulga r term for vagina ). Protecti ve cha rms in the form of a minia tu r e hand making one of these gestures were used, and especially the manofica seems to have been common. An exp li ci t refer e n c e to the genita l s is found also in the common male gest ure for warding off the evil eye: to touch the testi cl e s. 73 The erect peni s indi ca tes an extra ordi na ri ly inten s e state of vital i ty, in which a man enjoy s his viril e force at the peak of its stren g th. The phall i c charms and their corres po n di n g gestur es may be understo o d as symboli ca ll y bestow i n g abunda n t virile energy, which counteracts the power of the evil eye to draw away life force. 74 The erect penis also associates with the regenera tion of life through sexual procreation. A theme of regenera tion is suggested by numero us charms that associa te with period i c rejuven a ti o n and/o r rebirth from death: the moon, 75 the toa d and the frog, 76 the crab, 77 the crayfish, 78 the sna ke, 79 the liz ard 80 and the egg. 81 The connectio n between regeneration and these entities is commonly found in Euro- pean cultures and is extens ivel y docu mented in the literature. 82 The associa ti o n draws on natura l feature s of the objects — the waning and waxi ng of the moon; the abili ty of the toa d and frog to hiberna te during periods of dryne ss and cold, which appears as a death fol- l o w e d by a rebi r th ; the chang i ng of skin by the snake or the lizard or a shell by the crab and the crayfi s h, which give them an appeara n c e of ‘dyin g ’ and being born again ; and the capa ci ty of the egg to conta i n and perpe tuate life. These anima ls and enti ti e s objecti f y a parti c ul a r abi li ty to rejuvena te lif e and thereb y esca pe the irrevocable destiny of ordina r y biolo g i ca l withe ri n g away and dying. An extra o r d i na ry form of recrea ti ve vital i ty is suggested, protecti ng aga i nst the inf l u- ence of the evil eye. The colour red was widely used agains t the evil eye, and many of the protective charms, regardless of their material or depiction (horns, manofica), were red or incorporated some red element. Red in Italy, as well as among numerous other peoples , associ ate s with blood, stren g th, viri li ty and life itsel f. 83 To paint something red, or otherwise associa te it with this colour, is ther efore to confer to it a quality of strength and vita li ty and to do this with a degree of perma nence tha t 82 Chapter 5 sugges ts that vita l force will not easil y decre as e . Silver and gold were commonly used for charms depictin g objects in miniature such as crescent moons, toads, horns etcete ra. These metals are valuable, and so they objecti f y the wea lth, ab undance and fortune of those who wear them. 84 The precio us red cora l (Corall iu m rubrum ) was also used extensively for the manufacture of charms, and it can be assu me d that this use was inspir e d not only by its colour and costli - ness. In South European societies we find examples of how red coral has been associated with the productive forces of the sea, and also with blood. 85 It repres ents an abunda nce of humi di ty and life in a solid and permanent form. Menstruation The ethnographic litera ture gives abundant evidence that, in all regions of Southern Italy, a me nstruati ng woma n was thought to bring harm. In Sicily, it was believed that she made plants dry up simply by touching them, that she could stop a horse carriage solely by entering it and that she would break the back of a donkey should she mount it (unless a little salt had been sprea d on its back). 86 Fur- thermore, if she let her water by the root of a tree, the tree woul d wither and dry, and if she mounted a pregna nt mare, the animal would abort. 87 If she kissed a child under one year of age, it would be harmed . More specifi c al ly , it was believed that the kiss would cause the child to be affli c ted by milk thrus h or milky scabs . 88 In Cala bria , it was bel i eved tha t a menstrua ti ng woma n could harm a tree, so tha t it withered and died, by touchi ng it or cli mbing it; that she made a horse or donkey collapse if she mounted it; that no blood would flow from a pig or a cow if she were present at the slaughter or blood-letting of it; th at pork sausa g e made by her would soon become spoi l ed; tha t she caused wine to turn to vinega r and pres erve d toma toe s to become sour; more genera ll y , it was held tha t she shou ld not touch any kind of preser ved foods, cheese or fat meat, since these foodstuffs would then become rancid. 89 In Abruz z o, it was held that a well would dry up if menstrua l blood , even only a single drop, fell into it and that, if a new well was to be dug, the workers would certainly have to dig deep if there was a menstruati ng woman among them. Therefore, if female workers were to be employed in the digging of a well, girl s and old women were pref erred. It was thought tha t the tree tha t had been climbed by a menstruati ng woman would soon turn dry and die, and that the flowers in a vase, if touched by her, would lose freshne s s and become dry. If she mounted a horse or tr avell e d by horse and wagon, the Unintentional Appropriation 83 animals woul d soon become tired or crippled. Furthermore, many domestic underta kings went wrong when a menstrua ting woma n performed them: preserved foods turned sour, must was spoiled and pork sausages became rancid or rotted. It was held that a woma n who had her period was partic u l a rl y dangerous if menstrua ti on had set on whi l e she sat close to the domesti c fire. 90 Beliefs simi lar to these were current all over Southern Italy, 91 and nearl y all of the harms caus e d by a menstrua ti ng woma n were of two kinds. First, she has a corru pting influence. This is most evident when she causes foods tu ff s to become sour, spoi l e d, rancid or rotten, but it may also be discerne d in the idea that her kiss causes childre n to become aff li cted with milky sca bs or milk thrush, since these ailments were seen as symptoms of the presence of corrupt fluids in the infan- ti l e orga ni s m . 92 Second, her presence or touc h causes a drai n of liquid and vital i ty — plants and trees dry up, wells go dry, anima ls tire or are injured or are change d into a ‘dry’ state so that no blood will flow from their bodies when slaughtered or blood-let. These two categories of harm can be seen as rela ti ng to two diff erent aspects of menstrua- ti on: to the nature of the blood tha t was lost and to the loss of blood in itse lf . The idea of the first category of harm no doubt expresses an asso- ciation between menstruation and corruption. The opinion that men- struation is beneficial to the health of women, since it is an evacua t i o n of corrupted humours, was held by medical scholar s from antiqu ity up to modern times. 93 This opinion has been documented among most Medi terra nea n peoples, together with the idea tha t the blood in itself is poll u ti n g becau s e it carri es with it the filth that accum ul a tes in the organi sm between the menses. 94 In a Sici li a n riddle, menstrua tion is said to keep a woman healthy, 95 but there are otherwise few explicit references in South Italian ethnography to menstruation as a bringer of heal th. It is clear, however , tha t an absence of menstrua ti on was seen as a dangerou s state causing illness; someti mes this was speci- f i ed as ail ments typi ca ll y thought of as caused by corrupted bodi ly humou r s, such as rheu ma ti s m and swel li ng s. 96 This view indi ca te s that, in Souther n Italy as well, menstrua ti on was seen as a benef i ci al elimi n a ti o n of corrup te d fluids . 97 Thus, on the basis of historical evi- d e n c e and ethnog r a ph ic indic a ti o n s it seems reas o na bl e to assume tha t menstrua l blood has long been associated with corrupted bodily flui ds and tha t this is the reason for the idea tha t menstrua ti ng women have a corrupting influence on organi c matter. The second category of harm, characte ri z ed by a drain of liqu id and depl eti on of vita li ty, can be understood as rela ti ng to the fact tha t 84 Chapter 5 the menstruati ng woma n loses blood. Blood is the vita l humour par excellence, and there is evidence that menstrual blood was associated not only with corrupt flui ds but also with vital force. In Vasto (Abruz z o ) , for instanc e , young girl s washed their hair in water mixed with thei r first menstrua l blood because they thought tha t thi s woul d make their hair grow rich and beautiful. 98 In San Giorgio Morgeto (Cal a bri a) , women dripped some of their menstrual blood on the earth of the potted pla nts in the home in the belief tha t this woul d make the plants grow luxuria nt. 99 Just as agalacti a could be expla i n e d by the noti o n of a ‘thef t’ of mothe r ’s milk perfo r med by a desi r i ng perso n , and just as a loss of vital force and of good fortune was explaine d by the evil eye of a person suggesti n g a desire for the vita lity and fortune of others, the loss of blood by the menstr ua ti ng woman evokes an idea that her loss of vital humour will be compensated by an appropri ation from other living organis m s . 100 In terms of vital humours, the menstrua ting woman is ‘dry’ and therefore even more dangerous should her bleedi ng have starte d near fire; the heat intensi fi e s her ‘drynes s’ . 101 We also find this dryin g influen c e of fire on bodil y humou r s in some beliefs concern i n g mother’ s milk: reports from Cala bri a and Abruzz o say it was commo n belie f that if some milk accid e n ta ll y fell into the domestic fire, the breasts would go dry. 102 Unlike the ‘thief’ of milk and the iettatore, the menstrua ti ng woman never causes harm to other human beings through her drying influence. Furthermore, when brin ging about such effects she has neithe r been indi ca ti ve of taki ng wha t has been lost nor of desi ri ng it — the only thing she does is to bleed. Ideas concerni ng intentions and morals are absent from the belief s in her harmful influe n c e , which is perceived rather as a purely natural phenomenon brought about by physica l conta ct or proximity between her and objects in her envi- ronment. Her corrupting influence is contagi ou s , while her drying up influence works as thou gh she were a dry sponge that absorbs liquid. It may be reca ll e d tha t this homeos t a t i c princip l e was also present in the folk medica l cures discus s ed in Chapte r 3, in which a dry object was used to dry up unwanted bodily humours or excrescens es. Indeed, a menstrua ti ng woma n could be asked to parti ci pa te in such a cure: her touch was thought to make warts disa ppea r. 103 Hence, menstrua ti on was associ a ted with bodi l y corrupti on and loss of vita l humour. It was very commonly given a nega tive expres- si on in the many idea s tha t menstrua ti ng women brought harm. However, menstrua ti on and mens trual blood were, as has been noted, also attri buted posi ti ve val u es; menstrual blood, like blood in Unintentional Appropriation 85 general , had connota ti ons of vita li ty, and menstrua ti on was most probab l y assign e d a positiv e value in libera ti n g the female orga nis m from corrupted fluids. Furthermor e , menstr u al blood was widely used by women as an ingredie n t in love poti ons. 104 This use could be of grea t importa nce in a girl ’s aspi ra tions to attract a partner of her liking , in a society where marriag e s were often pre- arr a n ge d by the parents. Such potions could also be used in a wife’s effor ts to main- ta i n the fidelity of her husba nd. If menstrua tion and menstrua l blood had ambiguous connota- tions, why were danger and impuri ty stressed, while the positive aspec ts were compa r a ti vel y unela bo r a te d and recogni s e d mostl y by women themselves? Just as in many other societies in which men- struation is given a negative valu e, in the South Italian worldview there is a dicho to my betwe e n an infer i o r , biol o gi ca l and transie n t real m and a superi or, supra- bi o lo g i ca l and transce n d e n t realm. Women are associated with the former realm and men with the latter. As a biological phenomenon affe cting only women, menstr ua ti on thus assu mes a nega ti ve valu e. 105 In Italy, this dichotomy, elaborated as a distin c tion betwe e n the carnal and the spiri tua l, is essen ti al to Roman Catholic cosmol ogy, and it will be discussed in more detail in the next cha pter. Let us now look briefl y at some beliefs regard i ng inflic ti o n of harm that are simi la r to those co ncerni ng menstruating women. In some Sicilia n communities, it was he ld that if a man or a woma n who suffered from nasal or haemorrhoi dal haemorrhage snatched a few lea ves or twigs from a plant, it was doomed to die; if he or she sowed seeds, the plants from these would die young; if the person made a tomato paste , it would never thick e n ; if from a pile of olives he or she picked up a few pieces of fruit, the whole pile would rot. 106 Thus, by and large, the bleeding pers on has a ‘draini n g ’ and a ‘corru p ti n g ’ influen c e , and this idea can be seen as inspir e d, as in the case of menstrua tion, by the dual connota ti ons of haemorrha g e. Haemor r ha ge is a loss of blood from the organism that also associ ates with corruption, since a haemorrhage was commonl y seen as a way for the orga ni sm to rid itsel f of putrid liq ui ds. The idea tha t toma to paste will not become thick if made by a person suffering from haem- orr ha ge , seems , however, to be inspi red by yet another associati on perta i ni ng to the flow of blood. Owing to its red colour, toma to paste associa te s with blood and, just as the bleedi n g will not stop quick l y by the coa gula ti on of the blood, the toma to paste wil l not ‘coa gula te’ and thicke n . 86 Chapter 5 In Molise, it was believed that the touch of a pregnant woman arrested the growth of pla nts and made them dry up, tha t wounds tha t she tended did not hea l until she had given birth and, shou ld she herself fall ill during the pregnancy, she woul d not get well until after she had given birth. 107 It was also thought that a pregnant woma n was able to cure a certai n swel ling of the wrist (cause d by overstr ai n while worki ng with the harvest) by biti ng the swol len part. 108 If it is assumed tha t the vita l force of the pregnant woma n was conceived as being constantly sa pped from her by the foetus — a physiol o g i call y correc t observ a ti o n which was elabor a te d into ideas connecting with the pregna nt woman’s intense cravings for certain foods, which could be understood to be desired not by her but by the foetu s 109 — then we may understa nd her capaci ty for impedi ng the growth of plants and making them dry up as an appropr ia ti on of their vital sap. The pregna nt woman suffers a consta nt want of vital force, which dispos es her to dra w up vita l humou r from pla nts . She can ‘dry up’ a bodily swell i ng by biti ng at it, an act that impli c ate s consumption. Ideas that wounds te nded by a pregna nt woma n would not hea l and tha t she herself woul d not recover from sickness unti l after giving birth also reflect her st a te of low vita li ty. It can be note d tha t, in some communi ti es of Abruzz o, it was thought tha t if a preg- n a n t woma n acted as a healer and read spell s agai n st ailme n ts , she would abort and, if a lactat i n g woma n did so, she would lose her milk. 110 These beli ef s indi ca te tha t the pra cti ce of heali ng, at lea st in some contexts, was construed as a tran sfer of vita l force to the patient. The heale r is imagi ne d to lose vita l force , and this loss is identifi e d with physio log i ca l events furthe r sugges ti v e of loss of life and vita l powe r s : abor ti o n and agalacti a . Cravings of Infants I t was mentio n e d at the beginn i ng of this chapter that it was believed dangerous for a mother to nurse a child that was not her own, since thi s coul d cause her to suff er from agala ctia . Thi s beli ef indi ca tes tha t suckling children , who have an obviou s desire for milk, were sup- posed to have the capa bil ity to ‘stea l ’ mil k from lactati ng women. The desire of infants for other ch ildre n ’s milk also forms the sub- ject of beliefs reported from Abru zz o. A mother sometimes breastfed two of her children, one older and one younger. If the older child was thought to have had drunken not onl y its own rati on of milk but also that which was for its young e r sibli n g, it was beli e v ed that he would acquire the terrible power of throwing the evil eye continuously and Unintentional Appropriation 87 with such a strength tha t no spell s or remedi es coul d aid the vic- ti ms. 111 It was also belie ve d that it was ‘natu ra l ’ and ‘cer ta i n ’ that a person, who as a nursing child had drunk the milk from seven differ - ent women, had the power of casting the evil eye. 112 These children consume more than their own share of mother’s milk, they appro pr i a te the milk meant for a young e r sibli n g or other child ren . They acted in this way at an early age at which inna te incli- na ti ons first show up and habi ts ar e formed . Their behavi ou r inspir es the idea that as adults they will conti nu e to have a desire for the vita l humours of other persons — a desire which causes them to appropri- ate vital force by casting the evil ey e, and a very malici o u s form of it. In Sicily, no childre n under the age of one were allowed to kiss one another, since thi s was thought to cause harm. 113 Accord i ng to a more deta il ed report from Nicosi a (Sicily) , it was believed tha t, if two children of the opposite sex under one year of age kissed each other, then the smaller child would die. Small children of the same sex could, however, kiss without risk. 114 In Calabri a as well, kiss es between children were to be avoided, since these children would run the risk of becoming mute or mentally retarded. 115 In Atri (Abruz zo) , it was fea red tha t chil dren who coul d not yet talk would become mute or sta mmerers if they touched one another. 116 In another town in this regi o n (Chi e ti) , as well as in Sicil y, it was said that, in a twin birth, one of the children would soon die if they were of the same sex; if not, they would both survive. 117 Still another source from this regi o n menti o n s that, in twin birth, the se cond child was regarded as the first born, since it was believ ed that it had lain in positio n of being born first in the womb but tha t its sibli ng had pushed it out of the way during labour. 118 Hence, twins compete for being born first and, when they have been born, one must die so that the other can live. By means of a touch or a kiss , a chil d can appro pr ia te vita l force from anoth e r child, thereby causing harm, or entirely depl ete it of such force and cause its death. The condition of being a stu tterer, mute or mentally retarded can be unders tood as a consequence of the child’s loss of vital force, which severel y hamper s its develo p me n t so that it cannot acquire norma l verbal and intel le ctu a l abili ti e s. That the kiss was seen as a partic ul ar l y dange r ou s form of conta c t presu ma b l y relates to the fact that a nursing chil d feeds by means of sucki n g. The kiss is strong l y suggestive of sucking and therefore brings forth the image that the child who kisses anothe r child feeds on it. There is an uncerta in ty about which of the children that will be harmed. In some belief s both children run a risk, in others the older and strong e r child will harm a 88 Chapter 5 younger and weaker one, and in still others the dangers implied by kissi ng and close conta ct seems to fuse with noti ons of anta gonism and competition between the sexes. To conclu d e , these belief s expres s notion s of infants involv e d in harsh competition for life and prone to appropriate other children’s milk and vital force. Despite the ruthle s sn e s s implie d by this potent i al appropriation, there are no indica tions that children suspected of caus in g death and illness were viewed as immoral or evil. Inste a d , young childre n were understo o d as ‘pre-mo ra l ’ : like an animal , the tender child follow s its natu ral impuls es for plenty of nouris h m e n t in order to stay alive; this takes pla ce in a worl d where food tends to be scarc e and infan t morta li ty high. Th e child has no intention to harm — this is beyond its powers of co mprehension — and has no idea of the consequences that may follow it s sel fi s h sati sfa cti on. The age of one year is presumably of importance in these beliefs for two reasons. First, infa nt death, for which the beliefs probab l y provid e d an expla- n a ti o n in otherwi s e inexpli c a b le cases, was signif i cantl y higher dur- i ng the first yea r of life than duri ng later yea rs of infa ncy. 119 Second , at about one year of age, the child ’s appea r a nc e is more like that of a human being. The child leave s its pre-mo r a l anima li s ti c state when it starts to walk and talk and when its social skills become more adva nced . Death-Bringing Dead T h e r e was a widespr ea d belief that, if the eyes of a person shou ld rema in open after his death, this was a foreca s t and even a cause of the death of someone who had been present by the corpse, such as a member of the family or a person who had made a visit of condo- lence. For this reason, the deceased’s eyes were closed immediately after death . 120 This harmful influence does not seem to have been understood as the working of the evil eye. Neverthe l es s , the belief can be construed as a noti o n of the deceas e d as incli ne d to appropr i a te , just as a iettatore, the vita l force of the living which would allow him to stay alive, thereby causing their death. The open eyes of the corpse sug- gest both that it has some consciousn e ss and that it can see and, as in the belief in the evil eye, the gaze is taken as an indica ti o n of desire for what is looked at, that is, persons who have precio u s vita l force . The idea can be compar e d with the belief that a restles s spiri t crea ted by a ‘bad’ death could posse s s the body of a livin g perso n (see Chap- ter 9). In such a case, the origi nal body of the spiri t has disi n te g ra ted Unintentional Appropriation 89 and it is in need of a new one. The recentl y deceas e d still has an inta ct body, but it has lost its vital force and he appropria te s not the body of a living perso n but the vita li ty of someon e he ‘sees’ . The simila ri ty betwe e n a recentl y decea s ed perso n and a iettatore is also indi ca ted by the fact tha t counter- mea sures typi ca lly employed agains t the evil eye coul d also be used when a funeral proces s i on passed by or when a corpse was near. The most common of these means of protection was the gesture of men touchi ng thei r geni tal s . Others were to touch iron, make the fica-gesture, or touch a charm in the form of a horn. 121 Pries ts and monks — especi al l y unkno wn itine ra n t beggi n g monks with an ugly appearance — we r e ev e r y w h e r e su s p e c t e d to po s s e s s the evil eye and to cast it with an extraor d i na r y inten s i ty . More gen- eral l y, they were believed to bring bad luck and death. 122 I will argue that these ideas rely on the associ ati on of monks with the sphere of death. 123 Monks and nuns, and to some extent also priests, have renounced normal mundane life. The initiation of a monk or a nun is a procedure in which the new brother or sister is explici tly declare d as mundo huic mortuus (‘dead to this worl d’) . The foll owi ng two exa mpl es of the initia ti on of nuns are illu stra ti ve. In the Benedictine nunnery San Gregorio Armeno in Napl es in the mid- ni neteenth century, the novi ce took the four vows: cha sti ty , poverty, obedience and eternal solitude. Therea fter she laid hers elf prostrated on the floor in front of the altar, four burning torches sur- rounding her. She was covered by a shroud, with a crocheted image of a skel e to n . The churc h bells were tolled as if it were a funera l serv- ice and from the congregati on deep sighs could be heard. The offici - a ti ng cardi nal addressed the novi ce and three times pronounced the words: Surgae quae dormis et exsurge a murtuis et illuminabit te Christus (‘You who are sleeping, rise from the dead and Christ will illumi nate you’). At these words, the shroud was removed and the new nun rose to her feet. Finally, she covered her head with the Benedictine hood and received communion. 124 The American writer Ann Cornelisen, who witnessed an initiation of nuns in a convent in Basilicata in the 1950s, describes the atmos- phere immedi ately before the initiation as one of deep grief (1971: 252- 5) . The novi ces, assembl e d in front of the alta r, as well as those relatives who were pres ent in the church, wailed and groaned: ‘The dyin g and the livi ng grie v e d toge t he r , for the mse l v e s, not for eac h othe r . The novi c e s wer e no longe r will ing to gi ve up life; the relati v e s had sudde nl y reco g ni z e d thei r own fate in deat h. Mour ni ng so clou d e d the air that the vow s went unhe a r d’ (p. 255 ). 90 Chapter 5 The novices prostrated themselves in front of the alta r and were all covered by a single bla ck cloth wi th an enormous cross embroidered in white silk. The church b el l s tolle d as if it were a funeral . The offici - ating bishop intoned the words ‘Ashes to ashes’, as for a burial. At tha t moment: ‘… mo the r s shri e k e d in a fi na l letti ng of agony . They race d towa r d the alta r and whe n they found the ms e l v e s bloc k e d they tu rne d mind l e s s l y and rushe d to the back tear i ng thei r hair in frenz y . And the b ell s toll e d on, pl ay i ng on the str i ng s of hu ma n endur a nce unti l min d and body twa nge d wit h angui sh . The n sile nc e too abru p t to be real . The cloth had been lifte d and one by one the girl s were draw n to thei r feet by the Mothe r Gene r a l and take n to kne e l befo r e the Bisho p . Thi s wa s their resur r e c ti o n, the mirac u l o u s dowry of ne w life which Chri s t give s to thos e will i ng to sacr i f i c e thei r lives for Him. Each girl , rebor n a diffe r e n t per so n , rep e a te d her vo w s and hea r d he r new name for the fir s t ti me ’ (p. 254 f). Thereafter the new nuns were taken behind the altar, where their hair was shaved off and they were dressed in their habits. Their veils were decorated with garlands of white orange blossoms and they wore capes of white wool. Thus dressed: ‘… they came a s bride s slow l y down the aisl e . Ther e had, i nde e d , been a rebir th in the imag e of grace . Thos e raw- b o ne d girl s with face s stil l blotc hy from cryi ng wer e wrap p e d in a lumi no u s ec sta s y that made the m obli v i o u s to all save the passi o n of thei r cele s ti a l love r ’ (p. 255). The new nuns then assembled in front of the Bishop and received his blessi ng s. Hence, the initiati o n accompl i s h es the symboli c death of the nov- ices and their rebirth as nuns, th at is as persons concerned with spiri tual rathe r than carnal life. A symbo l i c death of the flesh is fol- lo w e d by a rebirth of an essenti al ly spiritu a l pers on to whom is given a new name. The old name is used no more; it pertains to the per son who ‘died’ in the initia ti o n. In the initia ti o n descri be d by Cornelis en, the spiritua l rebirth is fused with the image of the nuns as brides of Christ. When initiated, a monk or nu n must withdraw from mundane matters, especi al ly from those invol v ing carnal plea sures. The monk’s sta tu s as a ‘dea d’ pers on in this world was expressed in variou s ways. For instan c e , the monaster i e s of the mendica n t order s in Italy were usually surrounded by planted cypr esses, a tree that otherwise was emblematic of cemeteries, and the beds of Capuchin novices and monks were designed to resemble coffins. Furth e r m o r e, in traditi o na l South e r n Italy , pries ts , monks and nuns were beli eved by many to have the abil i ty to fly in the air and to Unintentional Appropriation 91 transf orm themsel ves into clouds. In this shape, and for sheer evil, they destroyed crops by means of terribl e storms, torrential rains or devasta t i n g hail showers. 125 In Abruzzo, similar capa bilities were attributed also to the restless spirits of the dead who remained wan- dering on earth, 126 and it was genera lly believed in Southern Italy that such spiri ts appea r ed as storms and whirl wi n d s or that a viole n t death (whi c h created such a spirit) provo k e d a sudden burst of wind. 127 These atmospheric phenomena are thus caused by agents who are, symboli c al ly speaki n g , equiva l e n t: spirits of dead human beings who have not been able to leave the mundane worl d, and priests , monks and nuns who are carnally dead to this world and live an essen tia ll y spiri tu al life on earth . While monks, nuns and pries ts thus were symbol i ca ll y dead to this world, it was nevertheless a commonly held opinion among the laity that they had an inappro pr i a te inter e s t in munda n e and carna l matters. The priest’s involvement in practica l busi ness was stressed in a widespread anti - cl e ri cal discourse maki ng the clai m tha t priests were all greedy hypocr i te s who used their positi on for their own personal benefit. Moreover, priests di d often not adhere to the rule of clerical celibacy and the presence in the local commun i ty of their illeg i ti m a te child ren was a rema i nd e r of what was viewe d as their improper sexu al licence. Simila r opinions concerning monks were circul a te d; the itine ra n t monk was regar d e d as a libidi n o us seducer of women and the supposed avarice of monks was proverbi a l . 128 Thus, one image of monks and priests was that they were in a sense dead and deta ched from this world, but that they did not accept this state and had a strong desire for the mundane and carnal. Like the evil spiri ts of the dea d they do not accept dea th but wish to return to life and are theref ore dangerou s to the living. This makes them bringers of death, misfortune and the evil eye. But priests and monks had ambiguou s connotations. Priests were not only greedy and self-interested but could heal ailments and dis- tri bu te divi ne gra ce, and so coul d many monks. It may be recal l e d from the previ ous cha pter tha t monks and nuns coul d be asked to contribute ‘donations’, which were thought to posi ti vel y affect the lactati o n of nursing mothers . In determi n i n g what connota ti o n s are brought to the fore, the context, in which a monk or priest is encoun- te r e d , is cruci al . The aspect of gra ce-g ivi ng is stresse d when monks and nuns are withi n the doma i n of their mona steries and churches. These were conceived of as sacred doma ins of divinity and spiritua l - ity where people could approach God and other divine figu res, pres- e n t as relics and icons, and receiv e thei r grazia. Up to the second half 92 Chapter 5 of the 19th century, convents and churches were the customa ry buri al places for the dead. There they could rest in peace. Hence, in the convent or church, the symbolically dead monk and nun, as well as the pries t, are in compa n y with ordin a r y dead peopl e and with the grace- gi v i n g relics of martyr s and saints who, like them, beyond carnal death do good deeds towards the faithful. The other aspect of monks and priests, the one related to death and the evil eye, was especia ll y brought to the fore by the ima ge of the singl e, ugly and unkno w n pries t or monk colle c ti ng alms . As a beggar , he expres s es an obvio u s inter e s t in acqui r i ng something from other people. Out- side the rea lm of his mona stery or church, such a monk or priest was, in a sense, a frighte n i ng revenan t who had left the realm of the dead, where he properly belongs, with the intention to acquire valuable assets from the livi ng. There is a moral dimension of these notions of the dead appropri - a ti n g the vital force of others . In th eir carna l aspec t, the dead do not belong among the living, but in the other-world. When death has occurred, there shall be no way back to mundane life. The thought of the re-anima tion of a corpse was one of horror and is said to have inspire d in Sicily the killing s of persons, recove r i n g from periods of unconsciou sness that had mistakenly been taken for death, in the beli ef tha t they were dangerous revena nts. 129 It is essenti a ll y wrong for the spiri ts of the dead to ‘stea l ’ the bodi es of the livi ng. Mora l condemnation was part of the image of the dangerou s monk or nun; they are evil, greedy and hypocrites. However, the recently deceased person, who by the gaze of his still open eyes would bring about the death of those who mourn him by his deathbed, was not viewed as morally corrupt or acting from an intention to harm others. Perhaps the idea of this uninte n tion a l approp ri a ti o n of vita l force can be unders tood to deri ve from a concept i on of the dea d as strong ly wishing to live again but having no intent to hurt others. Forces of Attraction To summarize, most of the beliefs discussed in this chapter explained losses of vita lit y , vital body humours or fortune. A more or less implici t notio n is that these losses are caused by approp r ia ti on by someone else. This noti on can be construe d as relying on a presump- ti on of two forces of ‘attra cti on’ tha t are governed by the same gen- eral princi pl e: if one enti ty has littl e of a certai n matter and another has it in compa ra ti ve abunda nce, the first tends to attra ct tha t matter from the second. One force of attra cti on is at work in the soci al Unintentional Appropriation 93 sphere, where it is manifested by th e sentiment of desire and by acts of seizur e, and the other in the realm of physic s, where it is made manifest through the power of absorption of liquid by what is com- paratively dry from what is humi d. In the social domain, there was a common concern with the even distri bu ti on of weal th among those who were of roughly equal soci al sta ndi ng. By the force of mora l imperati ve, those in rela ti ve poverty ‘attr a c t’ assets from those who are more fortun a te . If sharing was not pra cti sed or possi ble, those who had littl e might have a desi re for wha t others owned in plenty or they may try to seiz e it. Such desi re — real or assumed — brings to the fore an idea of appropr i a ti on. If somethi ng tha t is worth coveti ng is hurt or dama ged, then thi s event is juxta posed with the genera l or spec ific desire of others and a causal connection established. Somehow, the one who desired must have been able to take what he coveted. In the domain of physics, there are states of humi dity and drynes s. If a dry enti ty touches a humi d enti ty, the dry one appea rs to have the power of attra cti ng humidi ty from the wet one. A person who is short of vital humou r s , such as blood, is in a sens e ‘dry’ and so will draw up the vita l humour s of other living orga nis m s ; if he is short of vita l- i ty , he is also in a sense ‘dry’, since vitali ty is inti ma tel y linked with humi di ty. In tha t case, both the senti ments and intenti ons of the per- son become irrelevant. Harm is su pposed to be caused merely by physi ca l conta c t or proxi m i ty . No parti cu la r acts sugge s ti v e of seiz u re or desire are of importance in dete rmi ni ng the agent; wha t matters is his or her ‘dry’ state. An expressi o n of these notions is the belief in the harmful influence of menstr ua ting or pregnant women. In other beliefs and practi ces, notions relating to these forces of attra cti on opera ti ng in two doma i ns tend to merge. The concept s of life, vita li ty , fertili ty , bodily humours , humidi ty , abunda n c e and richness are associated and contrasted with death , illn e s s, steri li ty , a drying up of the organism, the state of dryne s s, scarc ity and pover ty . The merging of these two domains and forces of attraction provides a basis for meta pho r s — for instanc e , the belief in the iettatura, which is essentially based on a notion of desire on behalf of the iettatore, include d an explici t noti on of ‘dry’ eyes. Another example is that the word ‘secco’ (‘dry’) in the Italia n language can, as mentioned, be used when speaking of death; however, it can also be used to denote pov- erty — the expression rimanere al secco transl a te s ‘to be left pennil e ss ’. SIX WITCHES AND CHRISTIAN DUALISM Blood-Sucking Witches T h e anthr o p o l o g i cal litera tu r e on witche s and witchc r a f t has gener- ally been concerned with the social functions of accu sation of witch- cra f t. In Mary Dougla s’ typol ogy of such functi ons, 1 accusa t i ons directed at outsiders of the commu nity reaffirm group boundari es and sol i da ri ty, whi le accusa ti ons within the communi ty concern the defini tion of community factions, an d the hierarchy between these, or the control of devia nt soci al beha vi our ‘in the name of community values’. Although the available ethno graphic material does not reveal the deta i l s of the soci a l context of accusat i o ns of witchcr a f t in South- ern Italy, Douglas’ typology does seem to appl y. The often anta go- ni sti c rel a ti on between communi ti es moti va ted bel ief s tha t there were many witches in neighbouring towns and few in one’s own. 2 On the other hand, neighbou rs were al so accu se d, which presu ma b l y reflected tensions and hostilities within the community. 3 Furthermor e, women who lived without a family and deviated in vari ous ways from the idea l image of the South Italia n woman, were more lia ble tha n others to be targets of accusa ti on. 4 In the followi ng , however, the focus will be on the ima ge of witches, rather tha n on the use of this image in socia l intera c ti o n . 5 The main features of the image of the South Italian witch are similar, almost identical, to the stereoty pe of the European witch of the fifteenth, sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. 6 The strega (‘witch’, plura l streghe) was an evil human being who had acquired supernatu- r a l abili ti es and was typica ll y a woman . 7 The word strega is derived from Lati n strix , a nocturn a l bird regarded as a vampire or harpy. The strega had enter e d a pact of colla bo ra tion with the Devil and it was from him that her superna tu ra l power s ulti ma tely derived. The streghe assembled to orgiastic conventions where they revelled in all sorts of perversions and, once a year on Saint John’s day (Midsum- m e r ) , all witches of Italy gathered by a certain walnut tree in Bene- vento (Campania). 8 A witch was understood to have the abi li ty to fly in the air, to enter homes through the keyhol e or a fissure in the wall Witches and Christian Dualism 95 and also to chan g e appea ranc e , assu mi ng the guis e of animal s such as cats, bats or dogs. To fly, she had to prepare herself by undressing, undoing her hair and applying to her body an ointment made from powerful and horrifying ingredients. Witches were especi al ly acti ve on Fri days and made nightly atta ck s on domesti c animal s and human beings, caus in g illness and death. They sucked blood from th eir victims, tormented persons by ‘tyi ng’ them so tha t they were una bl e to move and talk, and infli cted upon their victim s strang e- l o o ki n g and dreadf ul ailmen ts and defor- ma tions. By mea ns of ‘black magic’, a strega could harm or kill people at a dista nce and also indu ce strong feel i ngs of love or hatred. Her work was for her own wicked pleasure or on assignment for passion- ate or evil persons. The effect of her sorcery in the field of passion was the destruction of socially appr oved relations between the sexes (engagements and marriages) and the creation of promiscuou s rela- tions based exclus ivel y on carnal desi re. It was believed that the streghe destroy e d crops , typi cal l y by piloti ng hail storms to the fiel ds , an act from which they themsel ves gained nothi ng apa rt from the perverted pleasure of harming ot hers. In sum, witches were pro- f o u n dl y evil and entir e l y morall y de cadent. They destroyed, molested and killed in order to satisfy wi cked private lusts and needs. As menti oned, it was commonl y beli eve d tha t witche s sucked the blood of animal s and huma n beings at night. In partic ul ar , they sought out sleeping babies who, as a result of repeated attack s, lost weight , faded away and ultima t e l y died. 9 Hence , this belief in their blood- s u c ki ng clearl y expres s es a no tion of intentiona l and utterl y evil appropr ia ti o n of vita l force. The theme of appropriation of vital fluid is also found in other bel i ef s . In the Sicil ia n town of Siculi a na , it was thought tha t the touch of a witch made a tree withe r 10 and, in a community in central Sicily, witches were considered prone to dry up the milk of nursing moth- e r s . 11 It was also belie ved in Sicul ia n a that the kiss of a witch would kill a baby, 12 and, in Trapan i, anoth e r town in wester n Sici ly , the kisses of the animulari, a loca l type of witches , were said to be letha l . 13 Proba bly, the all eged habit of witc hes to suck the blood out of chil- dren evoked these idea s that the touch of her mouth in a kiss, an act sugges ti v e of suckin g , would kill. As will be reca lled from the last cha pter, kisses between nursi ng infants — human beings who actu- a ll y feed by suckin g nouris h m e n t from other persons — were also belie v e d to be harmf ul . Anothe r belief docume n ted in Trapani was that a child should not be kissed duri ng the firs t 40 days of its life, except by women of the 96 Chapter 6 ‘same blood ’: it was feare d that the child shoul d die as a resul t of the kiss. Even when the child was kiss ed by consanguineous women, the cheeks were avoi ded, since it was thought tha t the kiss could cause them to lose thei r heal thy colour. Instead, the child was kissed on its forehead or feet. 14 These precauti ons make sense given the idea that the child coul d run the risk of being kissed by a harmful witch, who would suck the child’s vita l humours. The idea that the kisses of consangu i ne ou s women were less harmful, occa sio nal l y only remov- ing a little blood from the cheeks, could perhaps be construed as expressing notions of kins hip soli da rity and ‘sha red blood’ between consanguines. Ideally, kinsmen shou ld not harm one another and to feed on blood that, in a sense, is one’s ‘own’ blood, implie s a self- co n s u m p ti o n which does not tally well with the image of the evil witch who appropriates vi ta l force from others. A few sources rela te tha t witches were attri buted the habi t of anthrophophagy and necrophagy. In a legend recorded in Abruzzo, 15 a witch is said to devour the roasted flesh of a child and, in Palena (also in Abruz z o) , they were beli eved to enter gra ves in the cemetery to feed on corpses. 16 A protecti ve measure aga i nst witches was to bury (sometimes alive), by the entrance or beneath the floor of a room, a puppy. 17 It will be recall e d from Chapte r 3 that puppie s could be used in medica l cures because th ey connote intense un-spent vital- i ty akin to human life force, draw i ng on the metonymi c link between dog and man. A puppy buried in th e house woul d presuma bl y attract the interest of a witch enteri ng the house in search of a huma n victim, typi ca ll y a baby, diverti ng her attenti on to the ‘baby’ dog instea d. Buryi n g the animal alive may be seen as a nega ti o n of its death — it is still in a symbolic sense ‘alive’ and therefore exercises a stronger power of attraction on witches wi th a preferen ce for living prey. 18 The ideas of the physica l appear ance of witches can be summa- r i s e d as follows : ‘ vecchie quanto il mondo e giovani come il mattino, il volto scabro di rughe o rorido di freschezza’ (‘old as the world and young as the morning , the face furrowed by wrinkl es or fresh as dew’). 19 These two seemingly contradi ctory images are encountered again and again in the ethnography. The age of an old witch is typi c a ll y abnor ma ll y advan c e d (‘old as the world’). This idea may be seen to spri ng from a concepti on tha t witches, like East European vampires, prolong their lives more than is allow e d by natu r e by appro pr i a ti ng life force from external sources, human beings and animals . The old witch was imagin e d to be dried up, wrinkle d and emacia ted , and we may also note that, just as in the case of the evil eye, persons who were stri ki ng l y thin were often Witches and Christian Dualism 97 assumed to be witches. 20 So the image of the old witch also connects with the idea tha t a person in want of vita l force is prone to hav e a desire for it, cravi n g it from other s . The other charac te r i s ti c image, the blooming youth bristling with vita li ty, connects with an idea of witches as being extraordinary ener- g e ti c. They have an intense sexua l drive that compels them to eng a ge in frequent and prolonged erotic encounters, in which they exhaust human partners. A great many of the witches other acti vi ti es were hectic, such as the wild dancing at their conventions, frenzied rides through the night on borrowed horses — found exhausted in their stables the next morning — and noct urnal flights through the air at great speed and over long distance s. Both ima ges of the witch connect to noti ons of extra ordi na r y vital force and are not as contradi ctory as they might first appea r. Witches appro pr ia te the vital i ty of huma n beings and anima ls and are so able to atta i n extremel y adva nced age (the old witch); they also attai n the energy for fra nti c acti vi ty (the young witch) . Furthermore, the very same witch coul d pres u ma bl y be imagi n e d to appea r as sometime s young and sometimes old. In Europe, it was a common idea tha t witches were essentia ll y old ugly hags, but tha t they coul d easil y take on the guise of a lovely young woma n. The element of frenzy in the image of witches is linked with the associa ti on between witches and fire, whi ch is present in numerous bel i ef s . In the Abruzz o-Mol i se highla nds, witches were thought to appear in flames in the fields. 21 In Campania, it was said that they danced at their depraved conventi o n s while holding glowing embers in their hands; ashes and filth marked where the gathering had taken pla ce. 22 Witches were also associated with the domestic fire. For instance, they were said to en ter the house through the chimney, 23 and to torture chi ldren by laci ng them through the rings of the fire- pla ce chain. 24 It coul d be dangerous to talk about witches close to the hearth. 25 Witches were also said to capture infa nts and torment th em with fire at night. They coul d, for insta nce, light a fire on a bridge over a stream and throw or kick a child between themselves like a toy. The child who was hurled over the fire three times was destined for certain death. The fire of the wi tches left no marks on the skin, but the child who had been scorched by it would mysteriously lose weight and vita li ty. 26 Fire suggests intensi ty — the Italian language has numerous expressions that use the intensity of fire as a metaphor for intense human activi ty or sentiment: ardente means anima te , pass i on a te, livel y . Witch e s were ardent, burni n g with intens e desires and 98 Chapter 6 engaged in fervent acti vi ties . The intensel y burnin g fire consumi n g its fuel in fla mes lea ves behind dry cinders . It is simi la r to the hecti c acti vi ti es of witches, susta i ned by their consumpti on of the vital force of huma n beings and animals, that are thereby drained and ex- hausted. The beha vi our of the witch was thought not onl y to be franti c, but also to have a compu ls or y chara c ter ; she had no true freed om of choi ce. This is made clear in a set of protecti ve device s , used almos t exclus ivel y agains t witches. Brus hes and brooms were among the most common objects used to protect a home from thei r atta cks. Since witch e s were assoc ia te d with filth and unclea n n ess , the apotr opa i c use of such domesti c tools was, presuma b l y, inspir ed to some extent by thei r functi on to remo ve dirt from the house. It was often sai d, however, that a witch who was about to enter a home was compelled to count all the stra ws of a broom found by the entra nce. 27 A fringed napkin could also be used as protection, 28 as could the tai l of a badger, 29 a bag fill ed with sand or grai ns of millet, 30 a cob of maiz e, 31 a net, 32 or a piece of rope with knots. 33 All these objects impeded the approach of the witch, since she wo ul d be compel l ed to count all the threa ds of the fringe of the napki n, the hairs of the badger’s tail , the grains of sand, millet or corn, or to undo all the knots of the net or the rope. Hence, the witch was imagined to have incomplete control over her own activities. Her behaviou r wa s guided by primitiv e impuls es and rese mbl ed that of anima l s. The Witch in Christian Cosmology T h e image of the witch cannot be understo o d properl y unless it is situa te d in the duali s ti c cosmo l o g y of Roman Catho l i ci s m . It is this dual ism which histori cal ly sha ped this ima ge and which later sus- tain e d its form. The great European witch-hu n t in the later Middle Ages and earl y modern times was based on the convi cti on tha t there existed orga ni sed sects of witches, al li es of the Devi l. It was of grea t importa n c e to the formation of this idea that popu la r belief s in sor- ce r y , harmful witch c r af t, spiri tual noctu r n al journey s and in non- Christian supernatural beings were all understood to refer to real events. 34 Earlier, the Church had rega rded such beliefs as popula r supersti tions or mere illusions cr ea ted by demons. Situa ted in the duality of God and the Devil, thes e ‘real’ phenomena were unambi- guously linked with the demoni c and thereby lost much of thei r former heterogeneity and moral ambiva lence. Witches and Christian Dualism 99 Elemen ts from a divers i ty of popu la r belief s were re-ass e m b l ed so as to crea te an image of the abomi na bl e huma n alli es to the personi f i- ca ti on of utter evil ness, the Devil. Numerous non-Christian super- n a tu ra l beings in old Europe a n popular belief s were female and had an ambi val e nt chara c ter, being able to be both benef ic i al and destr u c - ti ve. Thei r nega ti ve trai ts were stressed by the Chur ch, and the posi - tive aspects re-interpreted as devi lish features. Examples of such ambiguous beings who were turned dia bol ic are fairi es. The popu la r beliefs in their existence were largely erased, and only some of these figu res survived close to their original form as protagonists in folk tales (such as fairies gua rdi ng encha nted trea sures) and in nursery tales (such as Befana , who bring the child ren gifts on Epiph a n y , see Ch. 10). The Sici lian belief in the capricious and ambiguou s donne di fuori, who were fairies that in their nega ti v e aspect resemb l ed witches, have been seen as a conti nui ty into the 19th century of older beli ef s . 35 To shed light upon some of the main characteristics of witches, certa i n elements in the dua li s ti c worl d view of Roma n Catholi ci sm must be discu s s ed in more detai l . In parti cu la r , we will be concer ne d with the distincti ons between perish a ble flesh and the immor tal soul, and between greed and grace. This discuss i o n is also necessa r y in order to proce e d , in Chapter 7, to an exami na ti o n of the grace - gi vin g saints, the anti theses of witches and personi fi ca ti ons of mora l perfec- tion and goodness. The dualities that will be discussed should not be seen as part of some binary ‘deep structure’ of culture that might be revealed by structural analysis. Rather, they are quite explicit in the doctri nes and pra cti ces of the Church and in the extensi ons of dualis- ti c thinki ng which formed among the laity. 36 The Carnal and the Spiritual T h e fundame n ta l distinc ti o n in Roman Catholi c thought, inherite d from antiqu e philo s o phy, is that betwe en what is mater ia l and what is spiritual : thes e are the two basi c quali ti e s of the univers e . Man is under s to o d to have a dual essen c e: the carna l and the spiri tu al , while anima ls consi s t of matter only. God and the angels are, and have alwa ys been, essentia ll y spi ri tua l. The material component of man is flesh, which by nature is destined for decay, death and disintegra tion. The materia l body is the source of irra ti on al impuls es of concupis - cence. If these are not controlled, they bring suffer ing to mankind beca use they inci te hatred and st rife, theft and murder, wickedne s s and egotism, and illici t sexual encounters tha t destroy the fami l y. 100 Chapter 6 Man’s soul, on the other hand, is immorta l and transce n d s his mun- dane existence. It provides him with the facu lty of reason and free will. Man can choose a mode of conduct which is, according to the Church, the way of God. It is a rati onal way tha t brings happi ness to mankind — one should be loving and consid e ra te , genero us and unsel fi s h , good and forgi vi n g . Man is the only thinki n g anima l in the universe. He is the crown of God’s creation, because by placing logos in the body of an animal , God create d him in his own image. At the beginning of time, God gave man the gifts of eternal carnal life and immuni ty agai n s t lustfu l impul s e s. By committi n g the first sin, Adam and Eve rebelled agains t God and as a punis h men t they were depri ved of these sancti f y i ng gifts. Accordi ng to the doctri ne of original sin, 37 the sin of Adam is transmit t e d to all his descenda n ts and aliena tes man from God. The origin a l sin is manife s te d by human mortality and man’s tendency to sin and depravity. God, however, had not abandoned man. He sent to earth his son Christ, who through his sacrifi ci a l death on the Cross t ook upon him the sins of mankind and redeemed them. Christ’s resurrect ion in the flesh from death, and his ascensi on to Hea ven, showed man tha t trust in God and love for one’s fellow human beings will triumph over hatred and death. Thus every individu al has the freedom to choose to be governed by the irratio n a l lustf ul impul s es of carna li ty , and there b y commi t sins bringing harm and suffering to others, or whether he shall let logos rule, control concupiscence, abst ain from sin, trust in God and be good. If he chooses the former , he volun ta ri l y withd r a w s from God and from his love. Should he choose the latter , he receiv e s as a free gift assista n c e from God and the Church, withou t which he can- n o t atta i n salva ti o n ; he recei v e s divine grace . After corporeal death, which implies the separation of man’s spiritual and material components, God judges every human being and decides the destiny of the soul. Those who have trusted in God and been good will be welcomed in Heaven, where they will enjoy a bliss fu l and etern a l spiri tua l life. Befor e that, howev e r , they must be cleans ed from their sins in Purgatory. God promises that on Judge- me nt Day, all thos e who have trus ted in Him will be resurre cted in the flesh and happily live on a ‘new earth’, again enjoying his gra- cious gift of eternal carnal life. Those who volunta ri ly and unrepen ta n tl y aliena te themsel v es from God, allowi ng themsel ves to be ruled by lustfu l carna l impu ls es, will not be welcome d by Him in Heaven, but instead will have to suff er etern all y in Hell. The Church ’ s tradi ti o nal idea and iconog r a- p h y of Hell depicts a place where the damned suffer torture and are Witches and Christian Dualism 101 trapped in an eternal death agony. The sinner is tormented by fire, gnawed by worms, dismembered by demons, immersed in huge caul dr o n s filled with boiling oil and so on. In recent times, Hell tends to be construed as an etern a l death . The soul rema i ns aliena ted from God and foreve r lost in a void and darkne s s where there is no life. The finer deta il s of the Roma n Ca tholic Church’s elaborate views on man’s dual nature, concupiscenc e, sin and redemption were cer- ta i n ly less known to the avera g e South Itali a n layma n , and proba bl y also to many pries ts. It is evident, however , tha t the basi c mess a ge was clear to all — that man is dual and that his carna l natu r e is a source of soci al disharmony, suffering, decay and death, while his spiritual natur e impli e s a promis e of fellow s h i p , joy and eternal life. The Church’s essential l y nega ti ve view of man’s carna l dimens i on is parti c ula r ly empha si s ed in matters concerning human sexuality. Although marriage is a sacrament that legiti mises sexuality — because children must be born, and when ordina ry persons are over- whel med by carna l desi re, then ‘it is better to marry tha n to burn’ (1 Cor. 7: 9) — restr ai n t of sexua l lust is recommen d e d and celiba cy praise d as the ideal for the one who wishes to devote his or her life to God and to spiritua l develo p m e n t. Chasti ty is seen as a virtue because the spirit by free will ther eby firmly mani fests its domina tion over the carnal body. The practi c e of cleric al celiba c y builds expli citl y on the idea of the preserva tion of ‘purity’ among these men. 38 A rejecti o n of sexu al i ty permea tes the practi c e s of church i ng and baptism. In the Roman Catholic Church, women who have recently become mothers can be blessed in a certain ceremony (churching). According to the Church, this ce remony expresses joy and thanks- gi vi ng for the birth of the chil d, but its ritua l form spea ks of symbol i c cleans i ng from polluti o n . In Southe rn Italy, the woman often had to wait at the threshol d of the church until the pri est came to meet her, and there she was spra yed with lustral water and blessed . She was then escorted by him into the church and to the altar, its most sacred area , where prayers were read and she was expected to express tha nks to the divi ne powers for the child. The ceremony was usua ll y performed 40 days after the delivery. 39 Among the laity, churching was understood as a purifica tion. 40 In many communities, the mother was not allowed to go outsi de her home until the ceremony had been perf ormed, and her visi t to the church for the blessi ng was the first time after the del i very when she showed hers el f in public. 41 In Ari (Abruzzo), the mother was not even allowed to go to the church for the cer emony, and instea d the priest was call ed so tha t the bless i ng coul d be made in her home. 42 The 102 Chapter 6 seclusion of the woman after havi ng given birth was, according to some reports , explic i tl y said to be a consequ e n c e of her state of ‘impu ri ty’; in Lancia no (Abruz zo), the woman was considered ‘impur e ’ for 30 days if she had delivered a son and for 60 days if she had given birth to a girl. 43 The ceremony could be called purificazione (purif ica ti on) 44 by the laity or by names which implied a termin a tion of a tempo r ar y munda n e state : ribenedire (‘re-bl es s i ng ’ ) or rientrare in santo (‘re-entry into blessedness’). 45 The term ingresso in chiesa (‘entry into the church’) has also been recorded, 46 rela ti ng to an idea tha t, although the Church had no such regula ti on, the woma n was not allowed to enter the church unless the ceremony had been performe d. The contrast between, on the one hand, a mundane and nega tive condition following birth and, on the other hand, a state of blessed- ness brought about by churching is also expressed by the idea , held by devout women in Montorio nei Frentani (Mol ise), that the cere- mony shou l d be made so as to far la pace con il Signore (‘make peace with the Lord’) . 47 Unti l it was bapti s ed, a chil d was not understood to bel ong to the Christian community. Among the laity it could be referred to as a ‘hea then’, a ‘Turk’ or an ‘anima l’; 48 the recommendation, widespread in older times, tha t the chil d shoul d not be kissed, was commonly unders tood to be based on the circu ms ta nce tha t it was a ‘hea the n’ and theref ore not worthy of thi s sign of affecti on. 49 In the case of dea th, the unba pti z ed chi l d, accordi ng to the regula ti ons of the Church, could not be given a Christian burial and the corpse was many times dispos ed off as if it were the carcas s of an animal (see Ch. 9). The ceremony of baptism terminates the child’s previous ‘heathen’ exi s tence and consti tutes its rebirth as a Chri stia n. Accordi ng to the dogma, baptis m ‘cleans ’ the child from the original sin inherite d from Adam: baptism is the ‘tomb of sin’. The ceremony unites the child with Chris t in a doubl e sense : it is unite d with the death of Chris t, which destroy s sin, and it is united with the resu rre c ti o n of Chri st, which brings to it a new life. 50 These two senses correspond to a short immers i o n in water, which in the liturgy of the Roman Cathol i c Church is represented by pouri ng water onto the hea d of the chil d: ‘...the immersion of the rite symbolises the death and the buri al; the emersion symbolises the resurrection and the ne w life’. 51 Although original sin is redeemed through Christ, baptism does not imply a future immunity against concupiscence. When the innocence of childho o d has passed, each person must battl e against the lustf u l carna l impul ses tha t tempt him or her to commi t sin. Witches and Christian Dualism 103 When the ceremony of baptism was to take place, the godparents, who according to the regula ti ons of the Church must not be close blood rela ti ves, brought the chi l d to church. Through bapti s m, they became the child’s spiritual parents. The presence in church of the biological parents (or solely of the father) was, in some communities, considered inappropriate or was th ought to cause the chi ld harm: for insta n c e, it might abbre v i a te its life. 52 The godparents waited at the threshold of the entrance, where they were met by the priest. He blew on the chil d so as to exorci s e evil and impure spirits ( immundes) and put some salt into its mouth. Thereaf te r the child was taken into the church where the priest anointed it s ears and nostr i l s (the orifi c e s throu g h which the spiri ts had left it) with his sali v a . As he touched the child’s right ear, he pronounced a Hebrew word, signifyi ng Do thou open , the word Chri s t is suppose d to have used when curi ng a man who was born deaf and dumb. In the name of the child, the godparents renounced Satan, and the infant was anointed with blessed cata cu me n i ca l oil. It was th en baptized while the priest three times poured water over its forehea d while pronou nci n g the formula of the baptisma l sacrament — ‘N. N., I baptise you in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Spirit’. Thereafter the child’s head was anoin te d with Holy Chri s m, and it was dress ed in white and assi g ne d a lit cand le. Hence, two images of birth are contrasted. The biol ogical birth takes pla ce at home and was typi cal ly attended onl y by women. It had few ritual elabo r a ti o ns and it produce d a chil d that was not full y human , a ‘hea the n ’ , assoc ia te d with impur i ty and evil spiri ts. This birth puts the mother in a corresponding ly unclea n state. The second birth takes place in church ; it is ritu al ly elabo ra te and is perfor med by a male priest. The chil d is given a name and new parents , who are rela ted to it not through blood but through spi ri t. It emerges out of the water of bapti s m as a Chri stia n human being, cleansed from sin and evil, unclean spirits. By ‘opening’ the ears and mouth of the child, the priest symbol i c al ly gives it the facu lty of spea ki n g and under- s ta n d i ng langu ag e , that is, one of the cruci al differ e n c e s between huma n beings and anima ls . Signif i ca n tly , a defici e n cy often believe d to afflic t a child improp e r ly baptiz ed, becaus e the priest or the god- pa rents had made some mista ke when pronouncing the formula, was stutteri ng, and someti mes also menta l reta rdment. Hence, the unsuc- cessful humanising of the child, not succeeding to make a Christian out of an ‘animale’ , inspi r ed an idea that its verba l facul ty woul d not develop normally . 53 104 Chapter 6 Through the contrast between these ‘births’, sexual procreation is devalued and connected with pollution and evilness, while the Church portra y s itsel f as giving birth to the child in a pure and supe- rior manner. 54 The concept of origi nal sin appea rs as a theol ogi ca l elaboration of the Church’s deprecia tion of biol ogical procreation. Origi nal sin is throug h carna l inte rcourse tra nsmi tted from parents to children , and many, includi n g some theolo gi a ns , have sugges te d that Ada m’s first sin was in fact intercourse with Eve. It sha l l be noted tha t this view of sexuality causing defilement conflicts with the beli ef s described in Chapter 3. In folk medici ne, which incorporated many idea s and practices of pre-Christian humoural pathology, sexuality functi oned to purif y the huma n orga nism by providing an outl et for fluids that otherwise would corrupt and cause harm. When a chil d’s nail s were to be cut for the first time, thi s should not be done by the parent s but by a friend of the family who thereby beca me the child’s ‘godmother of nail’ ( comare d’unghia ) , or in the case of a man, ‘godfat h e r of nail’. 55 The cutti n g of nail s, as it is clea r from other contexts, inspired a noti on tha t somethi ng valua bl e was lost and that this loss had undesira b l e e ffects . The nails of a baby should not be cut duri ng its first yea r (or first six months), since this would cause the child to become a thief. 56 Adul ts were advised not to cut their nails on a Friday (whi c h was gener a l l y seen as an unluck y day) or in the evening or at night, as this caus ed blindne s s or implied dangers . 57 Accordi ng to one source, the person had to collect all the cut off nails on Judge m e n t Day. 58 In these beli ef s the cutti ng of nail s is either connected with diffuse dangers threatening the person, or induces a dispos i ti o n to use the hands to collec t or approp r i a te . In one belief , it is the lost nails that are repos s es s e d on Judge m e n t Day; as to the beli ef and pra cti ces relati ng to infa nts one may argue tha t tha t the idea of their futu r e incli n ati o n to thiev e r y is inspi r e d by a thinki ng that, since they have suffered a loss from their hands at an earl y age, they compensa te for this later in life by taki ng in thei r hands things tha t belong to others. It may be noted tha t money coul d be pla ced in the chi l d’s hand when its nail s were cut for the first time or when it was younger tha n one yea r of age; 59 one source relate s that this was done as a ‘precaution’, while another source says that this was done so that it would become rich. This custom can be seen as a way to compensa te for the loss impl i ed by the cutti ng of nail s by immedi - a tel y suppl y ing the chil d with something val ua bl e. Hence the first cutti ng of the chil d’s nail s is, just as bapti s m, an act tha t removes from the carna l aspect of the chil d somethi ng associ a t- i n g with vital i ty — in bapti s m , the child symbo li cal l y loses its life, Witches and Christian Dualism 105 and, in cutti ng its nails , parts of the body that continu al l y grow are for the first time viola ted. Thi s simil a ri ty inspi r es the concepti on tha t the cutti ng should involve, just as baptism, the appointment of godpa rents. There is also a noti on tha t somethi ng shoul d come in pla ce of tha t which is lost. In baptis m, the child is reborn to a new life; when its nails are cut, it shoul d be given money in its hands. In a comparative perspective, the re moval of a part of the body of a child or youth, suggest i n g a depleti on of natura l vitalit y , is common in ritua ls that mark a deci si ve step in the crea ti on of it as a soci al being. In the Orthod o x Church , a portion of the child’s hair is cut off at baptis m . Male or fema le circu m ci sion, or both, are perfor med in numerous societi e s as an essenti a l element in rites de passage of chil- dren or youths . In circumci s i on, a part of the geni ta l orga n is removed, and this practice could hence be understood as a removal pars pro toto of the part of the child or youth which is most clos ely associa te d with biolo gi ca l repro d u c ti on and carna l pleas u res . This remova l, it might be argued, is perf ormed in order to nega te the physica l, carna l person and, in subsequent pha s es of the rite de pas- sage, crea te a soci al person, and th is fundam e n tal soci al functi o n expl ai ns its widespread occurrence in human societies. 60 The symbol ic similar i ty between baptism and circumc i s i o n is pointed out in the Bibl e, when Paul spea ks of bapti s m as a circu mcisi on of the flesh ‘perfor m e d without hands’, in which the baptized dies as well as resurrects with Chri st. 61 Now, if we look at the image of the witch in the perspective of the duali ty between the carna l and the spiri tu al , we find that she personi - f i es the human being who mindl e ss l y follo ws all her carna l lustf ul impulses. She clings to carnal exis tence by prolonging her life throu g h the consumption of other persons’ flesh and blood. She indu lges in the pleasures of the fles h by engagi ng in orgiasti c sexual encounters. Her tendency to act out of compul si on suggests a resemblance between witches and anima l s, whi ch foll ow thei r insti ncts without being able to reaso n and make free choices . The witch also anni h ila tes the free will of huma n beings by ‘tyi ng’ them and, through sorcery, she compels them to follow carnal impulses , such as the desire for extra - ma r i ta l sexua l plea sur e s . Witches have the capa ci ty to tra nsf orm themsel ves into anima ls, beings who are understood as entirely carnal, and some of thei r bod- ily parts were also believe d to resembl e those of animal s . A tuft of hair growing at the nape of the neck or a much pronounced coccyx coul d be called a ‘tail ’ and inter pr e te d as a sign indic a ti n g that a person was a witch; 62 during the times of the witch hunt, witches wer e 106 Chapter 6 commonl y thought to have ani ma l s’ tail s as well as horses’ hoof s or cats’ paws. 63 In the case of the Devil, these animal features are more pronounced: he appea rs, in popula r iconography, as a cross-breed betwe e n man and goat, with a goat’s face, horns , tail, a hoof and rich hair over the body. The image of the Devil as having features of a goat, while Christ is compared to a lamb, expresses a duality in Mediter ra n ean symbol is m adopte d by Christianity: the evil goat versus the good sheep. 64 Hence witches had a prono u n c e d anima li s ti c chara c ter , but they were not anima l s. Essentia ll y they were ordina ry dual huma n beings with body and spirit that were dominated by their carnal aspect. In the Christian cosmos, the carnal has a nega tive value only when it confli c ts with the spiri tua l in a being that is both carna l and spiri tua l. Animals, which are enti rely carnal, are essentially viewed as mora lly neutral and part of God’s wonderful creation. To express the negative cha ra cter of the carna l for huma n beings, the witch is theref ore imagin e d as a huma n being with logos , who has once chosen to let herself be domina ted by animali s ti c lustfu l impuls e s and uses her powers of reasoni n g only in order to refine her evil deeds and to maximise her own plea sure. God and the Devil; Grace and Greed I n the Christi a n cosmos , God is the person i fi ca ti o n of ulti ma te spiri- tua l perf ection, whil e the Devi l is his opposi te. Witches are huma n beings who are close to the Devil, wh ile the saints are humans clos e to God. Thus the witch can be said to be the anti thesis of the saint. While priests are men who mediate between humans and the divini ty, sor- cerers are men who occupy an equi va lent position between humans and evil forces , drawing power from the occult and demonic domain by means of magic. Figu re 2 depict s thes e relati o n s . 65 The Church represents God on earth; it mediates by means of the Holy Sacraments and holy rituals between the mundane world and the Divi ne. The ‘Sa bba th’ of the witches is a perverted versi on of the Hol y Mass. The rite of the Eucha ri s t is repl a ced by the consumption of children, saying of prayers are exchanged for sexual orgi es, the adora ti o n and kissi n g of Crucif i x es and Holy Reli cs are turne d into kissi ng the Devi l ’s behi nd, and so on. As Norma n Cohn (197 5: 102) observed, the witches’ Sabba th is an inversi on of the Hol y Mass tha t could be achieved only by former Ch ristians. The ritu al frame is that of the Mass , but it is fill ed with inverte d and defile d Christia n pra cti ces tha t serve to worshi p, not God, but his advers a ry , the Devil . Witches and Christian Dualism 107 GOD (carnal) EVIL GOOD (spiritual) saints priests ord inarypeople sorcerers witches DEVIL Figure 2. A span of positions between God and the Devil. While God, Christ and the saints repres ent principl es of goodness — the just, the honest, the altrui sti c, the generous, the gra ci ous, the loving, the forgiving — the Devil and witches repres ent the extreme opposite: corruption, evilness, dishonesty, selfishness, greed and hatred . God and saints unite people in harmon y and peace; the Devil and witches inci te men to discord and stri f e. Of particular interest here is the relation between grace and greed. Although grace, and corresponding notions such as the Moroccan baraka, are funda me n ta l to Mediter r an e a n reli gi on, it has only recen tl y , by way of the volum e edite d by J. G. Peris ti a n y and Julia n Pitt- Ri vers, Honour and Grace in Anthropology (199 2) , attra cted the well-deserved attention of anthropologica l scholars. The essay by Pitt- Ri vers — where he concl u des tha t the essen ti al chara c ter of grace is to give freel y , gratui tou sl y and generously, to offer out of good will without any consi dera ti on of a return — is the first general anthro- p o l o g i ca l examin a ti o n of the noti on of grace. 66 Grace , it is pointed out, is a supple m ent and an excess to that which is obligato r y and predic t- a b l e . Theref or e grace is essenti al ly non-re c i p r o ca l ; it does not belong to systems of excha ng e of goods and servi ces. Pitt-R i vers cons tru e s grace and ‘reci pr o c i ty ’ as two ‘paral l el modes of condu c t’ (p. 221 ), where the former is associa ted with the sacred and the latter with the prof a ne world (p. 242) . 67 Hence this view of gra ce is simi la r to, but broa der tha n, the theol ogi ca l defi ni ti on of gra ce in the Roma n Catho- l i c Churc h, which is: ‘… a free gift, super n a tu ra ll y confe r r e d by God 108 Chapter 6 to the human soul rega rding eterna l life’. 68 To Pitt- River’s two basi c ‘modes of conduct’ we may add a third, which also does not involve exchang e but which is the inversi o n of grace: appropr i a ti o n without givi ng a return, to take from others for reasons of greed or evilness. Thus a model of three modes of conduct might be proposed (Figure 3), in which I substitute Pitt-Rivers’ term ‘reciprocity’ with ‘excha n g e’, so as not to bring confusi on when presen tl y discuss i ng Sahlin ’ s typol- ogy of reciprocities: God, saints, altruists M a n Man Giving of grace Exchange Greedy appropriation Thiefs, malocchio, witches Figure 3. Grace, exchange and greed. This model corresponds to the three types of reci proci ti es — generalised, balanced and negative — outlined in Chapter 2. The conduct characte r is ti c of each type of recipro ci ty (giving, barteri n g and taki ng ), is assign e d a moral value (posi ti v e , neutr a l and nega- ti ve) , and thereby the three types of reciproci ti es are incorpora ted into the scheme of Christian dualism. Generalised reciprocity in Southern Ita ly is permea ted by notions of Christia n charity and obliga ti o n s to help those who are in need. The act of givi ng to those who ha ve less, idea ll y withou t consid er a - ti on of a return, has an intri nsi c posi tive val u e in Chri stia n though; the associated sentiment is love. Among human beings such giving is call ed altrui sm. The true altruist is rea dy to give away all of his assets to the one who is in need. Theref or e altru i s ti c giving , in a worl d of fini te resources, cannot be sustai ned over time beca use the altrui sts inevi ta bl y will run out of assets . Idea ll y , altrui s m requ i r es inexha us ti - ble resources. Such unlimited abundance is present in the imagery of the divine realm of God and the saints. Witches and Christian Dualism 109 Accordi ng to the Scri pture, the huma n race enjoyed existence in a worl d of plenty unti l the Fall . In the garden of Eden, God provided Adam and Eve with everything they needed, without demanding anythi ng from them except tha t they shoul d not eat the frui t from the tree of knowledge. When Adam and Eve violate d this prohibi ti o n , God puni shed them by cursi ng the earth so tha t it brought forth ‘thorn s and thistl es ’ . From this moment, all their descen d a n ts dwell in a worl d of scarci ty where they can subsist on what the earth yields onl y with hardshi p, and must eat their brea d in the ‘swea t of the face’. 69 The Church promises that a paradisiac existence will be re- established on a ‘new earth’ after Judgement Day when Christ has returned; war, suffering and death will not exist. 70 At present, how- ever, the mundane world is characterized by shortages, while the divin e is imagi n e d as a real m of abundan c e . Divi n e grace is unlimite d and often understood as excess of love, food, vitality, goods and other assets beyond the quantiti es in which these are ordi nari ly enjoyed. The hyper b o li c imagi n a ti on is chara c teri s ti c for Roma n Cathol i ci sm as well as many other religi on s . 71 God and the saints graci o u sl y give of divine abundance to those human beings who deserve it, a giving without dema nd for return tha t can be susta i ned over time. The grazia of God and the saints is an idea li s ti c vision of the entirely free gift. We will discu ss grazia further in the next cha pter, where we will also consider the notion that human bein gs and saints can engage in recip- rocal exchanges. The conduct cha ra cteri sti c of nega ti ve reci proci ty, that is thef t, has a strongl y nega ti ve value in Chri stia n thought; the eighth command- ment is ‘thou sha ll not stea l ’. Senti ments associa ted with thef t are greed and envy, which are condemned in the tenth commandment. 72 The evil and asocial witches stea l vita l force from human beings by drinki ng their blood and consuming their flesh; they are an extreme image of the malignity of the on e who takes from others without giving in return. Since witches occu py a cosmol o gi ca l positi o n as the anti theses of sai nts, thei r evi l a ppropriation of blood from human beings emerges as an inversion of the grace given by the benevolent saints . The inten ti o n a l appro p r i a tion of vita l force and other assets by the malocchio, whi ch was thought to be acti va ted by greed and ill will , i s also condemned according to this mora li ty. Nega ti v e recip r o c i ty , justi fi e d by the argume n t that since all men cheat and stea l from others , one must take part in this game, is essen- ti a ll y incompa ti b l e with Christi a n morals . Certain forms of theft, however, might be justified as forc ed sharing. A poor man who steals from the rich can see his thef t as righteous, since the rich shoul d 110 Chapter 6 idea ll y have sha red with him; his fell ow poor coul d agree to this. In tha t case, however, it is not a thef t in the proper sense of the word, but rather a taxa ti on tha t bri ngs about a forced shari ng. Finally, the ‘exchange’ mode of conduct corresponds foremost to recipr o c i ty of the balanc ed type. This mode is morall y neutral in Chri stia n thought. In a worl d with unevenl y distri buted fini te assets and resources, indivi duals or groups of indivi duals agree to barter one type of goods for another. I earlier argued that fortune and misfortune could also be seen as modes of receivi n g and losing, contra s te d with exchang e . Good for- tu n e is essenti al l y an addi ti o n to what a person coul d expect normal l y to be the outcome of work and reci procal transactions. Misfortune ( sfortuna) is to fall below par, to be depriv e d of valuabl e assets and to end up with less tha n one coul d expect; this coul d be brought about by the iettatura sospensiva. Hence the rela ti ons between exchange, fortune and misfortu ne can be depicted as: Fortuna M a n Sfortuna, Iettatura sospensiva M a n Fortunate gain Exchange Unfortunate loss Figure 4. Fortune, exchange and misfortune. The two sets of relati o n s outli n ed in Figu r e 3 and 4 have a simila r structure. However, while the form er set is dense with noti ons of mora li ty, the second set has littl e to do with good and evil. All men, good and bad alike, can sometimes be struck by misfortu ne and sometime s enjoy good fortune. The sources of good and bad fortune were not commonly represented by huma n- li k e bei ng s with a mora l chara c ter — as God and the Devil repre s e n t grace and evil ne ss — fortuna and the sfortuna just suddenl y arrived to a person. Only in the mytholo g i ca l old hag, Fortuna, 73 and in the ambig u ous fairi es do we find personi fica ti o n s of fortun e . Neverth e l e ss , in an importa n t sense, the idea of good fortun e and the idea of receivi n g divine grace are similar . Both idea s draw upon a vi sion of another mode of obtaining assets than that of excha n ge: assets are freel y recei ved from an essen - Witches and Christian Dualism 111 tially unli m i ted sourc e . While grazia is a sacred version of this vision , fortuna is secula r. It might be noted tha t the Ita l ia n word disgrazia not only denotes the loss of divine grazia, in its most common usa ge th e word means ‘misfortune’. Hence, grazia is a divi ne gift, while its opposite, disgrazia, is a mundane loss . Order and Disorder The realm of God is ordered, while the opposing forces of the Devil bring about disorde r . Stabil i ty and modera ti o n are two aspects of order nega ted by witche s. Their abili ty to change appea ra n c e sug- g e s ts morphol o g i cal insta b i li ty , and their behav io u r in genera l is charac ter iz e d by a lack of orderly habi ts and gross exces s e s. Exces s, however, as has been pointed out above, is also a condition charac- teri sti c of the hea venly doma i n. Both the Divi ne and the devi li sh are conceived of as unlimited in cont rast to the everyday world but, while the heavenl y promise s an abundan c e of that which is posi tiv e and good, the devilish threatens with an excess of suffering and eviln es s . Perfec ti o n is an aspect of order — it is a conditi o n in which no discre pa n c ies make an enti ty depar t from its ideal form — and witche s were typical ly imagi ne d as imperf e c t. They have physica l defor mi ti e s , such as an ugly hunch on the back, and their minds are charac ter iz e d by defects and shortco mi n g s . Witch e s also found a wicked plea su r e in harming huma n beings by inflicti n g upon them strange and horrible deformat i o n s , thereby spreading the quality of imperf ecti on to others. This can be com pa red to the hesi ta tion of the Roma n Cathol i c Church to accept for priesthood men with noti cea ble body defects. The Church has been parti c u la rl y sensi ti v e about the hands, as they must be used to perf orm the Sacrament of the Mass, and requires that these shou ld not be deformed. 74 Purity and Impurity I n the worldvi e w of Roman Catholi ci sm spiritual purity is contra s ted with the impuri ty inherent in man’s carnal existence. The flesh is seen as peris h a bl e and doomed to decay . Durin g the Middl e Ages and early modern times, the maca bre im age of man as being impris one d in a rotti n g body and of corpo r e a l death as a state of extre m e l y repugna nt bodi ly corrupti on and putrefa cti on was grea tly elabo- rated. 75 The Roma n Catholi c tendency to associa te carna li ty with impuri ty might be understood to buil d upon the anci ent supposi tion 112 Chapter 6 that the human body tends to corrupt, to which a moral dimension has been added. While humoral path ology was an essentially amoral science that aimed to control the processes of bodily corruption, Chri stia n thinki ng is pessi mi s ti c abou t the body and empha s ises its perisha bleness as opposed to the pure and immortal soul. Witches were closel y associ a ted with impuri ty and putrefa cti on. In older accounts, food consumed at the witches’ Sabbath is said to have been rotten and repu gna n t. As mentio ne d above, in Abruzz o, witche s were thou ght to feed on corps es and, in Campa nia , it was believe d that they left behind, in the place where they had celebrated their Sabbath, ashes and filth. 76 In Southern Italy, it was commonl y held that witches abhorred salt and ate only food without it. 77 Salt was therefore commonly used as protecti on aga i nst them. 78 Salt is used in variou s ritua ls of the Roma n Catholic Church — as mentioned, some salt is put into the mouth of the child at baptis m — and it signif i es , accordi n g to the Church , ‘the battl e aga i nst the putrescence of sin’, the infusi on of wisdom and the integ r i ty of moral life. 79 One reaso n for this use and signi fi c a n c e of salt is that salt preser v e s food, especi all y meat, from corrup ti o n. In the kitchen, sal t preserves mea t from rotti ng; in its sacred use in the Roman Catholic Church, it preserves human beings from the ‘putres- cence of sin’. The idea that witches detest salt theref ore rela tes to thei r opposi ti o n to the values of Christia n religi o n and, more specifi ca ll y , their desire to revel in impu rities . 80 Male and Female From the history of ideas and doctrines of the Roman Catholic Church, it is clea r that the carnal component of human beings has been seen as more dominant in women than in men. Hence men are closer to God and the spiritu a l doma in , while women are more liable to fall victims to tempt a ti ons of the flesh. 81 The archetypal myth reflecti ng thi s noti on is that of the Fall : Eve succumbs to the temp ta - ti on of the Devi l (the snake) , eats from the frui t of the tree of knowl - edge, gives from it to her husband, thereby bringi ng an end to the paradi sia c era of plenty and immorta l ity . It is a woma n who brings suff eri ng, scarci ty and death into the worl d. It may also be reca lled that the Roman Catholic Church allows only men to become priests, and that there was a debate in the Church during the Middle Ages as to whether women had a soul, or whether they were more like ani- ma l s. There fo r e , in Roman Catho l i c cosmo l o g y, fema l e is to male as flesh is to spiri t. Witches and Christian Dualism 113 The idea that women are more carnal derives from the fact that women are more vividly involve d in biol ogi cal reprodu c ti o n than are men. They menstrua te, bea r chil dren in thei r wombs, give birth and feed their infants by their breasts. Furthermore, in Southern Europe, as well as in many other societi e s, women are chiefly responsi b l e for the domestic sphere and the home, which provides a space where the organi c needs of feeding , rest and sleep get thei r everyday sati sf a c- ti o n . At the same time, her partic i pa tion in instituti o n s concer ned with the government of communi ti es and soci ety or the tra nsmissi on of adva nced knowledg e is restricted or prohib i te d . These insti tu tion s are instea d dominated by men. Women are thus associ ated with biological reproduction, while men are associa te d with social repro - duction. 82 Therefore the image of the witch as female connects to the con- ception of women as being more carna l tha n the male. It may be noted tha t the typi ca l ima ge of the male stregone (sorcerer) in Southern Italy was that of the learned scholar, a man who through the long study of rare and obscure manusc r i p t s acquir e d ancien t and occult knowledge. 83 Whi l e it is true tha t his powers deri ve from non- Christian sources of wisdom and sometimes from the sphere of devils and demons, and that he cannot resi st using them to satisf y his pri- va te ambi ti ons and lusts , he himse lf does not appea r as funda me n - ta l ly evil. Instea d , he has in his search for knowled g e come upon dangerous forces beyond his control; he himsel f is a victi m of these forces. The image of the male sorcerer reflects a discou rse on the ethical proble m s of searchi n g for and using advanc e d knowled g e , whi l e the activi ti es of the fema l e witch sta nd for the very anti thesi s of socia l lif e. There are additi o na l dual iti e s of signi fica n c e in Chris ti a n cosmol - ogy, such as those of light/da rkness, right/l ef t and hea ven/ea r th, whi ch have contri buted to the ima ge of the witch, but to discuss these in deta il woul d not benef i t the arguments of the present essa y. Instead, we now turn to a consideration of the anti theses of the blood- sucking witches, namely saints full of grazie. SEVEN SAINTS FULL OF GRAZIE T h e cult of saints in Roman Catholi c societi e s is importa n t in many area s of social life and of crucia l signif i ca nce to the forma ti on of the indivi d ua l ’ s religi o us sentime n ts . The theolo gi c al and social histo r y of the cult is extensively docu mented, 1 and popul a r cults of saints are undoubtedl y the aspect of Roma n Cathol i c reli gi on tha t has attra cted the grea test attenti on of socia l anthropol ogists. In thi s and the fol- l o w i n g chapter , we will focus on the idea that saints besto w grazie. Saints and Images A c c o r d i ng to Roman Catholi c doctri n e , a saint is a deceas e d human being whose soul enjoys a privileged position in Heaven close to God. During their lives the saints were pinnacles of virtue , piety and altru - i s m . They lived accor di n g to the highe s t moral stand a r ds , absta in e d from sinful acts and adhered sternl y to the doctri nes of the Church. Many saints renounced the flesh by long and frequent fasts, food ascetici sm, abstention from worldl y pleasures and the practice of severe self- morti f i ca ti on. Because of thei r devoti on to the Chri sti a n faith and their exemplary and virtuo u s lives , their souls were spared from the pains of Purgatory and acce pted directly into Heaven. From thei r own experi ence the sai nts understa nd the difficul ti es of mun- da ne existence. In Hea ven, they listen with compa ssion to the pra yers of the livi ng, forwa rd them to God and spea k to Him in favour of those who pray. This is why one can hope for miracles when one prays to a saint. The saints shall only, however , be praye d to as intermediari es between man and God. Worship ( latria) is reserved for God and Chri st, while veneration (dulia ) is the appropr i a t e form of rel igi ous devoti on towa rds the sai nts. The posi ti on of the Blessed Virgi n Mary as the holies t among saints makes hyperdulia the form of devoti on proper to her. This, in short, is the Roman Cathol i c doctri n e on saints . The relig- i ous pra cti ces of the South Ita l ia n laity, however, speak of two importa nt modi fi ca ti ons of this view. First, although most persons certa i nl y knew that saints should be appro a c h e d as inter me d i ar i es to God, it is clea r tha t saints were often seen as independ e nt provid e rs of grazie and that the atti tude of believers was one of worshi p rather tha n venera tion. 2 Saints full of graz i e 115 Second, a corol la r y of this noti on of the saint as an independent source of grazia is that the divi ne hiera rchy, with God as the superi or and the saints as ranked lower, was of littl e relev a n ce to the local cult of saints. An ethnogra pher thus descri bes the opini on of the Sici li a ns: ‘Chr i s t is counte d highe r than the Eter na l Fathe r and the Holy Spir i t, who is lesse r tha n all . Mar y is reg a r de d as sup e r i o r to her Son and , betwe e n one Mar y and anot he r , ador e d in diff e r e n t chur c he s and vill a g e s , and unde r diff e r e nt titl e s , ther e are diff e r e nc e s, and one is coun te d as supe r i o r to the othe r , all acco r d i ng to the faithf u l who are unde r the dire c t patr o na g e of one or the othe r of the m. Sain t Jose ph, the univ e r s a l fathe r , is r ega r d e d as high e r tha n the Eter na l Fathe r , Chri s t and the Mado nna toge t he r ; but the n, imme n s e l y supe r i o r to each and all of the saint s of Parad i s e is for a vill a g e the saint who is its patr o n. ... [A]l l l ege nds , all trad i t i o ns, all past a nd prese n t facts a nd acts show clea r l y as dayl i ght that the Patr o n Saint has no supe r i o r s , that he can do ever y - thi n g and tha t he has abso l u te ru l e over ever y thi n g and ever y o ne . 3 The superi or posi ti on of the vil la g e patron in rela ti on to other di- vine beings derives from his positi on as protector of the community. The patron saint belongs to the communi ty; he is one of its members. The relics or image of the patron are kept in the communi ty ’ s princi - pal church, and can be easily visited and addressed directly. Many persons had a very inti ma te rela ti on with the patron sai nt. For in- s ta n c e , they coul d enga g e in small talk with him as were he a close and trusted friend. Local mytholog y of ten tel l s of mira cl es worked by the patron in the communi ty, for exa mpl e heal i ng the sick, sendi ng rain in times of draugh t and stoppi n g volca ni c eruptio n s . 4 The patron sai nt is often thought to have been present in the communi ty in the dista nt past, and to then have chosen to protect it and its inha bi tants. Mia Di Tota (1981 : 325 ) cites an informant from a Sicil ia n communi ty in the 1970 s, who was asked why peopl e regarded the saint’s feast as more important tha n the Easter cel ebrati ons of Chri st: ‘The feas t for Sant’ An g e l o is more impo r ta nt beca u s e he has been here in this villag e . He has walked the sa me streets as we do, he has lived here with our fore f a the r s who knew him. He was kill e d by one of ours. His earthl y rema i ns lie here in the chur c h of Sant’ A ng e l o . Our fore f a the r s have expe r i e nc e d mira - c l e s that Sa nt’ A n g e l o perf o r me d , and he is our pat r o n sai n t. Jes us Chr i s t on the contr a r y live d in a countr y far away . We neve r had any perso na l conta c t wi th him.’ The strong atta chment to a vill age patron who only rarel y was Jesus Chri st — Christ was the patron of about one percent of the communi ti e s in contine nta l Souther n Italy 5 — does not impl y, however, that the figure of Christ was of littl e signi f ica nce in local Cathol i ci s m . 6 As will be descri be d later, he was the foca l figu re of the Christmas and Easter celebr ations. 116 Chapter 7 San Giuseppe was, as the text cited above tell s us, popul ar as a patron saint in Sicily. In other part s of Southern Italy, other saints could be the object of particul a rl y strong devotion. In Abruzzo, for example, Sant’Antonio Abate was highly venerated. 7 In Southern Italy as a whole, the Blessed Virgi n Mary was the most popular com- muni ty patron. 8 She occu pied a special position among the saints; in popular devotion, she tended to be perceived as an autonomous godde ss rela ted to the ferti l i ty of the natu r a l real m . This will be dis- cussed in the next chapter. Apart from the offici al village or town patron saint, other saints could also be of grea t importance for the members of the local com- muni t y . As mentione d in Chapter 2, it was common in larger cities for diff erent parts of the town to have thei r own patron sai nts. A villa ge or a town as a whole coul d also hold in particu la r ly high esteem a saint other tha n the offi cia l patron . This saint could thereb y assu me a position of unoffici al co-patron. The saints of some shrines were famous for their grea t powers and were worshi pped over large geo- g r a ph i c area s, and pilgr i ms arri ved in great numbe r s to the shrin e s on feast days. Furthermore, saints were not only regarded as patrons of communities; professions, certain grou ps of persons (such as students and trave ll e rs ) and those with spec ial needs (such as prisoners, ex- pectant mothers and sufferers of vari ou s ailments) had their patron saints. Althou g h indi vi du al s could invoke a saint in prayer, without the presence of any image, or contemplat e a saint’s virtuou s life in order to gain spiri tu al inspi ra ti on , the popul ar cults focused on image s , in the form of paintings or statues, or on relics. 9 The more important relics consi s t of a saint’s body or parts there o f , but relics may also be objects tha t had been in conta ct with a saint, such as a piece of cloth- i n g or instrum e n ts used in the tort ure and execution of a martyr. The body parts could be of all kinds : a skull , a heart, a knee cap, a finger bone, a shin bone or some blood. The importa nt relics were as a rule enclos e d in costly reliq ua ri e s of silver or gold and decora te d with precious stones. Some reliquaries depicted the saint or the body part that it contai ned , and were hence a combin a ti o n of relic and image. People acted toward s a publicl y venera te d image or reli c as though it were the sai nt himself, not merel y a representa ti on. The image was treated as though it could see, hear and possessed the sense of touch . Praye rs for assi s ta n c e were read in front of the image or reli c, and it coul d be spoken to as thou g h it was able to hea r. Ima ges and reli cs were understood to be founts of grazie and were approached as such. They were kissed, caress ed, touched and Saints full of graz i e 117 embra c e d , and they could be appli ed phys i ca ll y to the sick as a cure. Ani mal s could be brought in the vici nity of an image to put the m under the sai nt’s protecti on and make them hea l thy and fecund. Gra i n for sowi ng coul d be trea ted in the same way because it was though t that such contac t improv e d its fertili ty . The images or reli cs could also be carried in a process i o n to the fields, in order to imbue the crops with fertil i ty. A coroll a ry of the identifi ca ti on of saint with ima ge is tha t the repl ace me n t of an image of a saint for anothe r one of the same saint was probl e ma ti c . We learn , for insta n ce, that, in Lanci a n o (Abruz z o) in 187 6, the archbis hop repl a ced the old sta tu e of San Pietro with a new one. Some time after, a terri bl e hai l s torm caused much dama ge to the city and the surrounding countr yside. In the evening of that day, several hundred infuriat e d peasa nts gathered in the town and call ed for the dea th of the archbishop, who they blamed for causi ng the cata strophe by havi ng desecra t ed the old statue. The archbishop was close to being stoned to death in the turmoi l. 10 In this case, the old statue was the patron sai nt, and th e new statue of San Pietro some- thing, or someone, else. The patron saint had been mistreated and therefore withdrawn his protection from the community or, alterna- tively, punished the community (we are not informed of the precise idea s about why the hai lstorm had struck) . The close connection between image and saint was also expressed by the beli ef tha t the pers ona li ty of one saint, venera ted in one com- munity or church, was distinct from tha t of the same saint venera ted elsewhere. This was most common in the case of the Virgin Mary, the most popula r saint. Each ‘ima ge/sai nt’ was believed to have its own person al charac te r is ti c s and peculia ri ti e s which were consid e re d when the saint was approached to be asked for favours. The indi- v i d ua li ty of the saints was refl ec ted in local legen d s rela ti n g the his- tory of the ima ges and the mira cl es they had performed. Althou gh these legen ds indiv id ua te the local saint, they have conventi ona l elements that can be found in many legends, and they also typicall y contain parts of the official hagiog ra phy of the saint. 11 Hence the Madonna of one town was not the ‘same’ divine being as the Madonna of another town; in the view of the laity, there existed not only one Madonna but many. Every collecti v el y venerate d image of the Blessed Virgi n had its disti nct name, formed by addi ng to Maria or Madonna the name of a local place or of some natural feature connected with an apparition of her, or a word referring to some parti c ul ar quali ty of her or to some remar ka b l e event related in local legends . 12 The multitu d e of Madonna s could be account e d for by 118 Chapter 7 idea s about kinsh i p ties: one Madon na was a siste r , a cousi n , an aunt or a niece of another. 13 Images of saints in the forms of statuettes and pictures were kept in virtual ly every home for protec tion and as objects of devotion. They were part of the ‘family shrine’ (see Chapter 9), and the daily pra yers to the saints were read in front of them. Thes e images could have been given thei r appea ra nce out of the imagi nati on of the arti st, but most often were copi es of ima ges tha t were the focus of coll ective venera ti on — thus of the ‘actua l ’ saints in the popula r cults. Grazia and Body The following song of devotion wa s sung in Lanciano (Abruzzo) at the feast of the Madonna del Ponte when aski ng for grazie. 14 It enu- mera tes the vari ous parts of the body of the Madonna , one after the other, describi ng them as ‘full of grazie ’. E lu pede de la Madonna è piene di grazie e di bontà e si nu’ le sapeme prigà la Madonna li grazie je fa. La gamba di la Madonna è piena di grazie e di bontà e si nu’ li sapeme prigà la Madonna li grazie je fa. Li jenocchie de la Madonna è piena di grazie… (etcete ra ) . (And the foot of the Madonna is full of grazie and goodness and if we know how to pray to it the Madonna will gra nt us the grazie. The leg of the Madonna is full of grazie and goodness and if we know how to pray to it the Madonna will gra nt us the grazie. The knee of the Madonna is full of grazie . . . etceter a .) In the Hail Mary, the Virgin Mary is said to be ‘full of grace ’ . The devotional song above takes this stat ement quite litera lly; it convey s a noti on tha t the blessi ngs and grazie of the Madonna are contained in her body and that they will be gran ted to the devotee if she is pra yed Saints full of graz i e 119 to in an appropriate way. There are numerous symbolic expressions tha t ela bora te on such a noti on, in that they associ a te the sai nt’s blessi ng s and grazie with fluids tha t are mira cul ous ly releas e d from his or her body, a reli c or an image . The theme of a holy pers on exuding miraculous fluids, substances and odou rs, either while alive or when dead, was common in the Medi e va l religi o us imag i na ti o n . 15 For instance, we find descriptions of femal e saints dripp i ng holy flui d from their brea sts or fingertips. Stigma ti sa ti on, the mysti ca l appea ra nce of bleedi ng wounds on the same parts of the body as where Jesus was wounded duri ng his Pas- si o n (on the forehe a d, the palms of the hands, the feet and the chest over the heart), is a similar phen omenon since it amounts to the excretion of a substance from the body of a person renowned for holiness. The first saint to have sh own stigma ta was Saint Franci s of Assi si; since then about 60 other stig ma ti cs have been sanctified. In all , over 300 sai nts and mysti cs of the Roma n Cathol i c worl d are known to have been stigmatised. 16 In modern times, Padre Pio is the best known stigma tic in South- ern Italy. 17 He was born in 1887 in Pietrelci n a (Campan i a) and died in 1968 in the Capuchin convent of San Giovanni Ro tondo (Pugli a), where he spent most of his life. He was rega rde d by many as a saint even before his death; at the presen t, he is a subject of an offici al proce s s of beati fi ca ti o n and cano nisa ti o n . His stigmati c wounds, which he claimed to cause him cons tant and tremendo u s suffering , beca me perma n e n t in 1918 and are said to have drai n ed his body of at least one cup of blood every day. The wonderful fragrance that, according to believers , emanated from Padre Pio’s person was said to come from the blood that never ce a sed to flow from his wounds. Many pilgrims arrived to the monaster y in Puglia to see Padre Pio, to hear him preach and to kiss his bleeding hands as a sign of devotion and to receive grazie. Today, the monastery where he lived and where his body now is kept, attracts hundre ds of thousands of pilgrims each year. He is well known in South e r n Italy and venerate d by many as a saint. As Chri stopher McKevi tt (1 991 ) argues, Padre Pio turned him- s e lf into a livin g cruci fi x , repli ca ti n g the suff e ri n g and sacrif i c e of Chris t that turns death into life and bring s blessi n g s to man. South Itali a n legen ds often tell that image s or relics of saints had miracu l ou sl y shown signs of life in the past. On its feas t day, or on some other occasion, the image raised an arm, moved its eyes , spoke or showed other signs of animation. Howeve r , one type of such signs is more common tha n others : the ca pa ci ty to exude such bodi ly sub- st a n c e s as blood, sweat, tears or milk, and this theme is also fre- 120 Chapter 7 quently encoun te r e d in legend s of crucifi x e s . In some legends , the discha rge is said to have been ca used by damage inflicted, acciden- ta l ly or wilfu ll y , to the image . 18 Other legend s say it was a respon se to drama ti c socia l events or that it foreboded comi n g times of suffe ri n g and turmoi l. 19 The exuda ti on of body flui d s from the image s and relics of saints was not only spoken about in legends, it was also bel ieved to actu al ly take place as a recurren t miracl e. These liquids (oft en called ‘holy manna’) were believed to have miracu lous properti es. The best known such cult is that of San Nicola in Bari. Accord i ng to the faithf ul, the bones of the saint had the capa ci ty to conti nuousl y excrete a mira culous ‘manna’. This liqu id accu mula ted in the tom b of the saint and, on his annua l feast day, it was distribu t e d in diluted and bottl ed form to the devout citi z e ns of Bari and to pilg ri ms , the latter of whom arri ve d in great numbers from all over Southe r n Italy. In older times, the ‘ma nna’ coul d be sprinkled on the faithful; it was espec ia ll y renow n e d for its abili ty to heal eye ailments . More gener - a ll y , the ‘manna ’ was held to cure all kinds of infirmi ti e s . It brou gh t fertili ty to the newly marrie d , protec ted home and family from mis- fortune and attacks by evil forces, protected boats in storms and faci li ta ted chil dbi r th. In Bari , we are informed, virtually every house had a bottl e of this preci ous ‘ma nna ’. 20 Another noteworthy example of mira culous discha rges is the liq- u i d that flowe d from the urn of San Biago in Mara tea (Basi lica ta) every year on the third of February and on the first Sunday in May. The flui d was also supposed to eman ate from the saint’s statue and from the pilla r s of his chape l . It was attri b u te d mirac u l ou s quali ties , such as that of curi ng para lyti cs, and was distri buted to the faithful. According to the legend, the exudation of ‘manna’, which by some was thought to be the swea t of the martyr, had on one occa si on in 1620 been so copi ous that the ch apel had been flooded by it. On anoth e r occas i o n in 1736 , ‘mann a ’ started to strea m from the walls, altar s and pill a rs of the chape l in such abunda n c e that the terrif ie d people, as well as the priest, prayed to the saint to stop the mira cle. 21 Excre ti o n of effl uvi a from saints could be also supposed to take place when their statues or relics we re carrie d in a proces s i o n. Severa l such recurring marvel s have been documente d in Sicily. 22 When the relics (a molar tooth and a finger bone) and the statu e of San Paolo were carried in the annu al procession (on June 29) in Palazzolo Acreide , the statue was believ e d to ‘sweat’ contin u ou s ly . The exuda- tion was wiped off with small pieces of cloth, which were given to the devout crowd. Similar ‘sweatings ’ and distributions of patches of Saints full of graz i e 121 cloth wetted with the supposed liq ui d from sta tues of San Calogero took place in Agri g e n to , Naro and Arago na . In Buter a , a priest had the duty of wipi ng dust from the sta tue of San Rocco duri ng the annua l processi on, but the crowd bel i eved tha t the sta tue was swea t- i ng and passiona tel y tri ed to wipe off the ima gi ned swea t with thei r own handkerchiefs. In all these cases, the pieces of cloth moistened by the supposed exudation were rega rded as blessed. The faithful par- took immediately of the blessings by kissing the patches or applyi ng them to parts of the body suff eri ng from ailments, or saved them to be used in times of illnes s or danger. It was also quite common to wipe the image or relic with a piece of cloth, even if it was not thought to be exudi ng physi ca l subs ta nces, as though the grazia of the saint could thereby be absorbed. The pieces of cloth were believed to be imbued with miracu lou s power and were therefore kept as personal protection or were used for healing ill- ne s s e s. 23 At some sanctuaries, believers wiped the image with pieces of clothi ng tha t bel onged to sick rel a ti ves who had rema i ned at home, as though the grazia of the saint could be absorbed by the cloth and, when brought to the owner, wo ul d reinvi g ora te and heal him. 24 Hence, the saints’ givi ng of grazie could be concei ved in terms of emana ti o n s of an inta n g i ble liqu i d. A related alleged phenomenon is th e liquefaction of dried bodily substances of saints. The best known example of this is the ‘blood’ of San Gennaro, patron saint of Napl es. Accordi ng to the legend, San Gennaro was decapita ted in Pozzuoli near Napl es in A . D . 305. On this occasi o n , his faithful wet- nu r s e is suppose d to have collecte d some of his blood in two glass bottl es, which now are kept in the duomo of Naples. The blood is normally coag ula ted, but usua ll y liqu ef i es when exposed to the publ i c duri ng celebra ti ons of the saint. The liquef actions are attended by large numbers of the faithful, who pray fervently for the miracl e to take place and, when it has occu rred, kiss the phials contai n i ng the liqu id blood. 25 Similar mira cl es of other portions of San Gennaro’s blood were supposed to take pla ce in Naples and nea rby towns. 26 Furthermore, in Naples, there were blood relics from other saints — San Giovanni Batti s ta, San Stef a no, San Luigi Go nz aga, San Lorenzo, San Alfonso Mari a de Ligu ori and Santa Patriz ia — tha t liq u ef ie d on certai n days of the year in the churches where they were kept. 27 Mira cl e s in which blood and flui d s from saints turn from a solid to a liqui d state are also documented in other parts of Campania: the manna of Sant’Andrea in Amalfi, 28 the blood of San Pantaleo n e in Ravello, 29 the blood of San Lorenzo in Avellino, 30 and the milk of the Virgin Mary, which 122 Chapter 7 accordi ng to the legend exuded from a painti ng of her in the 15th century and is kept in the convent of Mater Domi ni on Vesuvi us and the churc h of San Luigi in Naple s . 31 Some porti ons of the blood of Chri st were beli eved to cha ng e miracu l ou sl y in condi ti o n and colou r . In Poten z a (Basi li c a ta ), a relic of Christ’s blood sometimes ‘boiled’ on its feast day (the Thursday after Easte r ), 32 and the spots of his ‘Preci ou s Blood’, preserved on the Sacred Spines kept in Andria and Bari (Puglia ) , changed in colour to resemble fresh blood on Easter. 33 Accordi n g to a devoti o n a l publi ca - tion, these spots of blood become fr esh on the Easter Fri day s falli ng on the 25th of March (Annun c ia ti o n ) — thus the anni ver sa r y of both the incarnation and death of Chri st. According to the same source, similar mira cles take pla ce also in the case of other Sacred Spines on such an annive r s a ry ; in 1932 , this shou ld have happen e d in Vietri (Bas il i ca ta) , in Avers a, Bagno l i Irpin o and Monte f u sc o (Camp a nia ), in five mona s teri e s and churc h e s in Napl es , and in a numbe r of churches in Northern Italy. 34 To conclu d e , the idea that saints excrete miracul o us substa n c es in the form of holy ‘manna ’, blood , milk, sweat and tears has been a common feature of their cults. This ex cretion, as well as the liquefac- tion of dried substances, is an express i on of the idea of the saints as being ‘alive’ and present in this worl d. The liquids are identified with the grazia of the saint. Saints are concei ved of as being fill ed with grazia and to exude this grazia as a freely flowing gift to believe rs who have gathered in prayer and devotion. Whether the substa nces are imagi n e d to flow freel y from the saint or to liqu e fy insi d e a phial, they are attri buted the power to heal ill ness and rei nvi gora te the body, to enhance the vital forces of the organi sm. Hence the grazia of the saint is identi fi ed with flui ds from his or her body tha t have a benevolent impa ct on the bodies of those who appropriate them; there is a notion of tra nsf er of vita l force from saint to beli ever. Blessings of Martyrdom The Chri stia n cul t of sai nts has its origin in the devoti on to the mar- tyrs of faith in the Earl y Church. The martyrs were commemora ted at their buria l places and, at so me of these sites, churches ( martyrias) were built, where the faithful gath ered to celebrate Mass. Although the offi cia l pra cti ce of the Earl y Church was to worshi p the one God in these places, the venera tion of martyrs focu sed on the wonder- w o r k i n g capaciti e s of their relics. Th is cult of martyrs might be tra ced backed to the Graeco-Roman cult of heroes, which centred on the Saints full of graz i e 123 physical remains of persons who were regarded to have had out- s ta n d i ng physi ca l force and coura g e, 35 tha t is, to have had abundant vita li ty. Martyred saints have conti nued to be of grea t importa nce in the Church . An expres s i o n of this is that, since the Counci l of Nica ea in 787, every conse c r a ted altar must contain relic s of at least one martyr . Many of the saints venerated in Southern Ita l y are supposed to have been martyred. The legends of thei r lives expatiate upon the events surrounding their untimely death and, in their iconography, the scene of martyrd om is often depicte d in horrif yi n g deta il . Martyr saints are typi ca ll y believed to help those who suff er illness at the part of the body where they themselves were tormented. Because of their own painful experi ence, it is assumed that they feel sympathy for those who suffer in a similar fashion. For example, Sant’Agata, whose brea sts were cut off , protects women affl i cted by ailments of the breasts and agalac tia ; Sant’A pol l o n ia , whose jaws were broken and teeth extracted by her pers ecutors, cures ailments of the teeth; and San Lorenzo, who was burned to death on glowing coals, protects those suffering from burns. When Christianity became an accepte d religi o n in the late Roma n Empire, the concept of sainthood was extended to include, beside martyrs, persons known to have been pious and ascetic, who had devote d l y spread the gospel among the heathe n , and those among the high clergy who had done especially much for the Church. The way in which these saints died is not commonly an importan t moti f in their hagi og r a p h ies , but it shall be noted that nearly all saints , mar- ty r s as well as other s , are celebra te d annua ll y on the day of their dea th. On this day, thei r powers are most strongly manif es te d; the dea th- da y of a saint is thus the day on which his grazie can be expected to be most abunda nt. The connection between the death of a martyr and his or her dis- tr i b u ti o n of grazie is a theme tha t can be found in numerous popular legends . It might be told, for example , that a holy spring emerged at the place of martyrdom, where cut off body parts of the saint had been thrown after execution or where the corpse was buried. Numer- o u s spri ngs in Souther n Italy are identif i ed with such legenda r y places , and their water s are attri bu te d heali n g power s . The well inside the Church of Sant’Ang e l o in Licata (Sicil y) can serve as an example . Sant’A n g e l o (t he patron saint of Lica ta) is sup- posed to have been martyr ed in 1220, and the church to have been built at the place where he met with death and was buried. For a long time, according to the legend, no one dared to touch the pla ce of 124 Chapter 7 burial but, when a white lily grew up on the grave, which was close to the alta r, thi s was taken as a sign tha t the sai nt wished to be re- moved from it. When the corpse was exhumed, it was discovered to emit a pleasant sweet odour. The bo dy was put in a coff in made of silver. From the hole in the grou nd of the saint’s former grave began to flow water tha t was perf ectl y clear and had a sweet aroma. From precis el y where his rema ins had rested , sweet- sm e l li n g oil was exude d at times . A stairca s e was buil t lea di ng down to the former grave so that devotees could drink of the blessed water and immers e themselves in it. On the eve of the feast of the saint, the oil again bega n to flow and the water gushed forth in such amounts tha t the floor of the church was flooded; on this day of the year the saint’s mira cles and grazie multipl i e d. In the past, the holy water from Sant’Angel o’s grave was greatly ve nera ted and was distributed in bottl es to the fai thful, who thought it had the capaci ty to hea l ill - nes s e s. 36 In these and similar legends, beliefs and practices, the grazia of the sai nt, represented by the abunda nt flowi ng of water from a well, seemingly inexha ustible and free for everyone to enjoy gratui- tou s l y, is intima te l y connec te d wi th his violent death and his dead body. 37 An element in the legends of some martyrs is that milk flows from their bodies after death. When San Paolo was beheaded, it was not blood, but milk, that flowed from his body. 38 The same mira cle is said to have occurred when Catherine of Alexandria was deca pitated, 39 and milk also gushed from the wounds of the martyred San Pan- ta l e o n e, who for this reas on is rega rde d in Southe r n Italy as the patron sai nt of wet- nurses. 40 Hence, in these cases the death of a saint is imagin e d to releas e a substa n c e that is primor dia l nouris h m e n t and which, when produce d by human beings (i. e. mother’ s milk), is given gratui tou sl y and lovin gl y from mothe r to child. Legends of saints who were not martyred might also contain an image r y of their bodi es being fill e d with an abunda n ce of a vital flui d tha t gushed out in connection with their death. We learn, for instance, from a biographer of San Giangi us e ppe that: ‘…o ne of the de ce a s e d sain t’ s to es was bitte n off with mo st regr e tta b l e devo - ti o n by the teet h of a man in the crow d , who wishe d to pres e r v e it as a reli c . And the blood from the wound flow e d so copio u s l y and so freel y that ma ny piece s of cloth were satur a te d with it; nor did it ce ase to flow till the preci o u s corp se was inte r r e d’ . 41 The Sicilian cult of executed cri m i na ls p r o v i d e s fu r t h e r e vi d e n c e of the importa nce of martyrdom in the cult of saints and for the notion of their grazia. 42 The cult, which to Roman Cathol i c s of today Saints full of graz i e 125 may appear unortho d o x and bizarr e , was focu sed on the graves of executed pers ons who were supposed to have deeply repented dur- ing their last days of life. Thes e graves were loca ted in (or by) churches tha t had been dedi ca ted to the aid of the soul s of those who had been executed. The souls of the executed, who in Palermo were called armi di li corpi decullati (‘souls of the beheaded bodies’), or more briefly decollati (‘behe a de d ’ ) , were believed to dwell in Purgato r y . The soul of the unrepenta nt executed crimi nal was thought to have a diff erent fate: it was taken to Hel l by the Devi l or terrori zed the livi ng in the guis e of a horrib l e ghost. 43 The believers unders tood the executed, repented criminal as a kind of martyr. Since their life histories or the events of thei r death were especially evocative, some we re sing l e d out as espec ia ll y powe r - ful and worthy of veneration. As an example can be mentioned a certai n peasant by the name of Frances c o Frus ter i , who was deca pi - ta ted in 1817 in Paceco (nea r Tra p ani), because he had killed his own mother in connection with a qua rrel betwee n her and his wife. He was known to have shown exceptionally deep repentance. Among the laity in the area of Trapa n i , he was said to be a saint and to have perform e d extraor d i na r y miracl e s , consti tuti ng a topi c for popul a r poetry . Many went on foo t from quite afa r to visi t his gra ve, where they honoured him and asked him for favours. The souls of those who had been executed were believed to be capa ble of performing many kinds of miracl es that were otherwise attri buted to saints, such as curi ng illnes s and to rescue from serious injuri es in accident s . However, they were considere d to be especial l y helpful in matter s involvi ng viol en c e and crime, and when someone had been treated unjustly or been betrayed in love. The reason behind this was tha t the souls knew well of such maladi es from thei r own experience and, in their reformed state, were supposed to feel pity for those who suffered likewi se. Furthermor e, the souls were believed to be able to foretell future events and were theref ore asked in prayer for advi c e and guida n c e . The devoti ona l pra cti ces of the beli evers were nea rly identi ca l to those performed in the cult of sain ts. The souls of those who had been executed could be prayed to wherever and whenever one wished, but it was most effec ti ve to appro a c h them at their graves . Candl e s and money were brought there as offering s, and devout believers walked baref oot the fina l dista nce to the pl aces of worship. Ex-votos in the form of painti ngs depi cti ng mira cl es attri buted to the soul s, as well as votive wax offerings depicting huma n body parts tha t had been miracu l ou sl y heale d by the souls , were offered and displaye d in their 126 Chapter 7 churches. The believers considered objects connected with the exe cu- tion as kinds of relics. When a hanging had taken place and the corpse was removed, the crowd who had witnessed the execution might rush to the gal l ows as everyone was eager to obta i n a shred of the rope, which they cons idered to be a ‘precious amulet’. Earth gath- ered from under the corpse of an executed person could be attributed mira cu l ou s capa ci ti e s. 44 The rea son why the Church tolera ted this cult — in which some persons of a characte r far from the Christia n idea l could be venerate d as were they sai nts — was that it coinci ded with a legi ti ma te concern for the sufferi n g soul s in Purgato r y . To assist those soul s is a Chris- ti a n duty as well as an act of compas si on that earns indulg e n c e s to the helpe r . The grate fu l soul s in Purga to r y can reci pro ca te by acti n g as intercessors with God on beha lf of the livi ng. Since the 16th century, the fate of the souls of executed persons had been the concern of brotherhoods that recruite d members among the upper strata of society. The mission of the fraterni ti es was to comfort persons sen- tenced to death duri ng thei r last thr ee days of life and extend to them mater ia l and spiri tual help, care for the burial of their bodies (since the fami lies of the executed normally were not allowed to do so) and to perf orm suffragi for their souls in Purgatory — suffragi are praye r s to God for the salva ti o n of suffer i n g soul s in Purga to ry as well as acts of piety in their name, such as almsg i vin g , peni ten c es and sacri fi ce s , that give them spiri tu al merits . The dedicati on of churches to the aid of the souls of those who had been executed was a result of the pious acti vi ty of such brotherhoods. In the popula r cul ts, suffragi for the souls of executed persons seem not to have been a major concer n but, since prayers to the souls in Purgat ory for intercession were accepted by the Church, the prayers to the souls of the executed were tolerated. Although the Church certa i nly tried to suppress the most bla ta nt depa rtures from accepta ble religious pra cti ce in the cult (such as the belief in ‘miraculous’ earth gathered from under a body at the place of execution) , the acceptance of a re la ti on of mutual help between the living and the soul s made it possibl e for believ e rs to practi c e their cult in churche s , a cult which in its essenc e was a cult of wonder - w o rki n g martyrs. 45 Cults that focused on the graves of executed persons have not been documented elsewher e in Southern Italy, but victims of execu- ti on were concei ved of as a source of power and blessi ng . In Moli s e in the early 19th century, the rope that had been used for a hanging was held to protect from bullets and to make invulnerable the one who carried a piece of it on his body. 46 In Calab r i a , such a rope was attrib- Saints full of graz i e 127 uted the pow er to cure coli c, and the bullet tha t had passed through the chest of an outl a w sentenced to dea th was beli eved to consti tute an unfaili n g remedy agains t this ailment or to be a powerf ul protec - tive amulet. 47 There is thus a striki ng similarity between the concep- ti on of these objects and the Roma n Cathol i c venera ti on of reli cs consisting of implements supposedly used in the torture and killing of Christi a n martyrs. In Pugl ia , Campa nia and Cala bria , soul s of those who had been executed were prayed to for help and protection, but were foremost asked to revea l events of the futu re. The prayers often contai ned a standardised phra se in which they were invoked together with the soul s ( anime) of those who had been slain and drowned, that is, persons who also had suffered a premature death; the most common such expression was: ‘three hanged, three slain, three drowned’. 48 This summon i n g of three tria ds of souls recall s the recurrent phra se of the Roma n Catholi c Mass, which appeal s to the Holy Trinity of ‘the Father , the Son and the Holy Spirit’ . The killing of animal s at the feas t of saints could be perfor m e d in a way that evoked notions of martyr dom. Such kil lings typi ca ll y had the form of a prolong e d torture taking the form of a merry game, in which the winner was rewarded with th e carcass or part of it. As an example can be mentioned one of the more spectacular of such games, held in Sant’Aga ta del Bian c o (Cala br ia ) on the day of the villag e patro n saint, the martyr Sant’ A g a ta . A living ram or calf was decora ted with flowers and ribbons — a practi ce remi ni scent of the decora ti on of ima ges of patron sai nts on thei r feast days — and suspende d by its hind legs from a rope that had been stretche d over one of the streets. A grou p of young men, riding on mules, assembled at a dista n ce and, in an order that had been decid ed by the drawing of lots, the men bega n to make indivi dua l assa ults on the anima l , slash i ng it viole n tl y with a sword as they passe d it at full gallo p. The blood from the animal’s wounds gu shed out over the attackers and the crowd cheered viva sant’Agata at each assau l t. The most fortuna te of the men was he who managed to cut off the animal’s head, which he speare d on the tip of his sword. In triu mph, he rais ed the severe d head high in the air in front of the excite d crowd, while loudly exclaiming the ‘cry of joy’: viva sant’Agata!49 Under s to o d as ritu al s this and simil ar ‘game s ’ elabo r a te upon noti ons of martyrd o m and sacrifi c e — an innocen t victim is cruelly put to death and the death impl ies joy and bles si n g for others. Just as in the case of martyrs, the dea d body is coveted and attri buted grea t value. 50 In a Cala bria n commu ni ty (Bocch i g li ero) , the bul l ets tha t had been used to kill animals during shooting games held at saints’ feasts 128 Chapter 7 were considered ‘holy’ and were kept with grea t care and venera - ti on, 51 as though they had been used to kill Christia n martyrs. This outline of blessin g s imagine d to proceed from martyrd om and sacrifi c ial death in Southe r n Italy would be incomp l e te withou t a consideration of the Passion of Christ. The blood of Christ was con- sidered enormously forceful by the Church as well as the laity. In the form of relics, as well as a more ab stra ct concept, it was thought to be a supre me fluid of life, havi n g the capa c i ty to wash away sins and reinvigor a t e the soul and body. 52 The ‘Precious Blood’ was celebrated at a parti cu lar feast (the first Sunda y in July) and was the objec t of distinct devotional practices. 53 When approac h i ng the crucifi x , espe- c i al ly on the feas t days of locally venera ted crucifi x es and on Easter , the sca rs on Chri st’s body recei ved a grea t dea l of attenti on from believers — they were touched and kissed as an act of devotion and to receive blessing s . 54 The Sacred Hea rt of Chri s t is worshi ppe d as a particul ar ‘devotion’ within the Church. In this cult the heart is depicte d in anatom i c al deta i l (a slightly asymm e tr i ca l heart with an aortic opening at the top). It is typica ll y shown with a lacera ti o n in its side, from which flows blood, and it is punctured either by arrows, nails or by a ring of thorns . 55 In the next chapter, we will discuss in deta il the Easter celebra tion s and the Euchar i s ti c sacrif i ce , in which Chri s t renews His death on the Cross and offers believers to dri nk His blood and eat His flesh and thereby to receive divine blessings. To concl ud e , marty r d o m was (and still is) a highly evoca ti ve ima ge in the cul t of saints, closely connected with the sai nt’s gra nti ng of grazie to the devotees. The image further inspired to the bloody ‘ma rtyri ng’ of animal s at the feasts of saints and the concepti on of victim s of executi o n s as ‘marty r s ’ . Martyr d o m implies, just as the idea of ema na ti ons of mira cu l ou s bodi ly flui ds from sai nts and thei r images, an association between the release of vita l humours from the body of the sai nt and the givi ng of grazia. While exudati o n s are usu- a ll y imagi n ed to be relativ e l y slow disch a rg e s of bodily fluid from saints , martyrd o m typical ly implie s a forcef ul gushing out of blood as the martyr is beheaded, cut with swords, pierced with arrows or otherwise viol ated so that blood is shed. The premature and bloody death of the martyr is a forceful ep itome of the setting free of vital force — the body, the vita l powers of whi ch have not yet begun to wane beca use of illness or old age, is cut open and from it flows blood, the vita l flui d par excellence. The martyr typi cal ly does not resi st the viol a ti on of his body. Fol- lowing the example of Chri st, who died on the cross for the benefit of manki nd, the martyr submi ts to tortures and the fate of executi on in Saints full of graz i e 129 the convi cti on tha t thi s atti tude is trul y Christia n and will benef i t humani ty in the long perspec ti v e . This image of the martyr as unsel- f i s hl y givi n g up his life for the be nefit of others corresponds to the noti on of the saint as gra tui tousl y offering grazie to human beings — the blood shed at martyrdom objectif ies in the domain of the corporal and vita l the grazie that saints altruisti cal l y gra nt to huma n beings. Ambiguities of Carnality In the Chri stia n world view, carna li ty is thought of as transient and impur e , while the spiri tual is glori fi e d as trans c e n d en ta l and pure. In the South Ital ia n popular cult of saints , however , the carnal is cele- brated: there are the notions that the body of the saint is full of grazie, that its relic or image emits bodil y fluid s that heal and reinvi g or a te human beings and that the corporal death of the martyr brings bless- i n g s to the believe rs . The reason why the carna l is attri buted a posi ti ve value is that, when the blessing s and grazie of the Divine are imagined as being present in the world of human bein gs of flesh and blood, these must then also belon g to this world . The saint is a person i fi c a ti o n of the divi ne; the bel i evers act towa rds his reli c or ima ge as though it were the sai nt in person; it is ‘ali ve’ and attributed biol ogica l functi ons. Its grazie — which can be all sorts of blessi ngs, help and assets tha t the believe r hopes to receive — are also express e d in the idiom of the biological; the notion of vital force becomes central, since such force is the most valua ble asset of the body. Since the humidi ty and fluids of the body are inti ma tely rela ted to its vita l force, we find an identi fica - ti on between grazia and liqui ds emi tted by a saint — the bodi l y flui ds of blood , sweat, tears and milk, as well as other liq ui d s emanati n g from his body, image or site of deat h or burial, such as holy ‘manna’, prodi gi o u s oil and miracu l ou s water s. Hence the saint mediate s between the divine realm of God and the mundane world of human beings by personifying the Divine and making concre te and manifes t its blessi ngs. In the theol ogi ca l doctri nes of the Church, thi s posi tion of media ti o n is elabo ra ted in the view of the saint as inter c es s o r between God and man. The celebr a tion of the corpor a l aspect of the saint in an ideolog i cal fra mework tha t deval u es the bodi ly is made possi ble by the noti on of the saint as abstai n i ng from, or being exempt from, bodily functio n s that are particu la r ly clos e ly assoc ia te d with corruption and transie n c e and by a concepti o n of their bodies as extrao r d i na ri ly pure. 130 Chapter 7 Of some holy women it is said that they neither ate nor excreted bodily waste nor menstruated. 56 Hence they are imagined to have had no meta bol i sm; thei r bodies were not the locus of the norma l biologi - cal processes that sustain transient life. The idea of the absence of menstru a ti o n indi ca t es a disa ssoc i a t i on from sexu ali t y and unclean - n e s s . Restra i n ed sexual i ty is a domin a n t theme in the lives of saints . For insta n c e, in a Sicilia n town, Saint Luis was known for his chasti ty . It was told, that as an infan t, he closed his eyes when he was nursed so as to avoi d seeing his mother’s breast, and on Fridays he refused to nurse at all. 57 Female saints most often remaine d virgin s and some popular legend s elabor a te upon their firmne s s in rejecti n g suitors . 58 The Virgin Mary is enti rel y discon nec te d from sexuali ty . Not only did she concei v e Christ withou t losi ng her virgini ty but, accordi ng to Catholic theology, her hymen was not even ruptured by the birth of Chris t and she remai n e d a virgin all her life. 59 Furthermore, she her- s e lf is the frui t of an ‘imma c ul a te concepti o n ’ miracul o u sl y impreg - n a t i n g her mother, Anna, and is thereby free from origina l sin. Mary is thus a perpetual virgin born of a virgin. The notion of corporal puri ty is perhaps most clearly expressed in the bel i ef tha t the corpses of sai nts do not decay. This alleged circum- s ta nce is often referred to in of fici al processes of canonization. A necessary criterion for saintliness is the occurrence of miracl es after death , and an incorru pt body is rega rded as such a miracl e . Often the incorr u p t corpse is said to emit, instea d of the foul stench of death, a wonderfu l aroma. An example of this idea has already been given (Sant’A n g e l o, patro n of Licata) , and anoth e r example is found in the legend of San Corra do, patron sai nt of the Sicil ia n town of Noto. It is told that his corpse had lain in a coff in for 160 years. When the coff in was opened, the body was found to be whole with all flesh inta ct. At the moment the lid was removed, a most sweet and plea sa nt fra - gr a nce was discer ned, as thou gh aromati c subs ta nces had been in the coffin. 60 We may understa nd the idea of this aroma not onl y as a positive sign of the absence of putr efacti on but also as an olfa ctory representa ti on of the saint’s grazia: the foul smell of an ordinary corpse is replac e d by a deligh tfu l aroma emitted by the saint, to be freely enjoyed with pleasure by believers . The idea tha t the corpse of a saint is not touched by corrupti on could be taken among the laity as ev idence that a person, considered to have been a devout Chri stian and whose remains were judged not to have decompo s e d norma ll y , was a saint. In that case, a cult of that dead person could develop spontaneously without any initial Saints full of graz i e 131 approval by the Church. One such examp l e is Angela Iacob e l li s, who died in Naple s in 1961 of leuka e mi a at the age of twelve. Duri n g her short lif e, she is said to have been deepl y reli gi ou s and to have shown the most remarka b l e piety. For instanc e , she is said to have given away her toys and weekly allowa nce to poor children, to have eaten food that she disli ke d as morti f i ca ti o n and to have shive r e d with pain if she happened to hea r someone swea r. At least up to the late 197 0s her corps e, kept in a glass coff i n at a cemeter y in Napl e s, was regarded as incorrupt. Her soul was prayed to, and persons testified tha t they had recei ve d help from her. In 1965 , the foll owe rs of her cult took steps towards the opening of a process of canonization. 61 Saints were commonly portrayed as children or as youngsters . For insta nce, the martyr San Giorgi o, who is the patron saint of Modi ca (Sicil y ), is portr a y e d as a child. Duri n g the annua l festi v al in his hon- our, his statue was carried around in the town and people shouted Viva lu picciriddu di quattordici anni! (‘Long live the fourtee n - ye a r- ol d child!’). 62 There was also an associ a t i on betwe e n saintli n e ss and childis h n es s at many saints ’ feasts by the presence of childre n around the saint’s image when it was carr ied in a procession or otherwise displayed. The children, who were to be under thirteen years of age, were dressed to resemble monks, angels, saints or cherubs. 63 Some- times sick children dressed this way were made to participate so that they would be heal ed, and someti mes chi l dren who were thought to already have been healed by the sa int parti c i pa te d in such costume s to fulf il of a vow made by thei r mothers. In both cases, the children symbo l i cal l y sacri fi c e , by imitati n g holy and divi ne being s , some of thei r mundane life so as to be rea dy to recei ve, or give tha nk s for alrea dy havi ng recei ved , bless i ng s and grazie. It may furthe rmore be noted that, since the sixteenth century, a common the me in South Italian iconography has been the association between saints and putti (ima ges of naked, beautiful and chubby children) and cherubs, in the form of winged heads of putti . Many reliq ua ri e s are decor a ted by putti and cherubs. The above mentioned San Corra d o ’s relics in Noto (Sicil y) , for insta n c e , are kept in a silve r reliq ua ry in the shape of a putto, and the reli qua r y of Santa Rosa lia in Palerm o , as well as her triump ha l wagon in which the reliqu ary is trans po r ted at her festi va l, are richly decora ted with putti. 64 In Christian iconography cherubs are more genera lly present in contexts in which divine grace, power and glory are to be represen t e d . 65 To associa te sai nts with chil dren is a way of expressing the purity of the saint. Accordi ng to the Chur ch, a child was clea ned of original sin through baptism. Since a chil d was innocent, it did not commit 132 Chapter 7 sins until it was old enough to distin gu i s h betwee n right and wrong. When it reached this age and became a moral being, it shou ld be confirmed (about the age of fourteen ) in the Church, start to practi ce confession of sins and regularly re ceive the communion. This idea of the child as being blesse d with innoce nce is found in the New Testa- men t, for insta n c e when Chris t decla re s that ‘Trul y , I say to you, whoeve r does not receiv e the kingdo m of God like a child shall not enter it’. 66 The notion of the moral innocence of the child has been of grea t importance throughout the history of Chri stia nity. Accordi ng to this idea li s ed view the child, unli k e adults, is assu m e d to have a natu ra l trust in people , not to be calcula ti n g in inter- p e r s o na l rela - ti ons and to wish in a naive way only for good to the world. These Christian conceptions appear to have been accepted by the laity. We are info r me d that, in a Sicil ia n to wn, small child ren were consi de r e d by defini tion to be ‘innocent’, and real evil was understood to be foreign to their nature. Until the age of fourtee n, when the child receiv e d its first commun io n , its so ul was thought to be in a perma - nent sta te of grace, whi ch permi tted the soul of a dead chi l d to imme- di a tel y enter into Para di se. 67 In short, the idea li sed image of the chi ld resembles the saint, who abstains from sin, who is pure and blessed and who wishes only for good. The associa tion between saints and chil dho o d , however , can also be constr u e d as having anothe r signif i ca n c e . A child invoke s not only the human mind and body in a pure state, but also huma n vita l force in its most vivaciou s and unconsu m ed form, befor e it has begun to wane by age. Thi s qual i ty of vita li ty corresponds to the abunda nt grazia that fills the saint. The image of the chubby, lively and graceful putto is a partic u la rl y force f ul symbo l of affl uen t and incor ru p t vita l- i ty tha t blends with the ima ge of the saint. The discussion of the ambiguities of carnality can now be summed up. While witches personify the nega tive aspects of the carnal and the munda n e — greed , poll u tion , trans i e n ce, anti -s o c ia l sexua li ty and so on — the saints embody noti ons of altrui sm, benevol ence, puri ty and transcendence. They personify the blessings following upon the rejec ti o n of the carna l and munda n e life but, at the same time, saints mediate between the divine and the mundane, they are divinity prese n t in this world, and the bodily aspect of the sai nt is thus of grea t importance. In the context of the sai nt (and of Chri st and other holy persons), the carnal is theref ore represented as pure and excellent, and blood and body fluids from a saint are, in the realm of the corpora l and mundane, the blessi ngs tha t the Divi ne grants human beings. 68 Saints full of graz i e 133 Abundance and Excess As was argued in the previ ous cha pter, the noti on of the saint’s grazie as abunda n c e and excess is logi ca ll y rela ted to grazia as given freel y beyond what is obliga to r y and predic tab l e . In this cha pter, we have encountered the noti on of abunda nce numerous times. Saints are said to be ‘full ’ of grazie. From the wo und of the bitten toe of San Giangi use ppe’s corpse, his blood flows ‘copi- ously and freely’. The ‘manna’ from the urn of San Biago flows so profu se l y that his chapel is fl ooded; the miracu lous water from Sant’Angel o’s buri al site also floods the floor of his church. More generally, the grazie of saints are seen as an unli mi ted resou r c e; if others receive grazie, this does not impl y tha t my own prospect of receiv i ng grazie is dimi ni s hed. The noti on of abunda nce in associa ti on with sai nts and thei r grazie was also expresse d in other ways. Importan t relics were enclosed in costly reli qu ar i e s of silver and gold, decora ted with precio us jewels, conve y i n g an image of grea t richn e ss . A church ’ s colle c ti o n of relics and preciou s religi o us parap h e r na li a was call ed tesoro (‘trea su re’ ) , a term which general l y denotes , as in English, an immense valu e not a part of ordina ry and daily economic trans a c ti o ns , which , if sudden l y relea s ed, consti tutes a huge addi ti on to the everyday economy. A tesoro suggests abundance and the notion of the extra that is also an aspec t of grazia . At the saint’s fea st, the expressi on of divi ne abunda nce was inten- sified. The saint’s image could be dressed in splendid and often extremely costly clothes. It could be moved in a procession on an exorbi ta ntl y decora ted triu mphal wagon. The processi on coul d include lavishly decora te d parapher na lia of various kinds and elabo- r a te thea tr i cal floa ts visual i si n g signi fi ca n t even ts in the life of the saint. Spectacular perf ormances could be put on, such as a child dressed up as an angel and made to ‘fly’ in the vici ni ty of the saint’s sta tue by being suspended by ropes. 69 In the procession could be carried banners with pictures of the saint, to which had been atta ched a multi tu d e of bank notes (offe red to the saint by devotees) . The main street was often brightly illumina ted during the evening of the feast day. However, the fea s t typi cal ly invol ved abunda nce and excesses of a profane nature as well. Loud music was played by bands and single indivi duals on bagpipes, tambouri ne s, drums and other instruments. As a rule, lavis h firew o r ks were set off with deaf eni n g explo si on s . Food and sweets were consumed in great amounts . Numerou s 134 Chapter 7 reports state that alcoh ol was drunk in abunda n c e; some feasts have even been describe d as bacchana l s . 70 Many feasts include d public specta c l es and games, such as horse ra ce s and pole- cl i mbi n g contes ts . The feast was typi c al l y taken as an occas i o n for a fair, at which there were trave ll in g merch a n ts , peas a n ts who trade d anima ls and agri - c u l tu ral produc e , itiner a n t medical practi ti o n e r s (such as vendors of herbal medi cin e s ) and a variety of enterta i n e rs . The atmosph e r e was one of exci tement, as can be understood by the foll owi ng descri pti on of a fair held in connec ti o n with the feast of Sant’A l fio in Trecas tag n e (Sicil y): ‘... indescri ba b l e is the din, the chatter, the roar and the clam- ou r of this inebriated crowd, which, shapeless and swarming, singing , playing, dancing and laughing, look s like a wavi ng and stormy sea.’ 71 Thus there is excess and abunda nce of two kinds on the saint’s feast. There is tha t of the sai nt, who is made to appea r as immensel y rich, an objecti f i ca ti o n of its abund a n t grazia. Another abundance is of a prof an e natu r e . The mundan e and the carnal are enjoye d in a chao- ti c and exaggera ted mode. The rela tion between these two abun- da n c e s will be discussed below. Obtaining Grazie: Contagion and Consumption The saints ‘full of grazie’ were approached by believers who prayed for protec ti on and help in all kinds of matter s : in curing illne s s and infertil i ty in both human being s and domesti c animal s , in keepin g the family togethe r in harmony , for g ood harvests or the successf ul out- come of other domestic undertaki n g s, in protecti n g the home and the famil y from bad luck and evil force s and so on. More gener al ly , saints were pra yed to in the wish to stare meglio — to live a better life tha n tha t of the miseria, a term commonl y used to descri be the condi ti on of poverty and hopelessness prevailing among large parts of the South Ita l ia n popula ti on. All this the saints were thought capa bl e of con- veying to human beings by means of their grazie. There seem to be principa lly three general notions of how grazie could be obtained from saints : (1) throu g h conta g i o n and consumption, (2) through transa c ti o n and (3) through sacrif i c e. These ways of obta ini n g bless- i n g s are not exclusi v e . In a partic ul ar cult, a practi c e relying on one of the three notions coul d often be empl oyed in paral lel with pra ctices inspired by the other two and, in many practices, the notions were combined. In the liturgy of the Roman Cathol i c Church , divine grace is often conveyed by the offi cia ting pri est through acti ons tha t invol ve a touch of the hand or a gesture indi ca ting a touch, or the appl i ca ti on Saints full of graz i e 135 onto the body of blessed substa nces. In the popular cults of saints in Southern Italy, physical contact and proximi ty was of great impor- ta nce. Almost every descri pti on of saints’ fea s ts indi ca tes tha t the beli evers tried to come as close as possibl e to the saint, pref era bl y to have physi ca l conta ct with it. Evidentl y, the bel i evers thought tha t the prospect of receiving grazia from a saint was especi ally good when the image or relics were touche d , caresse d or kissed, partic ul ar l y on the sai nt’s fea st day when his or her grazie were most abunda nt. Hence, the preferred proximity and contact with the saint rely on a noti on tha t it is a source of grazia , and tha t the nea rer one can get, the better the pr ospect of receiving grazia. The symbolisation of grazia in the idiom of bodily or other fluids could make the strivin g for prox- imity a striving for contact with such substances. Grazia coul d also be obta i ned thro ugh consumption of food or drink. In the Mass, grace and blessing s of the Lord are receive d throu g h the consumption of the Eucharistic bread. In the South Ita l ia n cults of saints, supposed exudations from saints could be consumed, and the water from spri ngs and wel l s associated with a saint or the death of a martyr could be drunk and believed to have mira culous capa ci ti es. At some feasts of saints , partic u la r kinds of brea ds were baked and distributed to the faithf ul, who believed tha t the brea d was bless ed , that it prote c ted and heale d from illne ss or that it gener all y promoted well-being. 72 Bread could also be brought to the church on a saint’s fea s t day to be blessed by the priest and then eaten. 73 An obvio u s meani ng in kissi n g a sa int is to show affecti o n, and perhaps also submiss i o n. Howeve r , it migh t also be argu e d that the wides pr ea d practi c e of kissi ng reli c s and image s as well as objec ts associa te d with a saint, invok e d no tions of consumpti o n . It has been noted earlier that kissing a person could sometimes be suggestive of consumption of the vital forces of that person. The kisses delivered to saints were someti mes hard and inten s e and repea te d again and again. The image or enshrined relic was sucked rather than kissed, implyi ng consumption of the saint’s grazia. In summa ry, believers approa ching a saint typica lly beha ved as though grazia was an enti ty in the physica l worl d. Whether inta ngi b l e or material , in the form of holy manna, exudations or certain foods, they wished to come near its source — the saint — and incorporate it in their own bodies. Transactions The noti on of tra nsa cti ons between saint and beli evers has commonly been understood, by anth ropologists as well as folklorists, to be a 136 Chapter 7 centra l fea ture of popula r cults of sa ints in Southern Europe and Latin Ameri ca . 74 Saint and belie ver , it is argu ed, form a recipro c a l rela ti on, in which acts by one party are returned by the other. This model undoubtedl y describes a common idea among believers of how to gain grazie, although its importance has often been overstated. 75 At the core of the idea of tra nsa cti on is the assumpti on tha t a saint can be plea sed . The saint has a wish for certain assets or service s that the believe r can offer or it pleases him that the believer perfor m s certain acts. The believer on his part has a wish for assets or services that the saint can offer. Therefore saint and believer might agree to a mutu al l y desir a b l e excha nge. The transa c tion a l rela ti o ns h i p is most explici t in the case of the voto, the vow. A beli ever vows to a saint tha t, if assi sta nce is given in a specif i c matter , then a special offeri ng will be made to the saint. In general , the grea ter the mira cul ous assista nce asked for from the saint, the greater the offering promised by the be liever. The saint indi ca tes agreement to the ‘contra ct’ by perf ormi ng the mira cle for which the believer has asked. Voti ve offerin g s could consis t of items of value, such as money, perso n al jewel l er y , domes ti c animal s, olive oil and candl e s (some - times of huge size). When they had been offered, such items were usual l y displa yed for a time nea r the sai nt’s ima ge. Money offered to a saint was supposed to be used by the clergy for charity or for meeting the expenses of the cult. Consumable goods coul d be sold, often on aucti on, and the money so obta i ned was also to be used in this way. The saint could also be offered things of immediate ‘use’, such as jewel l e ry to adorn the statu e or a preciou s mante l to be dressed in on the feast day. Offeri ngs could also consist of ex-votos that were perman e n tl y dis- pl a y ed at the saint’s shrine: paintin gs of miracu l ou s interv e nti o n s , small repli cas in silve r or wax of a bodily part (or anima l) that has been cured of illnes s , medic a l aids (such as crutc h e s and corse ts ) that had become unnec e ss a ry after a mira cu l ou s recovery , the braid of a woman’s hair, or the wedding dress that had been used in a longed for wedding that the saint was believed to have helped bring abou t. 76 These ex-votos can be understood to be plea si ng for the saint to possess since their display serve to testify to his power. Surrounded by hundreds or thousands of pictur es of miracl es he has perf orme d (in Sicily such painti n gs were called ‘mira c ol i ’ ) 77 and of repli ca s of bodily parts he has heal ed, the saint appea r s immensely powerful. The believer could also vow to pe rfo r m a devoti o nal act — make a strenuous pilgrima ge to the saint’s shri ne, commission masses to be Saints full of graz i e 137 read, dress in peni tenti a l habi t for a peri od of time, pra cti ce chari ty, erect a street shrine in honour of the saint or perform acts of absten- ti on and sel f-morti f i ca ti on. For this latter purpose, as well as to gain spiritual merits , penite n ti al instru m e n ts could be used, of which there were numerous vari eties devised for different occasions and personal preferences. 78 It was quite common to pr omise to perform strict peni- ten c e in publi c at saints ’ feas ts , such as walki n g to the saint with chained feet or dragging the tongue on the church floor. In the section on sacrifi c e (below) , such peniten c e s will be describ ed in more deta il . Here, one example is of particular interest. In Melilli (Sici l y) at the feast in honour of San Sebastia n o , men from communi ti e s in the area as well as more remote pla ces ran in groups of up to a hundred to the sai nt’s church (a dista nce of at least 10 kilome tr es and often much longer ) . They were called nudi (‘na ked ’) , since they in past times were said to have ran compl ete ly naked. In more recent times , they were dress ed in shorts or a loin- cloth and, while running , they held one hand at the back and one raise d in the air. This peculi a r gestu re was inten de d as a remem- bra nce of San Sebastia no, who is sa id to have been stripped naked, tied to a pole and shot with arrows when martyr e d. Thi s is how he is portrayed in the wooden statue in the church of Melilli, except that he is not shown as an adul t but as a gracio u s and vigor o u s chil d . The nudi, exhausted by hours of running and inebriated by their enthu- siasm and the wine they had drunk during their ordeal, rushed into the church upon their arri val, hurl ed gifts of flowers at the statue, kiss e d it frene ti c al l y, perf orm e d a kind of dance in front of it and then left addi ti onal gifts by it. Most of the men had made a promi s e to the saint to do all this. 79 The reason for assumi ng tha t the saint should accept the perf orm- a nce of acts of devoti on as a counter- gif t ought to be tha t he is pleased when human beings behave as tr ue and devout Christians who renounce the worldly life and carnal preoccupations. The nudi in Meli ll i , by their ‘nake d n ess ’ and hand gestu r es , expli c i tl y imita te San Sebasti a n o in the anguis h of martyr d o m. In return for the miracles he has gra nted them, they express intense devoti on by tormenti ng them- selves like the martyr himself was tormented at his dea th. Symbol i - c a l l y they offer their lives to him, as he offered his life in spreadin g the Christian gospel for the salvati o n of mankind . While the vow speaks of an idea of entering into a relation of bal- a nced reci proci ty with a saint, the rela ti onshi p with the communi ty patron sai nts and with certa i n other especia ll y esteemed sai nts in the community church speaks of general i se d reci p r o c i ty . As was 138 Chapter 7 menti oned, peopl e had inti ma te and personal rela tions with these saints. They were believed to provide consta nt protection and assi sta n c e in lesser and greater matter s of dail y life and were offere d a conti n u o us strea m of small gifts. The ethno g r a ph y indica tes that there was little or no consideration of exchange in the sense that an act by one of the parties should necessa r ily be balanced by an act by the other, except when some mira cu l ou s interv e n tio n of exception a l importance was asked for or had b een received. Hence, just as in South Italian social life, reci procity tends to be of the general ised type if the partn e r is perce i v e d as an inti m a te and trusted frien d , while it tends to be of a bala nced type if he is seen as more dista nt in the social space. 80 In the seco nd case, we typically have the miracl e- worki ng saint situa ted outsi de the communi ty, who is asked for assi sta n c e in particul ar matter s whose accomp l i s h m ent requir e s great divin e power and in retu rn is offere d gifts of substan ti a l valu e or the performance of acts that speak of deep devotion. The type of relationship between saint and believer had conse- qu e n ce s for the course of acti on followed by believers who had begun to loose confidence in the benevolence or powers of a saint. When a miracl e - w or ki n g saint outs ide the communi ty did not respond to praye rs for assi s ta n c e , peopl e could simpl y turn to anoth e r saint, hoping that he would be more generous or powerful. The communi ty patron saint, however, is the only protector of the co mmuni ty; there is no one else to turn to. When a patr on saint fail ed to protect his com- munity despite the great need of the citizens, they could, collectively, mistrea t him. For exa mpl e, a patron saint who had been requested to put a stop to a heavy snowf al l, coul d be bruta ll y carri e d out of the church and put in the snow; if asked to put an end to disa strous rai ns, the saint could be put out in the rain. The same procedure could be foll owed in the case of a severe drou ght or if bush fires threa tened the community; the saint was then exposed to the scorching sun or put in front of the appro a c h i n g fire. Saints , if not suffi c i e n tl y effici e n t, coul d also be spa t upon, bombarded with rotten frui t, tied with ropes or thrown into the sea . 81 Some scholars have understood such mistreatments as ‘punish- ments’ inflicted upon a saint who ha s not fulfilled his part of a ‘con- tract’ — devotion and gifts from the members of the community are expected to be paid back by saintly protection. It is doubtful, how- ever, whether this view fully expl ains these practices. What they indi ca te is rather a wish to ‘rou se’ a divi ni ty that appea rs to the believers to be indifferent. The saint is ‘awakened’ either by havi ng his attention drasti cally drawn to the desperate situation of his Saints full of graz i e 139 devout followers by exposing him to the same rain, snow or sun that torments them or by subjecti ng him to sacril egi ous acts tha t, if all else has failed , shoul d conq uer his indi f ference so tha t he noti ces the prayers for protection. It should be noted that numerous saint’s leg- ends describe how sensitive saints are to sacrilegious acts and how the impious persons who commit them will suffer severe reta lia ti on. 82 In the case of the communal sacrileg e of an indiffer e n t saint, however, those who commi t it are not actual ly impi ous. On the contra ry, they demons tr a te that they still expect the saint to be willin g to help them, if only he would ‘wake up’. If even these acts did not change the saint’s indifference, the final soluti on was to agree on a new patr on sai nt. The patron sai nts of communities were quite often replaced in the past because they had fail ed to protect the comm uni ty (for insta nce, by not putti ng an end to epidemics ) ; they were abandone d for other saints who seemed more considera t e . 83 Sacrifice T h e believ e r could also beg a saint for grazie while performing certain acts tha t were thought to increa se the prospect of receiving assistance. Howeve r , most of these acts coul d also be perf orme d as a fulf il me nt of a vow. A believ e r praying to a saint for help in a certai n matter could of- fer money in the saint’s coll ec ti o n box in church, light candles in front of its picture, altar or shrine, or pe rform some act of self-mortifica tion, such as fasti ng and abstai ni n g from certain worl dl y pleasur es . When belie v e rs asked a saint for grazie on his feast day, parti c u la rl y if they were on pilgri ma ge to a wonder - wor king sai nt, acts of peni tence and mortification were common and often severe. Some believers walked on foot for days or weeks to shrines far away, and it was very com- mon to walk baref oot at lea s t the fina l part of the way. Some walked to the saints with hea vy iron cha i ns attached to thei r feet 84 or carried a heavy stone or huge cross all the way. 85 A partic ular l y wides p r ea d form of peniten c e , practi sed in sanctua r ies and church e s all over Southern Ita ly, was to dra g the tongue over the floor of the holy buildi n g, from the entranc e to the venera ted image insi de . This was done whil e cra wli ng forwa r d with su ch force tha t the tongue started to bleed. The eminent ethnographer Gi useppe Pitrè knew of 60 feasts of saints in Sicily alone where th e faithful dragged the tongue over the floor. 86 Other ways of approa ching a saint so as to express peni- tence, humbleness and submission were also common, such as walk- 140 Chapter 7 ing on the knees or crawling on the floor. The practice of beating one’s breast in front of an image, aski ng pardon for sins commi tte d and praying for favours , was wide spread. 87 Self - mortif i cati on coul d be elabora ted into a ritual uniq ue to a parti c ul ar cult. For insta n ce, in Guardia Sanfra mon di (Campa n ia) , as a devotion to the Vergine dell’Assunta on Augu st 21, the so called diciplinanti walked in proces s i o n dressed in white chemis e s, holding a scourge in one hand and a crucif i x or an authen ti c human skull in the other hand. The battenti a sangue follow e d them, morti f yi n g the skin of thei r bare chests with a spugna (literally ‘sponge’, a piece of cork in which 33 sha rp pins had been inserted) so tha t blood flowed. 88 In the 19th century and earlier, it was quite common that people morti f i ed thems e l v e s while parti c i pa ti n g in proces s i o ns that had formed to beg a patron saint to produce rai n in times of drought or to stop heavy rains. One report, which seems to concern more recent times in Poten z a (Bas il i ca ta ), tells that on such occas io n s a painti ng of the Vergi n e Adolo ra ta (the Virgi n of Sorro w s) was carri e d in the procession. The participants walked barefoot, men lashed their shoulders with hea vy ropes, women hit thei r chests with a stone and some persons carried heavy crosses. The procession moved to the sound of loud prayer s , deafeni n g cries and the chanti n g of the words ora pro nobis (‘pray for us’). 89 Some saints were renowned for their great powers and for their frequent granting of prayers. To ef fecti v e l y peti ti o n such a saint, it was necessary to make a pilgri ma g e to his shri ne. Pilgri ms typica ll y trave l led in groups, and their condu c t was idea ll y chara c ter i sed by Christia n friend s h i p . A descri p ti o n of a pilgri m ag e to the sanctu ary of San Michele on the Gargano peninsul a rela tes tha t the pilgri ms sang religiou s songs in unison during their long walk, and reste d and ate together. When they reached the foot of the mountain, where the sanctua r y is located in a cave near the summi t, there was an outburst of joy, and kisses and mutual pardons were exchang e d . The pilgrim - age was considered to be a propitio us occa si on for putti ng an end to enmity and resentm e n t and for enteri ng into spiritua l kins h i p . Peace was thereby made between fami lies, offences were forgiven and comparatico rela ti ons were esta bl ished. 90 Hence, pilgrim a g e meant not only mortifi ca ti o n through the hard- s h i p s and suff er i ng s of the journe y — which were signif ica n t in older times when people walked long dist ance s on foot and often spent the nights outdoors or on the floor of the shrin e — but also a momen ta r y creation of another mode of existence than ordi na ry life. The pilgrims left their homes and formed a new community in which the character Saints full of graz i e 141 of socia l rel a ti ons was intended to conf orm to the Chri stia n ideal of friends h i p and peace , altho u g h in practi c e this was not alwa y s fully accomplished. 91 This signi fi ca nce of pilgrima g e is stress e d when the goal is located high on a mounta i n, which was often the case. Pilgrim s then move from their ordinary sphere of life not only in the horizon- ta l dimens i on , but in the verti c al as well. They reach a soli ta ry loca- ti on closer to the divi ne rea l m of Hea ven, from which they view the everyday mundane worl d far below, a perspective which is sugges- tive of havi ng left that world for a ‘higher’ purpose; in this new per- spective from high above, all ordi na ry objects and underta k i ngs of the worl d bel ow appea r remote and insi gni fi ca nt. Hence the top of the mounta i n is parti cu la r ly suita b l e for the symbo l i c creati o n of an alternative and ‘eleva ted’ mode of existence. The acts carried out by the bel i ever who pra ys to a saint for grazie essentia ll y impl y a sacrif i ce. The carnal body and the mundane world are rejecte d , as is persona l indepe n d enc e ; instea d , the spiritual is cultivated and deep submission is shown to the divine. As we know, believers perform these acts at many saint’s feasts in an atmosphere characterised by chaotic and excessive indulgence in profane under- t a k i n gs and pleasu r es . Throug h the sharpened contrast between world li n e ss and spiri tu ali ty , their sacrifi c e appears even grea ter . Believers give up money and other worldly valuables. This is done ostenta ti ously in front of the sai nt to catch his attenti on. Often the value of the gift is not very grea t in economi c terms, but the crucial point is that the believers impoverish themselves; they become poorer tha n before. The beli evers renounce and atta ck their own flesh by means of often severe self-mortifica ti ons . They stri ve to conf or m to an idea l Chri stian way of life by treati ng fellow human beings as equa ls , by forgivi n g enemie s, by showin g devoti o n to saints and by being pious. In short, they abando n and sacrif ice the carnal and the mun- dane , which is all arou nd them in chaoti c excess, in the prospect of receiv i ng bless i ng s from a saint who is full of abunda n c e of anothe r kind, an excess of grazia that coul d be recei ve d in the form of pure and blissful vita li ty tha t brings hea l th and well - bei ng. Since many of these acts — offeri ng s, pilgrima ges and self-mortifi- c a t i o n s — are the same as those which could be promised in a vow to a saint, it would be possi bl e to view them as inspi r e d by an idea of a transa cti o n al rela ti on s hi p . The believer could perhaps perform them in the beli ef tha t they are pleasi ng to the saint and in the expecta tion of receiving from the saint an imme dia te return. Although this under- s ta ndi ng is of some relevance , ther e is clearly also another dimension of these practi c e s , in partic u la r those which imply mortifi ca tion s . 142 Chapter 7 These are perf ormed in a spirit that speaks not so much of an inten- ti on to please a saint, but rather of a hope that the sacri fi c e s in them- selves will bring about blessing s. When these acts were perf ormed as vows, there is also a sense that they, rather than pleasing the saint, through an intri nsi c power have a be nevolent and desirable effect on those who perform them. This good is obta i ned throu g h sacrif icing, but that which is sacrifi c e d is not receiv e d in any sense by the saint; it is simply discar d e d. In the Gospel of John (12: 25) it is written: ‘The man who loves his life will lose it, whil e the man who hates his life in this world will keep it for eternal life.’ This theme is centra l to the noti ons of Chri st’s self- sa c ri fi c e , of martyr death and of the Christi a n rejec ti o n of the mundane and carnal. While in Christ ian thought, sacri fi ce and rejec- ti o n of the munda ne and carna li ty are rewar d ed with spiri tua l bless - i n g s and ultim a tel y with etern a l blissfu l life, the devote e s in the cult of sai nts very often ask for hea l th and wel l- bei ng in the munda ne world. We encounter an apparent para dox: believers often mortify thei r flesh unti l the poi nt of bodil y exha usti on; at the same time, the grazia received from a saint is often concei v e d of as vita l force, identi - fied with blood or other fluids emitted by the saint. Why shou ld one give up vital force in order to receive vita l force? The answer is that there is a difference in quality between the internal vita lity disca r ded by the devotees and the vita li ty received externally from the saint. While th e former is associated with tran- si ence, impuri ty and suff eri ng, the latter is associa ted with tra nscen- d e n c e , puri ty and blissfu l well- b e i n g. Hence, as Maurice Bloch argu es in his theory of sacrifi c e as ‘reboun d i ng violenc e ’ , 92 the vita li ty tha t is sacri fi c e d and lost is infer io r to that which is desi r e d. The assumed effectivenes s of sacrif ice in the contexts of cults of saints has an expl i ci t rati ona l e: the sai nt is a powerful divi ni ty capabl e of helping those in need who express devotion and submission; or, accepti ng the theol ogy of the Church, the sai nt is an intermedia te to the omnipotent God, who has this power. A coroll ary of this rati onale is that the grea ter the devoti on, sub- mission, suffering and need, the gr eater the prospect of receiving help. Poverty is a state that, throug h moral impera tiv e embedd e d in Chris tia n ethi c s and egalita r ia n ideol og y , attra c ts wealth from the rich. A begga r who asks for alms has little success if he is well dressed and looks healthy and well fed. He has an increased possibil- i ty of recei ving alms if he is dress e d in rags and appea r s to be starv- i n g and ill. In that case, the differ e nc e in weal th and well -b ei n g between the beggar and the passers- by increa se s , and the Christia n Saints full of graz i e 143 moral imperati v e to share wealth becomes compell in g . The saint sees pilgri m s united in Chri stian fell ow s hi p , he sees enemie s who forgive each other, he sees the deeply re pentant and submissive sinner, he sees the poor devotee who renounces what little he has, he sees the flagel la n t who mercil es sl y tormen ts his own flesh, he hears the des- pera te pra yers of suffering huma ns for help and assista n c e — and in his compassion for these devout, poor Christians he bestows his grazie upon them freel y and without aski ng for anythi ng in return. Howeve r , a more implici t noti on of the effecti v e n es s of sacrifi c e in the contexts of cults of saints can also be discerned. While poverty is a state tha t exerci ses a ‘force of attra cti on’ on assets in the soci al doma i n, this force merges with a supposi ti on tha t, in the physi ol ogi - ca l domai n, tha t which is low in vitali ty attra cts vita li ty from tha t which has an abundance of life power. The merging of these two forces of attracti on — both bui l di ng upon the premi s e tha t tha t whi ch has less has a force to attract matter from tha t whi ch has more — was found in the practi c e s and belief s, discu s s ed in Chapter 5, rega rdi n g uninte n ti o na l approp r i a ti on of vita li ty. In such contex ts , the state of low vitali ty is not create d intenti o n al ly. It foll ow s from natu ra l phe- nomena, such as menstruation and pregnancy. In the mortifications by devote e s approa c h i n g a saint, howeve r , there is an intenti o n a l de- vi ta li za ti on, someti mes taken to the extreme of a symbol i c death, whi ch coi ncides with the hope to receive grazia. Thus, mortifica ti o n s in the contex ts of cults of saints might be understood as a strategy aiming at increa si n g the prospec ts of gaining superi o r vital force by discar di n g inferi o r vital force. The body is made ‘dry’ with respect to the latter so rt of vita li ty so as to prepare it for a plentif ul inta ke of the former sort. Just as patches of clothes used to absorb mira cul ous exuda ti ons from saints must be dry to perf or m wel l, the devotees need to be ‘dry’ of internal vital i ty. In this stra tegy, touching the saint becomes of great importance since it suggests the possib il i ty of an immedia te ‘physi ca l ’ transf e r of vitality . EIGHT GRAZIA AND CREATIVE FORCES OF NATURE I n this chapte r we will discuss how saintl y grazia connects not only with the doma i n of the body but al so with the doma i n of nature. We will then consider how significances from these two domains merge in the Easter celebra ti o n s of the death and resurre c ti o n of Christ as well as in the Eucha r is ti c sacrif i ce in Mass. Lastl y , I will brief ly com- ment on the rela ti on between the Virgin Mary and Chri st as a con- ti n u a ti o n of an archai c repres e n ta ti on of the creative forces of the earth and vegeta ti on. Countryside Sanctuaries Collectivel y venerated images of saints were kept both in churches in villages and towns and in countrysi de shrines. Such shrines, com- monly called ‘sanctuaries’, were mo st often dedi ca ted to the Blessed Virgi n Mary and thus housed a venera ted ima ge of her. Of the 512 churches in Southern Italy labelled ‘sa nctua ries’ in official Roma n Catho l i c publi c a ti o ns , 433 (85%) have a Mari a n dedi ca ti o n , while the remaini n g are dedi ca ted to vari ou s other saints. 1 Most sanctuari e s are loca ted at specif i c geogra p h i cal featu re s of the landsca pe — typi ca l ly on or nea r mounta i ntops, in or nea r caves, by springs, wells, streams and rivers , and in, or at the edge of, woods , thickets and groves. The location of numerous sanctu aries combines several of these geogra phical features. For instance, the sanctuary dedi ca ted to the Tri ni ty on Monte Autore (on the border between Abruz z o and Lazi o ) is situ a te d in a natu ra l cave high up on the mounta i n, at the foot of a 300- mete r high perpendicular rock wall. In the rock, and also insi d e the cave, are the sprin g s of a strea m that descends through the forest below. 2 It may be noted tha t many pil- gri ms are said to have had a vague idea of the object of venerati on. Most often they referred to it as la Santissima (‘the most holy’, femi- ni ne form) , and many thought tha t they made a pilgri ma ge to the Madonna. 3 On thei r saints’ fea s t days, the most importa nt sanctua ri e s were visi ted by many pilgri ms who came in the hope of recei vi ng grazie. Gra zi a and Creative Forces of Nature 145 The above mentioned sanctuary on Monte Autore, for instance, attra cted 60-7 0,000 pilgrims to th e fea st on the first Sunda y after Easter in the earl y 1950th. To the less famous sanctua ri es came pilgri m s only from nearby towns and village s , someti m e s just a few hundred. 4 The origin of sanctua ri e s is a subject of loca l mythol o g y . 5 One common theme is that the Blessed Vir g i n Mary appea r e d at the site and expressed her wish to have a sanctuary erected. 6 In such accounts, the Blessed Virgin typi cal ly appea rs high up on a mountain, in a cave, by a spri ng , wel l or strea m, or in a tree, bush, grove or thicket. Legends of the ori gi ns of sanctua ri es may also tel l that an image of a saint was found at the place where the sanctuary was later erected (see below) or that the image had another origin but had chosen to be venera ted at the sanctua r y after havi ng superna tura ll y moved itself there. Legends connecting saints with springs, wells and rivers can also have other themes. As mentione d in the previous chapter, local leg- en d s may claim that a well or spring is locate d or came into existe n c e where a saint was martyred or buried or where some of his or her body parts were disposed of afte r martyrdom. The associa tion may also be that, for insta n c e , a sprin g emerged from the earth at the pl ace where a saint stamped his foot, prayed on his knees or struck the ground with a hoe. 7 Legendary Origins of Images and Relics Let us now look more closely at one specific element in the local legen ds of saints: the alleg e d origi n of image s and relics . We will consi der not onl y those tha t were worsh i pped at sanctu a ri e s , but all images and relics that were coll ec ti v el y venera ted . A legend may clai m that the image had once been sculptu r e d or painted by an arti s t who was able to compl ete his work only with help of divi ne powers or that it had been transported on land or sea and then expressed its wish by means of some miracle to be venerated at its present loca tion. The perhaps most common theme, however, is that the image or relic was found hidden at a certain place, often by persons who were led there by strange lights or other exceptional signs, such as oxen genufl ecti ng in devoti on. In some le gends , the loca tio n is identi c al to the place where the image or relic later becomes venerated, while other legends say tha t it was found in one pla ce and then brought to the place of veneration. This ‘tra nsla ti o n ’ as a rule includ e d the mira cul ous interventi on of the saint itself , who chose the pla ce by, for 146 Chapter 8 instance, moving itself or controll i n g the behaviou r of oxen who pulled the cart on which the image or relic was loaded . The legends also often tell somethi ng about the history of the image or reli c before it was found . For insta n c e, it could long ago have been safegu a rd e d from harm by invadi ng troops by being hidden and then forgotten or it coul d have falle n off a ship manned by heathens. In almost all these legends, the place where the image or relic was found is one of the following loca tions, or a combination of several. 1. A tree, a bush or a thicket. The image is found besides the trunk of a tree, or up among its branches, or hidden in a bush, grove or thicket. 8 2. A cave. The statue or the painti n g is found in a cave, someti m es buried in the earth of its floor. 9 Reli cs coul d also be said to have been found in a cave and, in tha t case, the cave is typi ca ll y said to have been the dwell i ng of a hermi t saint at the time of his death . 10 A cave may also be pointed out as the former dwelling of a saint even if no relic is said to have been found there. 11 3. A well, a spring or a river. The image is found floating on the water or deep down in a well or water reservoir dug in the ground. 12 4. Buried in earth. The ima ge or relic is usua ll y found buri ed under gr o u n d in a place outs i d e inha b i ted and cultivate d terri tor y , but it may also be found under earth in or near a vill ag e or town or in the soil of a cultiva te d fiel d . 13 5. In the sea or on the seashore. The image is found floati ng in the waves of the sea, hauled up from the depths in the nets of fishermen or washed up on the shore. Someti mes it is said to have fall en off a ship from a distant land. 14 Thus, from the geographical locati on of sanctuaries, from the leg- ends of apparitions and from the le gends of the origin of images and relics , it can be concl u ded that saints , and espec ia ll y the Virgi n Mary, were clos ely associated with vegeta tion in the form of trees, bushes and groves, with springs, streams, rivers and the sea, with caves and the subterra ne an realm, and with mo untai n t o p s . All these featur e s of the landsca pe connote creati ve natural forces. Creative Natural Forces In Europe, since prehistoric times, the earth has been conceived of as a crea ti ve force . 15 We find an earl y noti o n of earth as a womb, as havi ng a fema l e reproducti ve capa city. To this noti on connects the idea of minerals as ‘growi ng’ in the earth, which was elaborated in the alchemy of medieval and early modern times; one of the great Gra zi a and Creative Forces of Nature 147 projects of this science was to repl i ca te thi s natura l growth in the laboratory to produce one of the mo st refined of meta ls, namely gold. The chthonic productive forces have often been personified, and we find a multi tu d e of figu r es imag i ne d as engaged in labour deep in the bowel s of the earth, such as dwa rf s and gnomes 16 indu striou sl y min- ing or fairies spinning and weaving in subterra n ea n chambers . Com- mon are also legends of immense tr easures buri ed in the earth and guarded by spirits or other beings; as has been mention e d , such leg- ends were told in virtually every village in Southern Italy. The cave has long been thought of as a passa ge to the chthoni c rea l m, and there are many legends telling of how human beings enter a cave and expe- rience the marvels of the subterra nean world and of how chthonic beings emerge from caves. Mountai ntops have likewi se fa scinated man since prehistoric times . As argu e d above , its solita r y and elevated location close to the divine realm of heaven, high ab ove the mundane busines s of the every da y world , makes it a parti c ula r ly suita ble place for intera c tion with divi n i ty and for tempo r a r il y realis i n g extra o rdi n a ry modes of socia l life duri ng pilgri mages. The top of the mounta i n can also be understood to suggest a kind of ‘p ea k’ of the powers embedded in the earth. Water also has an ancient history in the symbolism of European socie ti es ; it is a primo r di al eleme n t necessary for life. In mythology, water is the ori gi n of the worl d and the birthpl a ce of gods. In legends, we find the association between life and water, expressed in the motifs of the ‘Fountain of Youth’ and the ‘Water of Health’ — waters that are rejuven a ti n g and heal th- br i ngi n g and that give life back to the dead. 17 As we know, folk medici n e attri b u te d ferti li s i ng , reinv ig- o r a ti n g and purif y i ng qual iti e s to water in nature. The forces of water have been personif ied by a multitude of beings. In the ethnography of Southern Italy, there are the proneta , a femal e water spiri t inhabiti n g wells and streams , 18 and the sirena (siren) , which was imagin e d as a woma n with the tai l of a fish who st ored immense treasures of jewels and precious meta ls in her dwellin g in the depths of the sea. 19 The spri ng and the wel l are loca ti ons at whi ch the creati ve forces of the chthon i c realm and the fertil i ty of waters fuse. 20 The sea convey s a meaning of a creative force also beca use it is the source of fish; for commun i ti e s that depend for surviv al on fishin g, it thus is as impor- ta n t as the earth is for peasa n ts . 21 Vegeta tion springs from the earth, and the tree, with its roots deep in the earth and its crown reachi ng up towards heaven, is the most impressi ve manif esta ti on of vegetal growth found in nature. In the 148 Chapter 8 landsc a pe thick e ts form a dense vegeta l area that is compa ra ti ve l y inacces si b l e to human beings and th erefore suggesti ve of containing hidden natural forces. In European history, we find innumerable expressi o n s of an imagery of tree and forest containi ng a vital princi- p l e , often pers on i fi e d as variou s kinds of tree spirits, leaf -cla d mum- mers etcetera, 22 and trees are commonly used as symbols of fecundity and plenty, such as the Ita li a n albero della cuccagna, a grea s ed pole rais ed at certai n community celebr a ti o ns and used for pole-cl i m bi n g contests. At the top were hung hams , cheese and other attra ctive foodstuffs — prizes for those who managed to cli mb the pole. 23 Among the ancient Greeks and Roma ns, the grove and the forest were the abodes of the gods Pan, Faunus and Silvanu s ; in Sici ly were the sacred fores t s of Minerv a , Mars and Venu s. 24 In the tra di ti on of Chris tia n natu r e mysti c ism, elabo ra ted by Saint Franci s , natu r e untouched by man, with its vegeta ti on and wild anima l s, is concei ved of as permea ted with the presence of divinity. 25 The forest is wilder- ness and theref ore, together with barren, ina ccessi ble mounta i ns, a tra nquil environment in which conta ct with the Divi ne coul d be maximised, far from crowded and disturbing cities . 26 The fecundity of the earth also makes the crops of the cultivated fiel ds grow, and all over Europe we find beliefs and practices inspired by a conception of crops as contain i n g a vital princip l e , which sometimes is zoo- or anthropomorphised: the customs of the first and the last shea f , the Chri st mas goat made from straw, and so on. 27 Such symboli s m has also been documen te d in traditi o na l South- ern Italy. At the harvest in Siculian a (Sici l y) , the very last part of a grain field was cut in such a manner that the straws of corn were progressively cut off higher and higher from the ground, and only the tops of the last stra ws were cut off . 28 Hence the harvest proceeded as though the field contained a force or an entity which was ‘chased’ into the last straws of grai n and spared by the final and incompl e te cutti ng. In Rocca Pia (Abruzz o), when the harvest of grai n was brought home on a cart from the threshing grounds, a puppet, made of a pair of trous e r s and a jacke t fill ed with stra w and dress e d in shoes and a hat, was put on top of the sacks fill ed with gra i n. With grea t joy, the cart was brought into the vil la ge, where the puppet was carri ed into one of the homes. It was trea ted to pasta and wine and pla yf ul ly talked to as though it were a livi ng person. 29 A compa ra ble custom has been reported from the Gargano peni nsula in Puglia. When the grain harves t had been excellent, some peasants dressed a chil d to resembl e John the Baptist and pla ced him on the last cartl oad of grai n brou g ht home from the fiel ds . This was done to ensu re a Gra zi a and Creative Forces of Nature 149 good harvest the following year. 30 Both these usages suggest a per- soni fi ca ti on of the corn, crea ted by the peasa nts to serve as a being with whom they could interact. The fertile forces of nature and vegetation are especially sugges- ti ve in the spri ngti me, a time of vegeta l rebi rth. At this time of the year, parti cu la r ly in May, we find a conce n tr a ti o n of saints ’ feasts and pilgri mages. 31 In the pilgrimages to sanctuaries, when these took pla ce in the spring or the summer, flowers and green branches were often a prominent element. For instance, in pilgrima ges to the sanctuary on Monte Autore (the first Sunday after Pentecost and July 26), men wore paper hats decora ted with ar ti fi ci al flowers and women wore garl a nds of such flowers arou nd thei r necks . Some also carried a stick decorated with flowers, or broke off branches from trees which they carried with them. Such customs were followed on numerous similar occasi o n s in this area and elsewh e re in Southe r n Italy . 32 Obtaining Grazia at Sanctuaries The connection between saints, sanctu aries and the creative forces of nature came to clear expression in many pra cti ces performed to ob- ta i n grazie. If the sanctuary was loca ted in a cave, it was common to touch and care ss its wall s, as thou gh thes e were satura ted with blessed sub- st a n c e . Believe r s could also lay down on the earthen floor and roll on it or rub themse l v e s again s t it. 33 In a pi lgri ma g e to the hermi ta g e of San Venafro in Abruzzo, devotees co llecte d earth, stones and plaster from the walls of the shrine and ru bbed these onto their bodies . Some pilgri ms brought home stones, herbs and water from the site to be kept as protection. 34 If water oozed from the roof and walls of a cave, it was often consi d e re d holy. For insta n ce, in a cave near the villa ge of San Vittorin o in Abruzz o in the mont h of April, one of the walls is often covered with drops of water. The faithful beli eved tha t this liqui d , which they used to cure certa i n ailme n ts, was miracul o us manna exuded by the rel i cs of two sai nts, both named San Vittorino, who were buried there. 35 Likewi se, if the sanctua r y was loca ted by a sprin g or a well, this water was usua ll y consi d e re d to be miracu l ou s. It coul d be attri buted the power to heal illne s s, promo te fertil i ty, to increa s e lactati o n , keep evil force s at bay and reinvi g o ra te the soul and body. The belie v e r s drank from it, appli ed it to their bodies and often brought it home to be kept as a protective cha rm. 36 Simila r beliefs concerned water from spring s at which no sanctu ary was loca ted but tha t were neverthel e ss connected with a saint through 150 Chapter 8 their names or legen ds and that, accor d i n g to local tradi ti o n s , were pla ces for popular worship and tha u ma turgi c procedures. 37 At many sanctuaries, incubation was practi sed: the night was spent on the bare earth by the shri ne or on the floor inside. This prac- ti c e , which was wides prea d in anti qu i ty as a means of esta bl is h i ng rapport with chthonic deities,3 8 has b een recorded in virtually all parts of Southern Ita l y. Incuba ti on was clea rl y not only a practi ca l matter of getti n g rest after a long and ardu ous trek to a remote site where lodgi ng s were una vai la bl e or limi ted . It was cons i der e d by devotee s to be a part of the cult of the saint, pra cti sed in the hope of recei ving grazie as well as to receiv e revel a tio n s in dreams. We are inform e d , for insta nce, tha t incuba ti on was pra cti sed in Abruzzo to promote the appea ra n c e of the saint in drea ms , to get assurances of a good har- vest, heal illness and receive other forms of assista n c e ; childl e s s cou- pl es had intercourse duri ng the night in some sanctua ri e s, in the bel i ef tha t a concepti on woul d mira culously take pla ce. 39 In Taranto (Pugli a) , the fai thful spent the night in the urba n church of the saints Cosma and Damia n o on their feas t day, and mira cu l ou s recover i e s were said to have taken place during sleep. 40 In Cala bri a at the feas t of the Madonna di Pettoruto nea r San Sosti and at the feas t of the Madonna in Franca vil la Mari tti ma , the fai thful used to sleep in the sanctua ri es in the convi cti on tha t ailments were thereby healed and tha t the heal thy were helped in thei r needs. 41 The pra ctice of incuba tion fuses sever a l signif i ca nc e s . First, to sleep outdoors or on the hard floor of a sanctuary is an act of peni- tence, equi valent to fasti ng, fla gell a ti on and other forms of sel f- morti - f i ca t i o n . Second , as in numero u s other practi c es , descri b e d above, that aimed at obta i ni n g grazia through physi ca l conta ct with stones and earth, there is a noti on tha t the direct conta ct between body and earth duri ng sleep had as an effect an absorpti on into the body of vita lisi ng forces from earth. 42 Third, the emphasis on sleeping and dreami ng — sta tes in which revela ti ons were recei ved and heal ing took pla ce — can be construed as another expressi on of the mome ntary creation of a different kind of existence duri ng pilgrima ges and at the feasts of saints . The recolle c ti o n of drea ms allows an understa n di n g of dreami ng as a state when the self is present in a transcendental and limitl e s s realm. Events that have alread y occu rr ed might be re- experienced, often in alternative versions, and the dreamer can live through episodes in the future. Even ts may be unrealisti c, but experi- e n c e d with the appear a n ce of reality . In Southe r n Italy, the dead and saints are often said to have been encountered in dreams. 43 Hence drea ms appea r to consti tu te alterna tive modes of life where the Gra zi a and Creative Forces of Nature 151 physical constraints of the mundan e world do not necessarily apply. In sleep, the believer can dream that he meets the saints and receives thei r grazie — and this appea r s so real that when he awake s he thinks tha t grazia has been granted. In pilgri m a ges to saints ’ shrin e s, many walke d at least a part of the way to the sanctua r y barefoot, as a customa r y display of humi li ty and devoti on. Devotees also often walk ed barefoot, or with their feet dressed only in white stockings, in the processions arra nged on the feast days of patron saints in ur ban settings. This practice can be understood to be inspi red, at least to some extent, by a noti on tha t chthonic forces—cum— grazia may be let into the body by mea ns of physi ca l conta ct with the earth. The theme of the bare sol e of the foot touchi ng earth and all owing entry into the body of chthoni c forces is ancient. It can be found in numerous myths and beliefs, such as in those connecting to ‘mono-sandalism’ (having one foot bare and the other dressed ) , in the legend of Anta eus (the Greek gia nt who was invinc i bl e as long as he stood on the earth) and in practi c e s such as walki n g baref o o t at holy places an d running barefoot on dewy grass in reinvigorating springtime ceremonies. 44 We may note tha t, in medi eval times, witches were thought to dra w thei r powers from earth; thus a witch, when captured and taken into custody, shoul d be lifted clea r from the ground so tha t she was depri ved of force. 45 In this case, the chthoni c forces were ‘dia bol i se d ’ ; in the Roma n Catholi c dichotomy between the realm of God in Heaven and the subterra nean real m of the Devi l , they were connected with the latter. Hence, incu ba ti o n and walking barefo ot are practi c es in which we again find a self- sa c r if i ce in which a perso n morti f i es the own flesh to prepare the body for an inta ke of su perior vital force from an external source. A para llel can be discerned with the likewi se ancient practice of annual and seasonal blood- l etti ng. Unwa nted humours were eva cua ted from the body, often at times of the yea r when ‘pure’ vita l force from natu ra l sourc es (such as dew or water from rivers, lakes and the sea) was appro pria te d throu g h abluti o ns and other practi c e s in order to reinvi gora te the body. Merging of Divine and Natural Forces The conclusion that follows from the material presented above is that the grazia of saints and the produ cti ve forces of nature merge. It can be argue d that the fusi o n is based on a quali ta ti ve simi la r i ty betwe e n the two. The grazia of saints , conc ei ve d of as an asexu al and pure vita l 152 Chapter 8 force, exists in an inexhaus ti b l e amount and is idea lly receiv ed freely . The forces of nature, in their positi ve and crea ti ve aspects, also are external to man and soci ety and are received freely. Man need not give anythi ng in excha nge for the water of the spri ng, for the chthoni c energies or for the fertile power of the earth. He only has to collect or harness them. The forces appear as elemental, asexual, pure, immense and inexha ustible, albeit at the same time as they are inherently unre- l ia b l e , just as the granti ng of grazie by the saints. One may thus say tha t the saints of the countrysi de sanctua r i es — just as the deities of paga n cults which they succeeded, often in unbroken succession at the old sites of worship 46 — personify the productive forces of nature. Each cave, spring, tree and grove is a unique source of natu ral force; when merged with the grazia of a saint, the saint also needs to be unique: hence the multitude of Madonnas populating the South Ita lian countryside. The legends of origi ns of images and relic s tell us that the creati v e natu r al force s were also associa ted with the saints venera ted in communi ty church e s. While the loca ti on of sanctua r ies is a spatial mergin g of the sai nt with the producti ve forces of natu re, the legends are a mytho- l o g i cal merging . It was concl u ded in the previ ous chapter tha t saints personi fy divine power and bles sing; they mediate between God and man by expres si n g in a bodily idiom the limitles s grazie of the Divine. Now we have found another aspect of th eir mediation: divine force merges with the producti ve forces of na ture, and a saint personif i es these merged forces . Hence, the saint translates both abstra ct divi ne power and natura l forces into huma n vita li ty. The association between the Virgin Mary and the productive and fertile forces of earth and nature is more accentua ted tha n in the case of any other saint. The reason for this is to be found in the noti on of her motherh o o d . In Roman Catholi c thou ght, this noti on is centra l in the devoti on to the Virgi n Mary. She is venera ted beca use she is the mother of Christ, the inca rnated God. Motherhood as a powerf ul and primordial symbol for fertile creation , nurtu r i ng and altrui s tic love is throu g h her incor po r a te d in a de-se xu al is e d form as a positi ve quality in the Roman Cathol i c religi o n . In the popular cults of the Virgi n Mary, the noti on of her motherhood fuses with an archaic conception of the earth as a mothe r and the recog n iti o n of springti me as a seaso n duri ng whi ch the earth gives birth to vegeta ti on. The simi la ri ty between popula r cults of the Virgin Mary and the paga n worship of earth goddesses repres enti ng the fertility of the soil has been com- mented upon extensivel y. 47 Gra zi a and Creative Forces of Nature 153 A suggestive example of the continui ty of pagan cults with the cult of the Virgi n Mary is found at Enna , a town loca ted in a part of Sici ly with a parti cu la r ly producti ve wh eat agricu l tu r e. Durin g the Helle- n i s ti c period, the mounta i n on which the town is built was a princi pa l seat of worshi p of Demeter — the Greek goddess of crops, especially of wheat — and in Roman times of Ceres, the goddess protecting agri c ul tu ra l ferti l i ty as well as the fecu n d i ty of animal s and men. Unti l the Chri stia niza ti on of interi or Sici l y in the eleventh century, a temple dedica ted to Ceres and her daughter Prosperpina was an object of pilgri m a ge s . At the place of this temple, incorpo r a ti n g one of its old pilla rs , was built a churc h dedi cated to the Madonna . Here, up to the mid- ni neteenth cent ury, old images of Ceres and Prosperpi na were taken as representa tions of the Virgi n Mary and Chri st, despi te Prosperpi na being femal e. At the turn of the century, the devotion centred upon a proper image of the Virgin Mary, which was offered gifts of large sheave s of grain an d bunches of wild flowers on her feast day. 48 However, in rela ti on to man, the forces of nature are not only posi ti ve and producti ve; they have a destructi ve aspect as well . The fertility of the soil may sometimes appear to be withheld, unfavour- a bl e weath e r may destroy crops and the earth itself can harm man through landslides and earthquakes. Nature appears as uncontrolla- b l e and unpredic t a bl e — it offers bl essing s but can also inflict horrible suff e ri n g . This dual aspect of natu r e could be related in tradi ti on a l Southern Italy to the superna tura l doma i n in two ways. First, the saints and God were connected with both the crea ti ve and the destructive aspect. Their blessings merged with the creative power, while natura l disa sters was unders tood to be their punishment for sins commi tted. Second, whi l e the crea ti ve power of nature was asso- ci a ted with the saints and God, th e destructive power was linked to their contras ti n g evil and devili s h beings. The most evident examples of this latter association are idea s con- ne c ti n g to strong winds, whirlwi n d s and hail storms. These potent natura l phenomen a are hardly ever of any adva ntag e in agri cul tu r e ; to the contra ry, they threa ten the peasa nt’s home and crops with destruction. They were, as we know from Cha pter 5, identif ied with evil forces , typic al l y with witche s and mali gn spiri ts of the dead. We also find examples of how natural phenomena of a more positive character could be associ ated with evil forces. The spirits of the dead were held to inhabit wells, spring s and strea ms, espec i al ly at night, and all over Southe r n Italy can be found vari ous precau ti o n s and many legends tha t spea k of the dangers thought to threa ten when 154 Chapter 8 approaching these places during the night. 49 Caves 50 and trees 51 were also someti me s held to be the dwel li ng pla ce of the spiri ts of huma n being s , as were woods and thicke ts . 52 As a rule, it was thought tha t encounters with the spirits of the dead at these places were danger- ous and brought harm. Thus the evil spiriti of the dea d were concei v e d to dwell in severa l of the natu ra l loci which were also associa ted with the sai nts. In ci rcumstances related to danger and death — such as in darknes s , at night, when a death had occu r r ed in the vicini ty, in the presence of cert ain species of trees with sini ster connota ti ons (see bel ow, Cha pter 10) — the natura l forces impli cated by the locatio n s inspir e d associa ti o n s not with fertil i ty and crea ti v e energies but rather with the destru ctive power of death. The Passion of Christ Norma n Dougl as (195 5: 258) sums up the three mai n facets of the South Italian devotion to Christ: ‘… the adul t Jesu s — the teac he r , the God — is prac ti c a l l y unk no w n. He is to o remo te fro m the mse l ve s and the ordi na r y ac ti v i ti e s of thei r dai l y liv e s ; he is not marri e d , like his mothe r ; he has no trade , like his fathe r (Mar k call s him a carp e nte r ); mor e o v e r , the max i m s of th e Sermo n on the Mount are so repu g - na nt to the Sout h Ita l i a n as to be almo st inco mp r e he nsi b l e … Thr e e tangi b l y - hu ma n a spe ct s o f Chr i st’ s life fig ur e her e : the bambino-cult … next , the yout hf ul Jesu s , belo v e d of loca l fema l e my st i c s ; and lastl y the Cruc i f i e d … ’ As when saints are given a childi s h appeara n c e or otherw i s e asso- ciated with childhood, the image of Christ as a child evokes notions of an innocent and asexual human bein g fill e d with pure life force in an uncons umed and pristine form. In the Roman Catholic Church, a certai n cult of Christ as a child has develo p e d , the cult of Gesù Bambino. In Southern Italy, the image of Christ as a child was par- ticularl y brou ght forth at Christma s, when images of baby Chri sts were displayed in churches and homes. Concerning the second aspect of Christ that Douglas mentions, the youthf ul Jesus, littl e is written in South Italian ethnography. The affec ti o n for the young Chris t am ong devou t fema l e Catholics is, however, well known from history and has been found to include a sensual and erotic imager y in which sentim e n ts of sufferi n g and love are central . 53 What will primaril y concern us here is the crucifi e d Christ, which is the most importa nt aspect of Chri st in the Roma n Cathol i c Church as well as in South Italia n popular devoti o n . According to Christia n Gra zi a and Creative Forces of Nature 155 thought, Christ through his self- sa cri fice took upon himself the sins of mankind, redeemed the world and offered man a path to salvation. The cross is the emblem of Christ ian faith and a central feature of most Catholic church es . On the interi o r walls of all Cathol i c church e s can be found fourteen crosses, us ual l y accom p a n i ed by plaque s or painti ngs, depi cti ng the fourteen sta t ions of the cross, that is, scenes from the Passion of Chri st. Believer s are advise d to pray and contem- plate Chri st’s sufferi ngs in front of these. In the sacrament of Com- munion, believers parta k e in the bless i ng of the inca r na te d God in his act of self- sa cr i fi c e . Easte r, when th e death and resurrection of Chri st are celebrated, is the most important event of the liturgical year. In the towns and villages of Southern Italy, Easter was celebrated with great solemnity and devotion. The preli mi na r ies to Easte r are Carniva l and Lent. In South e rn Ita l y, Carni va l was often consi dered to begi n on the day of Sant’A n to n i o (Janua r y 17), but it was most intens e ly celeb ra te d dur- in g the three days prior to Lent. As in other parts of Roman Cathol i c Europe, Carni val was chara c ter iz e d by abstai n i ng from work in favour of feasti n g, indulg e n c e in food and drink, and by public prank s and masq ue ra d es typi c al ly perf o r med in a chaoti c , licen tiou s and orgi astic manner. The festivities were purely secular and nearly all of the carni v al figures — such as Pulcinel la, Harlequin, the Giant, Dea th, the Turk, the Carabiniere, the Wild Man, the Hunchback, the Begga r, the Danci ng Bear, the Gypsy, the Doctor, the Magi ci a n — have nothi ng to do with Chri stia n religi o n ; several are clea rl y conti- n u i ti es of pagan mytho l og i ca l figu r e s. 54 The end of Carnival was typica lly marked by the destructio n of a puppet personifying Carni- val, often called Carnevale . This event could be elaborated so as to include a mock tri al aga i nst the puppet, followed by its ‘execution’, or a feigne d funeral proces si o n in which the ‘corps e ’ was carrie d out from the village and destroyed. 55 The first day in Lent is Ash Wedne sda y. On this day, the churches were fill ed with believe rs , many of whom had joyfully indulg ed in the pleasure s of Carnival until midnight the previous day. Mass was celebra te d in an atmosph er e of penitence and sorrow , and the priest marked the forehea d of each person with ash while he declare d : Memento homo, quia pulvis es et in pulverem reverteris (Remember man, dust thou art, and unto dust shal t thou return) . 56 For the Roma n Cathol ic Church, Lent is a sacred peri od in which all believers shall sa nctify themselves (‘ santificarsi’) by means of more frequent prayers, works of charity, peni tence and self- morti fi ca tion, and by fasting all days except Sunda y s. The kind of fast to be 156 Chapter 8 observed is the diguno ecclesiastico, which is not a tota l fast but mod- eration in the consumption of food. 57 The observance of fasting is inspi red, accordi ng to the Church, by ‘morti f i ca ti on and peni tence as a preve n ti ve measu r e again s t sin or as a means of compe n s a ti o n for sins alrea dy commi tte d ’ and can be practi s e d as an act of virtu e so as to ‘restrain the desires of the fles h, render the mind more fit for con- templ a ti on ... [and] impetra te, together with the pra yer, spi ri tua l and secula r benefit s . . . ’ 58 By observi n g the fast, it is not only the indivi d ual who mortifi es himse lf , but, still accor di n g to the Church , it is the Church itself ‘that spiritua li s e s itself, that purifies itself’. 59 In sum, fasting is understood as a rejection of the carnal and impure dimen- s i o n of man so that the spiri tua l dimen s i o n can be culti v a te d and cleans e d . Further m o r e , the abstin ence from consuming meat, which was comma nd e d for all Frida ys, should also be observe d on Satu r- days during Lent. This can be understood as stressing the rejection of carna li ty duri n g this time: consu mi ng meat sugges ts an additi o n to the carnal component of man. 60 Althou g h certai nly not all South Italians adhered sternly to these orders, many did so, and the period as a whol e was chara c ter i zed among the laity by an empha s is on spiritual matter s while mundan e plea sur e s were frowned upon. During Easter Week, everyday life was increasingly replaced by a devotional mode of life focused on the Passion of Christ. Ideally, no work was to be done; feasting and card-games were banned. Some persons fasted more rigorously, consuming only water and bread, or abstained tota lly from food on Maundy Thursday and Good Friday. 61 It is obliga to ry for Roman Catho l i cs to visit the church for a confes - s i o n and for recei vi ng the Commu n i o n at least once a year, usua lly at Easter (the ‘Ea ster duty’). In some co mmuni ti es, masked penitents walked the streets in procession, thereby expressing their repentance and devotion to Christ. 62 Christ could be mourned by observing some of the pra cti ces tha t were otherwi s e customa ry when mourni ng a deceas e d famil y member. In Bova ll ino (Cala bri a), for insta n c e, the home was not cleaned during Ea ster Week, persons did not wash themselves and the wome n did not do their hair. 63 Another mourning custom was to cover the mirrors of the home; this coul d also be done during Easter Week. 64 When Dougla s in the text cited above says tha t the maxi ms of the Sermon on the Mount are ‘repugna nt’ and ‘almost incomprehensible’ to the South Ita l ia n, he descri bes a moral atti tude tha t is a coroll ary of negati v e recipro c i ty , and which in some communi ties appea rs to have been rather pervasive in everyday life. However, at Lent and Easter, as well as on certain other occa sions (such as on pilgri mages) , a Gra zi a and Creative Forces of Nature 157 religi ou s mode of living was tempo r ari l y crea ted , ideal l y chara cter - i z ed by Chri sti a n love and altrui s m. The devotional mode of life duri ng Lent entailed that enmities should be forgotten or peacefu l l y settl e d . This peacem ak i ng was intensified during Easter Week. The firs t day of Easter week is Palm Sunda y, commemora ti ng the entry of Jesus into Jerusa l em. On this day, every church was adorned with branches of palm and olive trees, understood to signif y pea c e and friendship. Among the laity twigs from olive trees or palm leaf s were offered as gifts of amity and fellowshi p to relatives , friends and neighbou r s , and such gifts could also be made to those with whom one was in a state of enmity as an invi ta ti on to reconci lia ti on. 65 Other days of the Holy Week could also be customar y occasi o n s for settlin g peace. In Lancia no (Abruzz o) , for instance, the church bell s were sounded on Maundy Thursday as a call for reconc i li a ti o n and all, especi al l y those who had been open enemies during the year, were supposed to embrace and kiss each other as a sign of peace, Christ ian brotherhood and mutual forgive- n e s s . 66 In Sici ly , Easter Sunday was a day on which peace between antagoni stic persons and families should be settled; in some commu- nities this was done publicly with embraces and kisses in the town square. 67 The most important days of the Holy Week are Maundy Thurs- d a y, Good Friday and Holy Satu rda y , the triduo sacro. 68 A f t e r Gloria was sung at Mass on Thurs da y, the Church went into mourning. Until the resurrection, celebrated on Saturday at noon, Christ was spoken of as dea d, the decora ti ons were removed from the alta rs, the holy water founts were emptie d , all lamps and candles (excep t those by the sepulchre) were extinguished and the church-bells were not tolled . A consec r a ted Host was solemnl y deposi ted in a cibori u m and placed on an alta r which, togethe r with its decora ti o n s , was com- monly called the sepolcro (sepulchre). According to the Church, the sepolcro is inten d e d to glori f y the insti tuti o n of the Eucha ri s t, but the laity understo o d it as represen t i n g , or rather being , the grave of Christ. In South Italian churches, the sepolcro included some sort of repre- se n t a t i o n of scenes from Christ’s Passion. 69 Typical ly , a Crucif i x con- st i t u t e d a centrep i e c e , and a mult itude of fresh flowers and burning candles were part of the scenery. In many parts of Southern Italy, peopl e brought with the m to church pla tes with whol e gra in or legumes, which had been left for some weeks to germinate in the dark so tha t the sprouts had grown long, thin and pale, and put them by the sepolcro. Sometime s the seeds had been germinate d in a wooden 158 Chapter 8 box in the shape of a cross, thus further stressing the connection between the sprouting seeds and Chri st. The sepolcro received great attenti o n among the laity. In larger citi es , many people dressed in dark clothes of mourning visited one church after the other admiring the splendour of thei r sepolcri and kissing the images of the crucif i e d Christ. These visits assu med the form of condolence calls, similar to those made in the case of an ordi na ry dea th. 70 In many communi ti es the Passion and death of Christ were pub- l i cl y enacted on Good Frida y. 71 A processi o n was formed in which pictu r e s or huge three- dim e n s i o na l images of the Stati o n s of the Cross were carried or in which scenes from the Passion were represented by living persons. The participation of children — representi ng monks (henc e dressed in a habi t and with shave n heads) , apostl es , saints , angel s , the thirty- three years of Chri st’s life etcetera — in these cele- bra ti o n s was a common featu r e . 72 The procession had the character of a mortua r y proc e s s i o n, someti me s accompa n i e d by a band playi ng funeral hymns , in which an often life- si z e and extrem e l y reali s ti c effigy of the dead and blood-stained Christ was carried on a bier through the pri nci pa l streets of the town. In many communiti es, virtual ly all inhabi ta n ts joined the proces s i o n, dresse d in mournin g . Many walked barefo o t as an act of penite n c e and many wept from emotion; in some communities, mask ed penitents participated. At the outskirts of many towns, a Calva ry with a via crucis (the Way of the Cross) was perman e n tl y constr u c ted on a hill and, in these commun i - ties, the procession visited the Calvary. In numerous communi ti es in Cala bri a, Pugl ia and Sicily, devout men publicl y practis ed stri ct self-m ortification on Maundy Thursda y or Good Friday as penitence for sins committed. This was often dis- avowed or prohibited by the clergy, but the practi ce nevertheless survi ved owing to the persi s tence of the devotees. In a Calabrian villa g e, for insta n c e , a grou p of men (the battenti, the ‘beaters’) rushed up and down the streets dressed only in a loincl oth, hitting them- selves on their sides, legs and arms, and cutting themselves with pieces of glass, or with bloodletting instruments borrowed from the barber, until they beca me ‘as red as shrimps’ with blood. Another group of men (the inchiovati, the ‘nail ed ’ ) walke d in a silen t proce s - sion, dressed in long, white shrouds, with their arms stretched out and bound to a long cross-piece of wood which they carried on their shoulde r s, seemin g ly nailed to a cros s. A procession of a third grou p of men (the intanagliati, the ‘impinced’) followed them. These men had attached heavy pincers to the skin of their arms and walked in a cadenced manner so that the tossing of the pincers aggravated their Gra zi a and Creative Forces of Nature 159 sufferings. 73 In Magl ie (Pugli a) , simila r sc enes could be seen on Good Friday. Young men wearing crowns of thorn on their heads lashed themsel ves on the shoul ders with knotted ropes. They were fol l owed by a procession of ‘repentant si nners’, who carried huge stones, extremely heavy crosses or iron scourges with which they, at least in older times, lashed themsel ves unti l they were bloody. After them foll ow e d in proces si o n boys dresse d as angels, carryi ng replica s of the implements supposed to have been used in the crucifixion, and girls singing religiou s hymns. Lastly, a bier was carried with an effigy of the dead Chris t, accompa n i ed by a statu e of the Madon n a sur- rounded by a crowd of women dressed in mourni ng. 74 Hence, while the men tended to imitate the suffering Christ, the women tended to associa te themsel ves with the gri evi ng Madonna . 75 On Easter Eve the services in church began in the morning when a priest lighted and cons ecrated the ‘new fire’ outside its entrance. The fire was brought insi de the church and used to light the candl es and lamps, which had been extinguish e d since Maundy Thursday . The ‘new water’ was blessed, and the hol y water fonts and the bapti smal font were filled. A mass was celebr a te d and, when the Gloria was sung at noon, the church bells were tolled to announce the resurrec- ti on of Chri st. In some area s, it was the custom not to re-l i g ht the hearth in the earl y morning with glowing embers remaini n g from the eveni n g befor e , as was usual l y done, but to light it later in the day using the blessed ‘new fire’ that had been received at the church. 76 Many also brought home the blessed ‘new water’. They drank from it, used it when cooking Easter dinner, sprinkled the house with it or conserved it as a sacred fluid to be used to keep evil forces at bay. Someti mes the pri est went out on a tour of the pari sh and blessed the homes with the ‘new water’. 77 The laity conceived of the moment when the church bells an- nounced the resurrection of Christ as sacred and charged with benevolent and regenerative powers. 78 Peopl e fell on their knees , kissed the ground and prayed, wherever they might be. Women combe d their hair in the belief that it would grow long and beau ti f ul. Some roll ed on the ground or in the mea dows to cure ail ments of the stomac h , and small childre n could be rolled in their beds by their mothers for the same reason. Others found a cure agains t ailme nts of the skin by bathi ng in the sea. Infa nts were encouraged to take thei r first steps so that they woul d lea rn to walk sooner or thei r mothers whi rl ed about with them in a merry dance so tha t they would grow strong and hea l thy. Pea sants hurri ed to sow vegetabl es so tha t they would receive a plentifu l harvest. Some held hens in their arms, 160 Chapter 8 believ i ng that the fowls would lay plenty of eggs, while others threw earth onto frui t trees so tha t they woul d bea r much frui t. Objects relating to Christ’s resurrection were considered to be endowed with a fertil e force. In Sala p a ru ta (Sicil y) , the dust swept from the church the first time after the resurrecti on wa s spread over the fields to make them fertile. 79 In Manda ra d oni di Briati c o (Cal a bri a) , the sprou ts from the sepolcro were dug down, together with olive twigs blessed on Palm Sunday, in the earth of the grain fiel ds and the vineya rds to obta i n a good harvest. 80 The notion of renewal at the moment of Christ’s resu rrection was also expressed by the practi ce of throwing out of the windows of the home old and usel ess domesti c objects . 81 When the fast had been broken, the typical Easter foods were eaten. Lamb was a tradi tiona l dish, and thi s rela tes to the close asso- c i a ti o n betwee n this animal and Chri st. In the Holy Scriptu r e , Christ is compar e d with a sacrif icia l lamb 82 and, in the imagery of the Church , he is common l y likene d with a lamb; for instan ce, in the prayers of the Mass he is referred to as the ‘Lamb of God’. In some local celebra tion s of Easter in Southe r n Italy, we find what appear s to be practices derived from this association. For instance, in the Good Friday procession in Si derno (Calabria), the most devout believer s, after havi ng cut the throa t of a white lamb, dragged its body, trickl i ng with blood, along the streets of the town. 83 Eggs were anothe r tradi ti on a l Easte r dish and were often incl u de d in Easter brea ds. 84 A whole, boiled and shelled egg (or more) was inserted into the dough so that it was more or less enclosed by the baked brea d. Such brea ds, which were usually sweetened, could be of variou s shape s — a heart, a rooster , a huma n body, a pries t, a fish or a pigeon. The breads, customa r y gi f ts to chi l dren and between the betrothed, were eaten by many ‘out of devotion’ (‘ di devozione’) and believ e d to bring phys ica l and spiritua l blessi n gs . In many communities the reunion between the resurrected Christ and the Virgin Mary was enacted in joyful public ceremo n i e s on Easter Sunday . An image of Christ and one of the Blessed Virgin were carried through the streets in separa te processions which then joined, and the two ima ges were made to meet. 85 On Easter Sunday or Mon- day, it was the custom in many areas to enjoy merry picnics in the countrys ide, often at a sanctuary, and there feast on the Easter dishes. The atmosphere was one of happiness and plea sure — the long time of Lent had fina lly passed, the fast was over and the countryside could be enjoyed when the vegetati on was at the height of its fresh, green period. 86 As a Sici li a n prover b quoted at this time of the yea r states: 87 Gra zi a and Creative Forces of Nature 161 Predichi e battuti Ddoppu Pasqua su’ finuti. (‘Sermons and flagellations After Easter they are over’.) The Church celebrates the time betwe en Easter and Pentecost as a great, joyful feast. These were the principal events of Carnival, Lent and Easter. From their sequence emerges a pattern fami liar to us from the penitences and sacrif i c es of the cult of saints . Man is construed as having a dual nature: carnal and spiritual. The carnal and mundane component is renou nced and, when this has been accompli s hed, blessi ng s are recei v e d — blessi n gs that are gratu i tous l y given in limitl e s s amoun ts and associ a ted with both the vita l force of the bodi l y rea l m and with the producti ve forces of nature. In the cult of saints, this sequence invol v e s those who are devoted to a particu la r saint; in the case of Christ’s Passion, the sequence en compasses the cosmos, involving all Christia ns. 88 Let us discuss this in more deta i l. The Carnival celebrat i o ns stresses man’s carnal element. The pre- cise forms that this emphasis could take have certainl y numerous other dimensi o n s , since the local celebra ti o n s of Carnival s are often occasi ons for making ritual statemen ts about fea tures of the soci al setting, such as soci al stratifi ca t i o n and age group and gender rela- ti ons, but this wil l not be discus sed here. During Carnival, people indul g e in world ly pleas ur e s , they often masqu e ra de as anima ls and beha ve ‘as ani mal s’, the Chri stia n religion is often ridicu led and nega ted by displa ys of blata nt pa gan imagery; the God-given social hierarchy is inverted and the ruling elite is mocked. Ceremoni al enactme n ts of confli c ts and acts of aggre s s i o n are common . All this is done in a chaotic and exaggerated manner. This mode of beha viou r is abruptly ended and replaced by its opposite when Lent begins. The impers o na ti on of carnevale is put to death and the ‘corpse’ dispos ed off, and from Ash Wedne sda y until Ea ster there is an emphasis on the spiritual and a rejecti o n of the carnal . The carnal body is compar e d to ashes , worl dly plea su res shou l d be avoi ded, the flesh shoul d be mor- ti f i ed, enmi ties shoul d be put to an end and be replaced by peace and Christian brotherhood, and everyone shoul d devote himself to the spir i tual . Hence a bifur ca tion of man in a carna l and a spiri tu al side is efficientl y reified by the sharp contrast between the modes of conduct of Carnival and Lent. The rejecti o n of carnali ty reache s its climax on Maundy Thursday and Good Friday. During these days , everyda y life was replace d by a 162 Chapter 8 mode of life deeply concer n e d with the spiritu al and permeate d with notions of dying and death. The renouncement of the carnal body becomes intense, often invol vi ng total fasts and extremel y viol ent and bloody attack s on the own body. The Passi o n of Chris t is not only commemorated by the ce remonies in church and on the streets of villa g es and towns , it is actu a ll y re-li ve d . The events of the Passi o n are spoken of in the present tense — ‘Christ is now dead’, ‘Christ is now resurrected’, and so on. The emotional involvement is very intense. With the resurrecti on of Chri st, the sta te of the ultima te nega ti on of the carnal body — corporal death — is suddenl y ended and heav- e n l y grazia permeates the world in a cosmic regeneration. All who have renounced the mundane and the carnal during Lent, all who during the Holy Week have identified themselves with the suffering and dying Christ or with the grieving Madonna will be regenerated, as is Christ, into the newness of life and joy. People appropriate the heavenly grazia that permea tes the worl d by immedia te conta ct with the earth and vegeta ti on as they rol l on the grou nd or in the gra ss . They have picnics on the country s i d e, which at this time of the yea r abounds with fresh, green vegeta ti on. Often the picn i c s are held at sanctu a ri e s , loca te d at natural featur e s such as springs and caves, which are associ ated through local religi ous prac- ti c e s with recei v i n g heavenl y - cu m - na tura l ferti li ty . Peopl e eat Easte r eggs and ‘blessed’ Easter breads. Th e egg is a symbo l of fertil i ty and the regenera ti on of life 89 and, since bread was identified with Christ, the breads baked with eggs suggest the resurrected Christ. Easter lamb, an embl em of Chri s t, is also eaten. We learn tha t the butchers in a Calabrian village prepared themselves so that they were ready when the church-bel ls announced Chri st’s resurrection to deca pitate all the lambs tha t were to be eaten. All the bloody hea ds were thrown to the crow d tha t had gathered for the occa si on. 90 This custom drama ti ze s a shift from an identif i ca ti on with Chris t duri ng his Pas- sion, to an alienation from him at the end of Easter, when ordina ry life is to be resu med. As externa l to those who celebrate Easter, Chri st can be consumed in the form of a sacrificial lamb. 91 In the Mass celebrated in church, they consume the Eucharist, which is the blood and flesh of the resurrected Christ, conveying his grace to the congrega tion. More genera lly, all kinds of foods were enjoyed in abunda nce after this peri od of partia l or tota l fasti ng. The sacri fi c ial aband o n m ent of inter n al and infer i or vita li ty for externa l and superi or vitali ty is made to coi nci de in the seq u ence of Carni va l, Lent and Easte r with a natu ral regener a ti on of new life out Gra zi a and Creative Forces of Nature 163 of decay and death ; meani n g s are trans po s e d between the litur gic a l and the natura l calenda rs. 92 The scarci ty of food among the peasan ts in the early spri ng coinci des with the Lenten fast, so tha t unwa nted state s of scarc i ty and hunge r can be recon s tru e d as pious acts of penitence that promise blessings to come. 93 The resurrection of Christ corresponds to the bursting forth of vegeta ti on in spri ng, and the two events are associated not only by contempora neity but also by the green leave s aboun di n g in the celeb r a tion of Palm Sunday and by the germina t i n g seeds at the sepolcro . The heavenly grazia bestowed to manki nd by Chri st’s sel f-sa cri fi ce blends with the seemingl y freely flowi n g natu ra l fecundi ty that at this time makes the lands ca p e green and flou rishing, makes the first crops ripen and promises that the peasa n t’s pantr i e s will soon be filled with provisions. Both nature in the spri ng and the Passi on of Chri st foll ow a sequen c e accord i n g to which misery , suff eri n g and death will be foll owe d by new life; to be renewed , one must die. The Passi on of Chris t is a scena ri o that demon s tr a te s , in the bodil y domai n, that the aband o n me nt of carna li ty will lead to newne s s of life. As argu e d , this merging of springtime vegetal regenera ti on with the givi ng of divi ne grazia is also prese n t in the cult of saints , but not as perva si v e l y, in tha t the pilgrima ges to countrysi de sanctua ries were most common in the month of May. Hence we have encounte re d still another dimens i o n of sacrifi c e . In the cults of saints, the recepti on of externa l superi or vita li ty as a con- se qu e n c e of abando n i n g inter n a l inferi or vita l i ty could be rati on a lis e d as a divi n e premi u m. Anal y ti ca ll y , force s of attra c tio n , located in a physi ca l and a socia l dimen s i o n , are at work: that which suff e rs scar- ci ty exercises a power of attra cti on towa rds tha t whi ch has plenty. Now, we have found noti o n s that are model l e d after a natura l sequence found in the annual dea th and regenera tion of vegeta ti on. Like nature and vegeta tion, huma n beings can be renewed from decay and death to newness of life. This sequence, however, does not concer n vita l force so much as life in a more abstra ct sens e. In princi - pl e, it is not through aba ndoni ng interna l vita li ty in one and the same life tha t externa l vital i ty might be gained. Rather, it is dea th tha t will be followed by rebirth and a new life. Therefore the acts of penitence are intensi fi ed to culminate in symboli c death. In the practi c es of Easter perf ormed after the resurrecti on, the noti on of a regenera tion of life from death is fused with a notion of gaining new vigour through the appropri a ti on of externa l vitality. There is a sense rebirth, but there is also an appropri a ti on of a vita l i ty externa l to the sel f from the abunda nce of regenerated life in nature and in the body of Christ. 164 Chapter 8 The Eucharist The body of Christ is of great importance in ideas and practices of receiving his blessing s . As we know, relics of his blood were vener- ated, his pierced Sacred Heart was adored and the scars on his body were touched with venera ti on at Easter. However, the most impor - ta n t way for believers to receive blessi ng s and grazia from the body of Chri st was through the Eucha r ist. In the Roma n Cathol i c Mass, the Eucha r isti c sacri f ice is a con- den s e d repres e n ta ti o n of Christ’ s incarn a ti o n , crucif i xi o n and the redemption of sin through his death. The Eucharist is, for the Church ‘…the summa ry of the faith, the ce ntre of gravitation of Christian piety, the pola r sta r which ori ents all the acti vi ty of the Cathol i c Church’. 94 The Eucharisti c sacrifice has the capaci ty to absorb mean- i n g s from divers e social enviro n m e n ts , and its signif i ca n c e is there- f ore compl ex and shif ti ng over time, spa nni ng from the crea ti on of nati onal identi ti es to the forma ti on of reli gi ous senti ments in the indivi dual. 95 It has served as a unifyin g emblem for the Roma n Catholic doctrine at times when it has been challenged by alternative interpreta ti ons of th e Holy Scripture. The view of the Church is tha t, by the mira cle of tra nsubsta ntia - ti o n , the Eucar is ti c bread and wine, altho u g h in exter n al appea ra n ce unchanged, in their essential substa nce tra nsf orm into the actual flesh and blood of Christ. Through the tr a nsubsta ntia ti on Chri st becomes physica ll y presen t in the congre ga ti o n . His self-sa c ri fi c e on the cross is renewed during each Mass (whi ch therefore is a new Easter) and, through the consumption of the Holy Host in Communion, the faith- f u l shar e in the spiri tu al meri ts earned by Christ on the cross. Throug h the consump ti on , they are, still accord i ng to the Church, subje c t to four main superna tu ra l effec ts : (1) they atta i n an indi v id u al union with Christ by consuming hi s flesh and blood; (2) a socia l un- ion is formed among thos e who partake of the Host, since they eat from the same holy food, from the same flesh and blood; (3) the Euchari s t convey s to the faithful the promise of bodily resu rr e cti on on judgement day; and (4) it supplies the faithful with heavenly grace. Chris t gives his flesh and blood in the appea ra n c e of wine and bread , emblems of life, ‘because life spri ngs from his death’. Mass cons i s ts of three princ i p al phas e s: (1) the Offer to r y , in which the un-consecrated bread and wine ar e prepared for the sacrifice; (2) the Canon, which is the renewed sacrifi c e of Christ and has as its principa l event the Consecration, when bread and wine are transub- s ta n ti a te d into Chris t’s body and blood , follo w e d by the Fractio n , Gra zi a and Creative Forces of Nature 165 when the offici ating priest breaks the Eucharistic wafer in three pieces; and finally (3) Communion, when the congregation receives the Euchari s t and is blessed by the priest. A person who is to receive the Eucharis t must be reconcil e d wi th God, mea ning tha t he must have conf essed his mortal sins. A person who knows himself to have committe d such sins shou ld theref or e confess prior to partaking in Communion. In the Roman Cathol i c Church , the Host is made of unleave ned brea d, baked of whea t. It has the form of a thin wafer, which is stamped with an image of Christ on the cross. The wine must be mixed with some water, so as to be identi f i ed with the ‘blood and water’, which, accordi ng to the Scri pture (John 19: 34), flowed from the wound in the cruci fi ed Chris t’ s side. Normal l y, the laity recei v e only the brea d, while the clergy cons ume both wine and bread. Accordi ng to the doctri ne of the Church, the resurrecti on of Chri st impli ed a unifica ti o n of his blood , flesh, soul and divin i ty , and this mean s that in the bread is also pr esent the blood (and soul and divin- i ty ) and in the wine also the fles h (and soul and divinity). Among the dispositions which were, in the period of time with which we are concerned, required of those who participated in the Eucharistic Commu ni on, we may note tha t they shou l d ideal ly have observed the diguno eucaristico. This was a tota l fast in which the bel ievers abstai ned from both water and food from midni g ht unti l the moment when the Eucha r ist was recei ved. Hence thi s fast, hel d pri or to the renewed Easter in Mass, corresponds to the Lenten fast preceding Easter. It cannot be stressed enough that the bread and wine are under- stood to be the actual flesh and blood of Christ. This is the central poi nt in the doctri ne of transubsta ntia ti on, and the Cathol i c Church has forcefully rejected such teachings (as those of the French theolo- gi a n Berengari us of Tours, ca. 100 5- 108 8) tha t decla re tha t the Eucha - ristic brea d and wine are merely symbols of Christ’s flesh and blood, as well as the Luthera n idea of ‘consu b s ta n ti o n ’ . 96 The noti on tha t the Euchari s t is the actua l flesh of Chri st is refl ected by a number of practices of the Church, in which the consecrated bread is venera ted as though it were a part of Christ . Before the consecra t e d Host, a light shall burn continu o us l y as a perpetua l remind er of the Euchari sti c presence and, in front of it, prayers can be addressed to Christ. In the Mass, the priest ‘elevates’ the consecra ted Host, he raises it high so tha t it can be adored by the cong rega tion. The consecrated Host may also be exposed to belie vers in a monstra n c e (a transpa r e n t shrine) so tha t it can be worshi pped and kissed. In the ritual of the Quarantore, it 166 Chapter 8 is solemnl y expose d in a church for 40 hours during which believe r s who pray and medita te over its signif ica n c e shall be prese n t at all times . The Eucha ri s t is celebra te d annual l y at the feast of Corpu s Chris ti , held the Thurs d ay after Trini ty Sunda y (that is, late May or earl y June), and on this day in Souther n Italy Holy Hosts are carried by the clergy, enclos ed in monstrances, through the streets of towns and villages in solemn processions. In summary, the consecrated Host is the fles h of Chri s t and is worshi ppe d as though it were a forcefu l relic of him. 97 Among the laity, the Host was seen as a superi or fount of grazie and attri buted a generi c reinvi gora ti ng capa ci ty. The identity between the Holy Host and the body of Christ was not only a theolo gi c al doctri n e of the Church , express e d in its liturg y . It was widely accepte d among the laity, inspiri n g since the Middle Ages a tradition of popular pious legends telling of how Hosts have miracu l ou sl y transf o r me d to also assume the exter n a l appeara nc e of fles h and blood, usua lly as a response to some sacrilegious act by a disbeliever in the doctrine of th e transubsta ntia tion or by a non- Christia n. 98 Such legends have also been recorded in South Ita l i a n oral trad i ti o n. 99 The Holy Host has the extern a l appea ra n c e of bread, and brea d occupie d an exclusi v e positio n am ong the foodstuffs in Southern Italy. 100 Brea d was the epitome for food in general and was under- stood to be the foremost among the blessing s from God; if a meal did not contain bread, it was not consid ered to be com p l ete. Many pea s- a n ts ’ meals consi s ted only of brea d with somethi ng added to it (‘ com- panatico’) , such as a few olive s , a littl e oil, an onion , an egg or salte d sardines. The most highly valued ki nd of bread was that made from whea t, but the brea d tha t was consumed dail y was, among the poor, often made from other kinds of grai n, such as barley , rye, oats or maiz e. Wheat was indeed commonl y grown by pea sa nts but was often sold off to obta i n much needed cash and bread of whea t was thus in many areas eaten only as festive food and in case of sicknes s , since it was held, as mentioned in Chapter 3, to be especially nurtur- i n g and heal th- b r i n gi n g . Bread was closely connected, or rather identified, with Christ and God. It was treated with religious reverence. In Campania has been documented the practice to impress each loaf of brea d with the sign of the cross before it was put into the oven. 101 Hence it was made to resembl e the Euchari s ti c wafer, which also has a cross on it. In Cala bria , a popula r sayi ng among pea sants was: il pane è il volto stesso del Signore (‘the bread is the face of the Lord’). 102 The reverent treat- ment of bread was ela bora ted into an enti re code of condu ct. In Sici l y, Gra zi a and Creative Forces of Nature 167 a loaf of bread should never be placed upside-down, nor should it be marked or pierced with a knife. Before bread was cut, it should first be kissed , then blesse d and final ly declare d that it was a grazia di Diu (‘gra ce of God’) . If brea d was acci denta ll y droppe d, it should imme- dia tely be picked up with the words grazia di Diu, and if bread crumbs had fallen to the ground, these were to be picked up and, if not consumed, put awa y so tha t they were not stepped upon. Bread (and pasta) shou l d not be disda i ne d, even if it was of poor quali ty , witho u t addin g an express i o n that it was never th el e s s ‘a grace of God’. An oath could be sworn on a piece of brea d, using the expres- s i o n Pi sta santa grazia di Diu! (‘On this grace of God’). 103 Simi la r codes of conduct expressing respect and reverence for bread have been documented all over Southern Italy. 104 Some customs rela te d to the cultiva ti on of grai n, and especial ly that of wheat, speak of the connection between these crops and Christ. Thes e customs seem to have been most common in Sicily and, althoug h practi c e s of a religio us characte r could be incorpo ra te d in variou s types of agrarian work in th is regi on, thi s was especia lly the case when the work concerned grain. In Sicily, duri ng the work of harvesti ng gra i n, sacred songs were intoned time after time, and a recurren t phra se in all of these was Sia lodatu lu Santu Sagramentu (‘Praised is the Holy Sacrament’). These songs also praised the Virgin Mary and vari ous saints, and thanks and hails were directe d to Mary and the Holy Spiri t. Relig i o us songs were also inton e d during th e work of threshi ng; in these, the Lord and the saints were aga i n hail ed and thank e d . A recurre n t refra i n was a prais e of the Holy Sacra me n t. Credo and Pater prayers were also rea d. 105 The identif i ca ti on between brea d and Chri st consti tu ted a theme in oral tradi tion as well. In a Cala br ia n tale, the Virgin Mary, pursu e d by Herod’ s soldier s , hides her child in an oven, and there Christ is tran s f or me d into a loaf of brea d . 106 A Sicil ia n riddl e plays upon an analogy between the succession of events in the Passion of Chri st and the sequence of works necessary to turn ripe grain on the fields into brea d. 107 During Easter Week, the connection between Christ and bread, and someti mes with food in general , was intens if i ed . In Puglia, brea d should not be cut with kni f e duri ng this week, since it was equated with Christ himself; 108 in Sicil y , Good Frida y was the only day of the yea r on which it was forbi dd e n to bake brea d, as this woul d ‘burn’ Christ; 109 in Abruzzo, bread should not be roasted and no food should be cut with a knif e, since the first of these acts woul d burn the body of Christ and the second woul d make blood gush from his wounds. 110 168 Chapter 8 In the Eucharistic sacrifice, we again find the sequence of aban- doni ng interna l, inf eri or vita li ty for externa l , superi or vital i ty. The believers renounce their carnal bodi es by fasting. They confess their sins, which is a submi ss i o n to the Divi n e as well as a verba l rejec tion of carnal and mundan e tempta ti o n s . They engage in spiritua l devo- ti o n by parti ci p a ti n g in Mass, dense with praye r s and hymns . In the Canon of the Mass, Christ sacrif i c es himse lf again in a renew e d Easter; he altruisti c a l l y gives out hi s flesh and blood for the benefit of the faithful . Then, in Communio n , the congrega ti on recei ves his grazie through the consumption of his body . The indivi d ua l is unif i e d with God by eating his flesh and with the others of the congrega ti on through the commensa li ty of Mass. 111 A promise of transcendence throu g h etern a l spiri tual life is received , and even a promise of eter- nal corporal life through the resurrection on Judgement Day. What makes the Eucha ris ti c sacri fi c e so power fu l a ritua l , and unique among the ways of receivi ng grazie in South e rn Italy , is that it centres upon the act of man- ea ti ng; it suggests the appropria ti on of vita li ty by consumi ng the bodi l y matter of another huma n being. We have earlier had reason to discus s ideas and practi c e s relati n g to anthrophopha gy: the relucta nce to eat mea t for a peri od foll owi ng a death in the family, and the witches’ desire for human blood and flesh. In these cases, anthrophophagy appears as a possibl e, but mor- a lly reprehensible, way to appropri ate another person’s vitality which evokes horror and repu gnance. In the Mass, the appropriation of vita li ty by consumi ng another pe rson’s flesh and blood has been freed from nega ti ve c o n n o t a t i o n s an d ma d e to a pp e a r as a sa c r e d way to receive grazie and unite with the Divine . Princi p al l y three noti on s make this poss ibl e . First, Chri st is unders to o d as pure and having the ability to come to life agai n after death. Thereby hi s flesh is freed from all associa- ti ons to repugna nt decomposi ti on of bodi ly matter after dea th. Sec- ond, the dogma of tra nsubsta nti a ti on decla res the exi stence of blood and fles h with the outer appear a n ce of wine and bread, and hence all ows the otherwi s e horri f yi ng act of anthrophopha gy to take the outer form of the consumption of a commonplace foodstuff. Third, there is the emphasis on Christ’s divinity and self-sacrifice. Christ does not resi st carnal dea th and, with the authori ty of God inca rna te, he invi tes all who wish to be saved to eat his flesh and drink his blood (John 6: 34-59). Hence it is not unmoral and wicked to consume his flesh and blood , but this is instea d a devoti o n a l Chris ti a n act. Once again we see that, when di vine blessings and human tran- scendence are represented, idioms are used which pertain to the same Gra zi a and Creative Forces of Nature 169 mundan e and carnal world that is refuted and devalua te d . The food neces sa r y for the physi ca l existen c e of man in his carna l and trans i ent aspect is conside r e d to be a blessi n g from God. In the Euchari s t , bread is merged with the flesh of Christ and viewed as a supreme source of divine grazia and the princi p al instrum e n t for acqu iri n g transce n - d e n c e after death. It was concluded earli er in thi s cha pter tha t the Blessed Virgi n is associa ted with the producti ve forces of the earth tha t give birth to vegeta ti on. Now we have found tha t vegeta ti on, in the form of gra i n, relates to her son Christ. These co nnections can be represented as: Mary : Chri s t :: Earth : Vegeta ti on (Grain) A number of specifi c express i o ns of this relati o n can be men- tioned. While the fertile spring season is closely associated with the grazie of the Virgi n Mary, the feast of Maria Addolorata (the Mother of Sorrows) is celebra te d on Septemb e r 15, in immedia te connecti on with the autumn equi nox. At thi s time, the agricul tural yea r has essentia ll y come to an end. As Maria Addolorata, the Virgi n Mary is associated with death — she is agonized by the Seven Sorrows caused by her son’s death. She is often depicted as the Pietà, grievi ng with the body of Chri st in her arms. To celebrate this aspect of the Virgin Mary when the fertili ty of nature begin to wane, when the vegeta ti o n has reached its peak of luxuri ance and begins to wither and die, expresses a notion of her as mother earth grie vi ng over the dea th of vegeta ti on. In popula r prints, the Virgin Ma ry is sometimes depicted with ears of corns in her hands. 112 Since motherhood is an attri bute of the Virgin, and since her son Christ is associated with bread and grain, these pictures can be interpreted as depi cti ng an earth mother wit h a vegetat i v e son. Offeri n g s of sheaves of gra i n, ears of corn and whea t were common in some cults of the Virgin Mary; these were placed before an image of her or showered upon it. 113 These practi c e s also expres s an associa ti o n betwee n her and grai n. In Sicily, a popula r Christ m a s gift was a skilfu l l y labour e d minia- tu re frui t made of wax — such as a lemon, ora ng e, pine cone or prick ly pear-f i g — conta in i n g an image of Chris t as a chil d . Such miniatu r e frui ts coul d also hide an image of some popular saint, such as Santa Rosa li a or Sant’A g a ta , and be given as presen ts on other occasions. In Palermo, the artisa ns manu facturing these delicate wax miniatures were so plentiful that the street where most of them had their workshops was named after them and hence called via dei Bam- binai (‘baby-makers’ street’). Sweets in the form of a frui t with a baby 170 Chapter 8 Christ resting on top of it, or in the form of the baby Christ alone, were also popular at Christmas. 114 Accordi ng to one Sici li a n source, the birth of Christ was celebrated in church on Christmas Eve in the following manner. A cloth had been hu ng in front of the high alta r, and was drawn away at midnig h t, ‘…reveal i n g a wax figu re of the Bamminu lying in a sort of nest made of frui t-l aden bra nches of orang e trees and artif i ci al flowe rs ’. 115 Hence the birth of Christ was in all these representations portrayed as a vegetal birth; he is like a fruit of trees or plants nouri s hed by the earth. A widespread image of Christ’s bi rth was the Christmas crib, kept in private homes. In this representa ti o n again, his birth is assoc iate d with vegeta tion and nature. The birth is represented as occurri ng in a rura l settin g, inside a shed or a cave , and Christ rests among straws of hay in a crib. The image of the birth takin g place in a cave is found in some apocrypha l texts, but not in the Scri pture proper, 116 and might be seen as connecting to the symbolis m of the cave as an opening into the real m of chthoni c forces. We must also note tha t, in the calenda r, his birth occurs at a time when the new year begins. During that year, the earth will give birth to a new generati o n of annual plants and reinvigorate perennial ones . The historical roots of the metaph o r i c relati o n [Mary : Chris t :: Earth : Vegeta ti o n (Gra i n) ] will not be discus s e d in deta i l here, but it is clea r tha t the rela ti on perta i ns to a reli g i ou s trad i ti o n with a remarkable persistence over time in South European and Near East- er n cultur es . Earl y in history , we find the triad of an Earth Mother , who becomes impregna ted by a male Sky God and begets a child identif i ed with vegeta ti on — thus correspondi ng to the Chri stia n God, the Blessed Virgin Mary and Christ. The pair of the sufferi ng Earth Goddess and her child, the yo ung God, who dies and resurrects in the spri ngti me and is connected with vegeta ti on, is a rela ted reli g- i ous constellati on of anci ent origi n. 117 NINE FROM TRANSIENCE TO TRANSCENDENCE T h e transi e n ce of the huma n orga nis m implies that its vita l force is liable to diminis h , and we have discussed idea s of how individuals might repl enish this force. Noti ons of transcending the peri sha bl e flesh will be the subject of the foll owi ng two cha pters — representa ti ons of corpo r a l death as follo w ed by anoth e r kind of exis tence or by a new and simil a r one. In this cha pter , focu si ng on the form of tombs and on idea s of the soul’s caree r in the afterl if e, we will discus s conce p ti ons of death as follow e d by an unchang i n g and eterna l form of being. The next chapter will be concerned with a noti on of the huma n lif es pan as repeti ti ve and death as regene r a ti ve, that is, the end of one life con- nects with the comi ng into existence of another. Robert Hertz’s essay, ‘A Contri buti on to the Study of the Coll ec- ti ve Representa ti on of Dea th’ (19 60 , origina ll y publ ished 190 7) , set the directi o n for modern anthr o p o l o g i cal studi es of death and burial customs. Stressing the social dimension of death, this study was the first consi s ten t appli ca ti on of Durk heimean soci ology to this field of inqu iry . Hertz draws a number of conclu si o n s releva n t to South Ital- ian practice s and beliefs. In the followin g discussi o n, three of Hertz’s insigh ts will be conside r ed. First, dea th in soci ety is not an instanta neous event coi nci di ng with the termi na ti on of the bodi l y functi ons, but instea d a slow pro- cess extending over a long period of time, typi cal l y over several years . Hertz call s the dura ti o n from physi ca l death to ‘compl e te d ’ death the ‘intermediary period’. Second, in order to understand pr a ctices and belief s rela ti ng to dea th, the dura ti on of dea th is understood to have three dimensi ons which are often correlated: the corpse, the soul of the deceased, and the mourners. Focusing his essay on the subject of secondary buri al, Hertz shows tha t it is common for the actua l tra nsf orma ti on of the corpse to correspond to the ima gi ned fate of the soul and the sym- bol i c conditi on of the bereave d . Third, the ‘intermediary period’ implies a transformation of the deceased’s body — ‘while the old body falls to ruins, a new body takes shape ’ (p. 48). This ‘new body’ is stable and uncha n gi n g , often 172 Chapter 9 consi s ti ng of the bones of the corpse; hence the tra nsforma ti on of the remains typica ll y involv es a change from a humid to a dry state. More generall y , we can expect to find noti ons both of destru cti on and of construction in rel a ti on to the corpse; a destructi on of the ‘ol d body’, which in its sta te of putrefa cti on most often (but not always) brings forth senti ments of repulsi on and disgust, and the constructi on of a new, purifi e d and incorr u p ti b l e body. Having acqu ir e d a new body, the deceased is regarded as one among the ancestors and may be considered a source of blessings. Hertz organises his ethnographic ma teri al in three secti ons, each deal i ng with one of the dimensi ons of the dura ti on of dea th. It is appropriate to present the South Italian ethnography in the same way, sta rti ng with the corpse, then turning to the imagi ned fate of the soul, and then finally proceeding to the bereaved. Corpses and ‘New Bodies’ The forms of disposal of the dead in Southern Ita ly, from the time of the uni fi ca ti on of Ita l y to toda y, show grea t varia ti on. Importa nt chang es have taken place , and the regiona l varia ti o n is also nota ble . The documenta ti o n of the subject is sparse but neverth e l e ss suff icie n t for outli n i ng the princ i pal forms of buria l and the formula ti on of some hypotheses concerning their cultural meanings. Burial in church Bu r ial in church was the norma l pra cti ce up to the second hal f of the 19th centu ry . In most commu n i ti es , it was repl a c ed over the follow i n g decades by disposal of the dead in cemeteri es loca ted outsi de urba n territory. 1 However, buri al in church was still practised at the begin- ning of the 20th century in some areas, 2 and still today takes place in exceptional cases of important members of the clergy and noble fami- l i es . The aboliti o n of buri al in church, which took place also in other Roman Catholic countries in Europe at this time, was the cons eq u ence of changi n g atti tu d e s towar d s death , inspi r i n g to a campa i g n again s t the practi c e , which in liberal minded and progres s i v el y incl ine d circl es was seen as insani t a r y and disgu st i n g . 3 There was, however, strong resistance against the new order among the un- educa ted lai ty, the tra di ti onal ly minded nobi li ty and the clergy. 4 Many clai med that buria l in church was a sacred custom for the benefi t of the dead and thought tha t, if the dead were not buried there, their souls would not be able to reach Heaven. The presence of the corpse in church implied that the soul of the dead From Transience to Transcendence 173 person was protected by the divi ne powers and that its tra nsi ti on to Heaven was faci litated. When resting in the house of God — with its holy objec ts, relics and rites — the decea s ed was in a certa i n sense alrea dy incorpo r a te d in the divi n e spher e of God, Chris t, the angel s and the sai nts. The nobil i ty was reluctant to give up the tra di ti onal buria l place s in priva te grave s and chape l s of churc h es . The resi s tanc e on the part of the clergy and the Church was not onl y moti va ted by relig i ou s cons i d e ra ti o ns : the admi n is tr a ti o n of burial in churc h was a signifi c a n t source of income which was lost with the introdu c ti on of municipa l suburban cemeteries. Some categ ori es of peopl e were not allowed to be bu ri ed in church or in its yard, and their souls were thus denied holy protec ti o n . This was the case, of course, with non- Christians (such as those who con- f essed to the Jewish reli gi on) but the interdi ct also appl i ed to certai n others. Those who had refused to be absolved and therefore died in morta l sin were disposed of outsi de consecra ted earth. At lea st up to the 19th century, their corpses co uld be dumped over some slope outsi de town. 5 As already mentioned, unbaptised children, not con- sidered to be Christians, could be disposed of in the fields outside inhabi te d territo r y , to be consume d by wild animals , or thrown into some deep cavern. 6 Among the laity, however, there was a desi re to have unba ptised children buried in cons ecrated earth. The foetuses of procu r ed aborti ons , as well as corpses of unwa nted chi l dren who had been killed by their mothers after a concealed birth, were sometimes secretly brought to church where they were hidden in some cavity of the outer wall s. 7 The gra ves in church were of two general types: publ i c and pri- va te. The publ i c gra ves most often had the form of a large pit in the church floor, covered by a stone slab, in which the corpses were deposited. The bodies were mingled with each other; fresh cadavers were placed upon decaying ones. Live lime could be sprinkled over them in order to reduce the smel l of putref a cti on. If the church had a suitab l e yard, this could be used as a burial grou n d . Corps es in wooden coff ins were also pla ced in publ i c pits, hea ped upon each other, and the pits could when necessary be cleaned out and the bones re-bu r ied in an ossuar y or another pit in the church yard. 8 The private graves consisted of a space reserved for the permanent buria l of an indivi du al . Burial in this type of grave was pref e r red and was usual ly arra nged for by all those who had the mea ns to do so and could obtain the necessary permission from the church. In practice thi s mea nt tha t the rich and well - to- do were buri ed in priva te graves, whi l e the majori ty of the popula ti on was interred in common gra ves. 174 Chapter 9 The private grave could be a wall niche sealed by a stone slab, a stone-clad chamber below the church floor covered by a slab of stone or a free-s tan d i n g sarco ph a g us plac ed on the floor. Hence most of these gra ves were constructed so tha t direct conta ct with the earth was avoided and the corpse rested enclosed in stone, some above ground level. If subterra nean catacombs were used, then the graves were indeed below ground , but the burial spaces were still above floor level since they usually consis te d of wall niches. The corpse was sometimes placed in a sealed zinc coffin, thereby avoiding the smell of putrefa ction and safeguardi ng the publ i c from the dangerous ‘mi a sma ’ assumed to be emitted by deca yi ng bodi es . Althou g h some reports indica te that the bones of an older grave were occasionally removed and the site used for a new buria l, thi s seems to have been unusua l and to have occurre d only after a compara tive l y long peri od (several decades or centuries). The private grave was conceived of as the permanent resting place for the remains of the departed; inscrip- ti ons or plaques indica ted the identi ty of the indi vidual corpses. It was preferred to bury a person together with dead members of the family. This was done by entomb i n g the corpse s in a niche of a larger size, in niches close to each other or by some other arrangement. Aristoc ra ti c famil i es often had a private buria l chape l , eithe r in a parish church or erected on their own land. Thus the essenti a l cha ra cteri sti cs of the two forms of buri al in church was tha t the poor were buri ed in conta ct with the earth and lost thei r identi ty after decompos ition of the flesh, when the dry bones were mingled with the bones of other deceased. Those who had a choice preferred to be buried in such a way that direct contact between the corpse and earth was avoi ded, the identi ty of the body was preserved and the grave was permanent and clearly marked as being tha t of the deceased. In the ca se of the rich and the aristocracy, not only individ ua l identi ty was pr eserved in death; fami ly identity and unity were also mainta i n ed. The preferred form of burial can be seen as being inspired by a wish to create what Hertz calls an incorru p ti b l e and ‘new body’ for the departe d , which rests in a ‘home’ inhabi te d by the likewis e incor- ru p ti b l e bodies of deceased rela ti ves . To crea te the ‘new body’, the integri ty of the corp ora l rema i ns must be upheld — therefrom the preference of burying the corpse in physical isolation from other corpse s . To unders ta nd why burial in the earth was avoided if possible an d the corpse instead pref erably enclos e d in stone, we must consider the symbolic implica ti o ns of these two types of buri al . From Transience to Transcendence 175 Decomposition of the flesh in an earthen grave is a precario u s pro- cess, highly dependent on the condition of the earth. Wet, compact earth prolongs the decomposition of flesh, sometimes up to deca des, a fact tha t ought to have been wel l- known to South Ita l ia ns of that time due to the re-use of buria l grou nd, whi ch meant tha t corpses in varying degrees of deca y were unea rth e d . Buri al in earth hence implies a risk that the corpse will undergo a long peri od of decompo - si ti on until it has assumed the form of a rela ti vely uncha ngi ng and dry skel eto n . Besid e this actu al impli ca ti o n , earth is an elemen t sug- g e s ti v e of insta b i li ty and impur i ty — it is more or less humid , it is an element in consta nt flux in which orga nic matter slowly dissolve s . Earth used for buri al associ ates with the impuri ty of deca yi ng corpses buried there; from this earth emer ge foul smells and there crawls worms that feed on the corru pti n g fles h of the decea s ed. Gravey a r d earth is contiguous with the flesh of the dead who have been buried there, it is the transf ormed flesh of corpses. Stone, on the other hand, is a st able element. It is dry and un- changing and has no connotations of impuri ty. Earth is to stone as flesh is to bone. When the corpse is placed in a grave of stone, it is embedd e d in stone and symbol i ca ll y become s contig u ou s with this element. The associ ation between the dead and stone is stressed by engravi n g the name and dates of birth and death on the stone slab enclosing the grave, and, in the case of some elaborate graves of the wealthy, by a stone bust or statu e of the dead. Throu gh this symbo l ic petri f a cti on, the issue of the actua l tra nsf orma ti on of the corpse in the stone chamber becomes of little importance. It can neither be observed visually, nor, if the chamber is prope r l y seale d or an airtig h t zinc coffin used, olfacto r y percei v e d. Whi l e the tra nsf orma ti on of the corpse in the earth was quite a pr eoccupa tion among South Italians — it has alrea dy been mention e d (Cha pte r 4) that peopl e talke d about worms feeding at the corpse, and other worries concerning bodi es buried in earth will be discuss ed below — there seems to have been littl e concern with the actua l fate of a corpse buri ed in a stone grave. Burial in a stone grave sugges t s an immediate crea ti on of the ‘new’ and incorruptible body. Why, then, should the deceased pref erably be given a ‘new’, incorr u p ti bl e body? The principa l moti ve is that physical death must be denied. Altho u g h an indivi du al certa i n ly could have a persona l wish to mainta i n himsel f in a perma nent form after dea th, moti va ted by an impuls e to avoid the anni hil a tio n of persona li ty implied by death, and therefore arrang e to be buried in a stone grave, the prin- ci pal moti ve for constructing such gra ves ought to be sought in the 176 Chapter 9 interes ts of the living rela ti v e s. By burying their kin in permane n t graves they, in a sense, deny their physical death. The deceased continue to be present in this world, but in a purified and permanent form tha t transcends the limi ta ti ons of the tra nsi ent flesh, doomed to disi ntegra ti on. Not only indi vi dual death is thereby denied, but also the disrupti on of the fami ly brought about by the passi ng awa y of its morta l members . The dea d were prefera bly put to rest in a fami l y grave, which can be construed as a transcendental ‘home’ of the family. This grave conveys an image of an ideal and superi o r famil y. While the existence of the family wa s actu al l y threa tene d by the death of its members and by inevita b l e interna l ruptur e s and divisi o n s over time into new nuclea r units, the family in such a ‘home’ can only grow in size, and its unity will rema i n unbro k e n . 9 Mummification A form of burial stressing the rapid transf orma ti on of the corpse into a new and stable form was practi sed in the Capu chi n conven ts of Sici l y until abou t 1880 . 10 The corpses of monks, priests and bishops, as well as of the rich and well-to - d o who had been willin g to pay for it, were desiccated according to a special procedure. The body was first placed for a time on a grid, where the juices of putrefa c t i o n were free to lea ve it, and then moved to a venti l a ted dryi ng cha mber. After eight to twelve months, it had become completely dry and mummi- fied. The corpse was then washed with vinegar and, if it was a less important person, dressed in sackcloth, or in the personal clothes of choice in the case of an important indivi dual. Thereafter it was placed in the convent’s cata combs. The mu mmy could be laid in a coffin (whic h could have a woode n lid, a trans pa r e n t glass lid or no lid at all), deposited in an open niche or affixed to the wall in an upright position. The deceased’s name, title and date of death were indica ted by a sign attached to the mummy, or to the coff i n or niche. A number of sources describe si mila r procedures of mummifica- ti on in older times, although it is not clea r for how long they conti n- ued to be practised. According to a report from Cosenza (Calabria), the bodies of the dead were desiccated and then kept in a church where they could be viewed by the public. 11 In Oppi do (Basil i ca ta) , the corpses of priests were kept for a time in a vaul t under the choir of the town’s main church. 12 Wooden stalls lined the walls of the vaul t, each with a sea t with a hole in it. In these, the corpses were seated, fully dressed in cassock and surplice and with a priest’s cap on the head, just as though they had been offici ating in the choir above . The perfo ra te d seat allow e d the juices of putre f a c ti o n to leave From Transience to Transcendence 177 the corpse, which therefore dried comparatively rapidly. The rema ins of old corpses were removed and re-buried in a grave loca ted in the centre of the church’s cemetery. In Naples in the seventeenth cent ury, corpses of notable persons were desiccated in the catacombs of San Gaudioso under the church of Santa Maria dell a Sani tà. 13 The dead were placed in seats cut from stone, which had an opening at the bottom so tha t the flui ds of putre- f a c ti o n coul d drai n. This operati o n was called scolare (‘to drain’ , ‘to dry’) and after a couple of yea rs resul ted in a desi ccated mummy. The mummy was thereafter stretched out and placed in a niche, or par- ti a ll y wal led into the cata comb in an upri ght posi ti on so that onl y the front part of the cranium and some protruding parts of the skeleton were visible. On the wall that en cl osed the mummy were painted the distinctive clothes of the person in question and his occu pational attri bu te s , such as a sword if he had been a mili ta ry offic e r or a pal- ette if he had been an artist, creati ng the impression that the dead was dressed in the clothes and carried the attributes. This procedure can be seen as a varia n t of the symbo l i c ‘petri fa c ti o n ’ discu s s ed above: the skeleto n is not only enclos e d in a stone chamb e r , it is actuall y made part of the morta r wall of a cata comb dug out in tuff stone. A travel book wri tten in the first hal f of the nineteenth century descr i bes the acti vi ty of a certa i n buria l associa ti o n in Napl e s . 14 When a membe r died, the corps e was placed in a subte r ra n ea n vault, which had been filled with a special kind of earth that was able to prevent putref a c ti o n and dry the corpse rapidly, crea ting a mummy. The mummy was put on display for a few da ys each year in one of several subterranean chapels of the Santa Chiara church. The more money a member had contri buted to the soci ety, the more numerous were the days of display during the year. The mummy was dressed in clothes the person had worn while alive and suspended by the wall in an upri ght posi tion by mea ns of ropes . At the wall above it hung a large placar d on which the dead pers on ’s name and dates of birth and death were written. Sometimes a loving epitaph was added by a mourner. The chapels were illumi nated by torches and decorated with flowers and religiou s picture s. Relativ e s and friends visited the dead and prayed for their souls. In these kinds of ‘burial ’ , two feature s are stressed that also char- a cterise the pref erred buri al in church: conta ct with earth is tota l ly avoided (except when it has an exceptional dryi ng property) and the indivi d ua li ty of the corps e is well preserved. Mummifica tion pre- vents it from becoming a fles hless skeleton, virtua lly imposs ible to distinguish from any other, since flesh and skin are ideally preserved 178 Chapter 9 to the exten t that facia l featu r es are still recog ni sa ble . In the case of importa n t citi z e ns , the indivi du al i ty of the corpse is emphasi s ed by distinctive clothes once worn or by painting clothes onto a wall enclosing it. The ‘new body’ is the ‘old body’ transformed by mum- mifica tion. There were no family graves at these cemeteries. The Capuchin cata c o mbs origi na te d as buria l grou n ds for monks and, as long as they were used solely as such, fami ly graves were not conceivable as a monk lives withou t a family in a brothe r h o o d . When lay person s were also allowed to be buried there, their mummies were, at least at the Capuchin convent in Palermo, arra ng ed in the catacombs so that childre n , virgin s , marrie d women, ordina r y males of the laity, ‘pro- f e s si o na l ’ lay males, priests and Capuch i n monks all had separa te departments. Hence the components of the famil y (husb a nd, wife and childre n ) are kept separa t e. Instead the decease d are arra nge d in non- reproducti ve classes, defi ned with reference to spiri tual matters. Each class of persons shares characteristics that put them in a particular rela ti on to the Divi ne and the pros pe c t of salvati o n — childr e n are innocent, virgins have pres erved their purity, married women should have combined their family life with piety, ‘profess i o na l ’ lay men, owing to thei r educa ti on and posi ti on in soci ety, have faced spiritu a l problems diff erent from ‘ordinary’ men, priests have devoted their life to the service of God and monks have renounced the mundane world . Presuma b l y , for some among the laity religi ou s idea s of indi- vi d ua l trans ce n d e n c e and salva ti o n superseded the sense of family belong i ng , making this form of buri al preferable to the family grave. Burial at extra-urban cemeteries When burial in the new cemeteries located in urba n outskirts became an esta bl i s hed practi c e , the distin c ti o n betwee n indivi d ua l and public gra ves was sometimes mainta ined. The poor, who could not afford another kind of burial, could be bu ried in a pit. The burial system used between ca. 1760 and 1889 at the cemetery at Poggi o Real e in the outskirts of Naples, nowadays called Camposanto Vecchio , 15 may serve as an example . In a certai n area , 365 large pits had been dug out, each covered with a stone slab. Each of these pits was used on only one day of the year. Its cover was removed and all corpses that arri ved to the cemetery were dumped into it, withou t being placed in coff in s. The volcanic soil ensu red rapid decompos i ti o n so that the pit was ready to receive a new load of bodi e s annu al l y. More commonly, however, the institution of these cemeteri es permi tted poor peopl e indi vi dual gra ves, although for a limi ted time. From Transience to Transcendence 179 The body was interred at the cemetery, most often in a wooden coff i n, and the grave was marked with a wooden cross. Accordin g to some reports, these crosses bore no text, but could be marked merely with a number. 16 The identity of the corpse co ul d, at lea st in Cala bria and Basi li ca ta , be indi ca ted by pla ci ng in the coff i n an identi ty card of the dead or a small glass bottl e conta i n i ng a piece of paper with name and birth and death dates. 17 The cemetery’s interment field was re-used. New graves were dug in an area of old ones when a certai n time had pass ed, norma ll y 2 to 10 years. When decomposed rema ins from previous burials were found, these were placed in a communa l ossua r y. If payment had been received in advance from a de pa rted person or his relatives, bones could be indivi dually exhumed and put into a small zinc caske t that was placed in a niche in the ossuary. These niches were most often covered by a slab with an inscri ption sta ti ng the identi ty of the rema i ns. The exhuma ti on mea nt tha t secondary buri al de facto w a s practi s ed but, accor di n g to the availabl e infor ma tion , was lacki n g ritu al elabo ra ti o n . The practi c e in the area of Napl es consti tutes a nota ble excepti o n from this, which will be discuss e d below. As when the dead were buried in church, those who could afford it arra ng e d for an indi vi du al and perman e n t grave in the cemeter y . The architectural form of these graves varied, but the method used for entombment was usually the same . The fresh corpse was, without pri or buria l in earth, pla ced in a coffi n made of zinc which by mea ns of solderi n g was perman ent l y sealed . The simplest burial place was the individ ua l niche, in which the coffin was placed. The niche could be located on the inner side of the cemetery wall, in freestanding shel f-like structures made from brick stone or concrete, in the walls of chapels or other building s, or in the walls of underg r o u nd cata co m b s . The niche was clos ed with a stone or marble slab on which was inscri bed the identity of the entombed perso n . To the slab coul d also be atta ch e d a virtua ll y indes tr u c tibl e cerami ci s ed photo g r a ph of the dead, a holder for flower s and an oil- lamp. Thes e niches were procured from the cemetery mana gement or obta ined through membership in a confraternita — a buria l asso c ia tion all owed to erect gra ve buildi ngs on the cemetery. Those who could afford it erected a family edicola in the cemetery. These had the appearance of small chapels (the term edicola is used both for the grave building of a family and for a small Chris ti a n chape l) and varied in size, from smal l struc tu r es less than 10 squa r e meters to impressi ve buildi ngs many times tha t siz e. The edicola con- taine d niches for burial in its inner walls and sometime s , in the case 180 Chapter 9 of more elabora te struc tu r es , also in the wall s of a subte r r a n ea n crypt. The edicola was intended to be the per ma nent tomb ‘house’ for the family, expecte d to stand for centur i e s and there f ore built in stone , concrete or other dura ble material s (wood was never used). It had a door with a lock, to which the famil y had keys and coul d theref ore visit their dead whenever they wished duri ng the opening hours of the cemetery. Some sophisti ca ted edicole housed stone busts of the dead, hence an iconic ‘petri fa c ti o n ’ of them. At a focal loca ti o n inside the buildi ng , an alta r- li k e table was usuall y set up on which photo - g r a p h s of the departe d family me mbers were mingled with pictures of saints, a crucif i x , candl es , burni n g oil lamps and, prefe ra b l y, fresh flowers . At this ‘gra ve shri ne ’, pra yer s were addres se d to the dead as wel l as to the divi ne powers. As the economi c standa r d gradua lly improved during the 20th centur y , more and more people were able to procure at least an indi- vidual niche for entombment, and interment became less freq uent. A turning point in several regions, as in Cala bria and Molise, were the years after World War Two, when interme n t was abando n e d at most cemeteries and even the poorest were allowed to be entombed at the expense of the municipality. Informat ion concerning attitudes rela ti ng to this cha nge in buri al pra cti ces is scant in the ethnogra phic sources, but one work informs that in Zaccan o p ol i (Cala b ri a) , peopl e prefe rr e d (in the 1970s) ‘... not to be buried under the earth because the corpse is destroye d and for fear of water’. 18 Hence, in this communi ty , inter- ment was expressly associated with the destructi on of the corpse and, as it seems , rais e d fear s that th e period of decomposition would be long as a resul t of the humidi ty of the earth. The constructi on of family edicole has become mo re and more common . One change in their appea ranc e that is worth noti n g are the new architectu ral designs. Some of these recently constructed family graves have been given the exterior appear a n ce of miniatu r e , flas hy , downtow n offi c e buildi n gs , with a faca de of smoke- c o l ou r e d glass and alumini um , and have thus adopted moder n archi te c tu r al idiom s expressi n g wealth and prestige . The interi o r desi gn, howeve r , is still that of a chape l . Visi ts to the gra ves of decea s ed rela ti ves were genera ll y frequent, especia ll y by women, and of a casual natu re . The cemeter y during daytime was not seen as frighten i n g , but rather a familiar place where deceased relative s and friends rested. The fresh flowers at the grave testi f i ed for rel a ti ves and other visi tors of the ongoing rela ti onshi p between the livi ng and the dea d. 19 It might also be argu e d that, with- out the additi on of this orga ni c matter, the tomb of stone, with From Transience to Transcendence 181 elements of metal and ceramic, appears too timeless and sterile to adeq ua tel y serve as a place for the inti ma te rela ti on between livi ng and dead. Fresh flowers, which soon wither and die, bring to the permanent grave notions of the rapid passing and fragility of life. Thus, the aboliti o n of buri al in church cause d no radical shif t in crucial aspects of the disposa l of the dead. The idea l form of burial was the same: an indi vidu al space for the corpse, the graves of the members of one fami ly kept together and set apa rt from the gra ves of other fami lies , avoi da nce of direct contact between the corpse and earth associ a ti n g with humi d i ty , insta bili ty and impur i ty , and a rapi d creation of a new and purified body out of the old, deca yi ng one by buryi ng the dea d in stone or concrete compa rtments, impl yi ng a symbolic petrifacti on. The use of coff ins made of zinc, which immedi- a t e l y and effect i v e l y hides all eviden ce of putref a cti on, aids in thi s creatio n. The prevale n ce of family edicole means in a sense a continu- ance of the practice of burial in church, since they are made to resem- ble chapels, miniature churches. At the same time, they are private houses, dignif i e d and appropr i a te transce n d e n ta l homes for deceas e d family members. The parts of mode rn Italian cemeteries in which edicole are loca ted are cities of the dead where each family has its own ‘tomb home’ along the narrow streets. Double burial in Naples In the area of Napl es , doubl e buria l is widely pra cti s e d toda y. This form of buria l is at least a centu ry old, 20 but it is the near- c o n te m - porary customs, which are well documented, that will be descri bed here. 21 As mentioned in Chapter 3, the fresh corpse is washed in surgical alcoh ol — a liquid that, accor d i ng to those who use it for this purpose, ‘disinfects and cleans, without moistening’ — and dres sed in light clothes . It is therea f te r encl os ed in a wooden coffin and given a first burial in the earth. A pictur e of the deceased’s patron saint is usual l y placed in the coffi n , as well as a small bottl e conta i ni ng a paper with the name and dates of birth and dea th. This latter object is placed in the coff in becaus e it, as people say, ‘assur e s his identi ty even after putrefaction’. 22 The grave can be located either in the basement of one of the multi- s to r i ed buildi n gs of burial associ ati o n s or in an intern m e n t field on the cemetery grounds. The first op tion is pref erred, as the covered earth ensures tha t no rai n wets th e earth, and thereby prolongs the time necessary for the decomposition and desiccation of the corpse, which is the process expressly desired. It can be noted that, in case of 182 Chapter 9 burial in uncovered earth, the soul of the dead person was thought to feel that the earth ‘becom es heavy when it rains’. 23 The corpse is exhumed after a period of 18-24 month s if it has been buried in covered earth, or after approximately 36 months in uncovered earth. The exhumation is an extremely important moment attended by the departed’s close re lati ves. If the corpse has been trans f orm e d into a virtu al l y fles hless and unbrok en skeleton, the rela ti ves are content and decla r e tha t they have ‘def i ni tel y lost’ the rela ti ve . If, however, the decompos i ti on has been incomple te and the corpse is still, as it is said, ‘wet’ or ‘fresh ’ , there is great disa pp o i nt- ment. The relatives ponder the cause of the incomplete decomposi- ti on, the main reasons comi ng to mind being tha t the decea s ed lived sinfull y, tha t somethi ng went wrong duri ng the time of dying or at the moment of death (see the next sect i on) or tha t they themsel ves did not adeq ua tel y perf orm the proper duties towards the deceased’s soul. Whatever the reason is thou ght to be, the corpse must be re- burie d in earth for another period, after which a new exhumation will take pla ce. If the decomposition has been found to be satisfyi ng , the bones are prepared for the second burial. This work is done by gravediggers, someti mes with the help of some elderl y rela ti ve of the decea s ed. The bones are brushed clean and washed with surgi cal alcohol , aga in ‘to avoi d wetti ng the rema i ns’. They are then spri nkl ed with naphthal ene so tha t they will be better conser ved. Finally, they are wrapped in a shroud. Then the secondary buri al immediatel y takes place in the presence of the rela tives who have parti ci pa ted in the exhuma ti on. The wrappe d rema ins are placed in a niche which is clos ed with a stone sla b. This entombment is performe d without any specific ceremonies or symbo l i c elabo ra ti o n — a circu ms ta n ce that suggests that the tran- s i ti o n of the deceas e d from a trans i e n t to a trans c end e n ta l state has already essenti a l l y been complet e d and therefore inspires no further concern. After the secondary burial, the attenda nts eat together at a close rela tive’s home, marking the end of the period of mourning. Thereaft e r , the near relati ve s may again dress in coloured clothes, after havi ng worn only grey, or bla ck and white, as a sign of mourn- i n g , and a widow or a widowe r can re-mar r y withou t being critici s e d. If no arra ngement has been made to bu ry the dea d together with family members, the remains are placed in an individu al niche, loca ted either in structures bel ongi ng to the cemetery or in the grave buildi n g of a confraternita. It is preferred, however, to keep family members together after death, which can be done by procuring a From Transience to Transcendence 183 family niche in the build ing of a confraternita or by erecting a family edicola with several niches . It is thought tha t humi di ty disturb the dea d not onl y in the first but also in the second grave. A recurr in g theme in legend s telling of how souls of the dea d appea r in dreams to the livi ng is tha t of the soake d niche. The soul of a dead rela ti ve appea rs in a drea m and explains that he or she is much tr oubled because the resting place is soaked by water. When checking the niche, the person who has had the drea m finds the corpse to have been wetted by water, whi ch may have origin a te d from a leakin g water pipe or the like. 24 It may also be noted that a Napol e ta n ia n colloq ui al word for buri al niche is fornetto, whi ch literal ly tra nsl a tes as ‘littl e oven’, a term tha t might be under- stood as alluding to the ideal ‘dry’ state of the corpse buried in the niche. Hence the burial practi ce of the area of Naples clearly expresses an intenti on to facil i ta te the crea ti on of a purifi ed and unchan gi n g ‘new body’ for the deceased, which consis ts of dry bones tha t have been cleaned from decaying flesh and is entombed in stone. The buri al practices also express the desire to bury family members together. The ideal of avoiding contact between the corpse and earth, which we have found in burial practi c e s elsewh e re in Southe r n Italy, is limite d to wet earth, however, which prolongs the destruction of the ‘old body’ and the crea ti on of the new incorrupti bl e one. Conta ct with ordina ry earth is, on the contrary, of crucial importance in the prima ry buria l. This anoma l y, compare d with burial practi c e s in other parts of Southern Italy, has a geolog i ca l expla na ti o n . It is clea r that contact between earth and corpse is desired for one specific reason — the function of the earth to effi ci entl y tra nsf orm the corpse into a dry skel eton purif i ed from flesh. The porou s volca ni c soil of the area of Naples is idea l for this purpos e , since decom p o s i ti o n takes place rapid l y and relia bly. In most other parts of Southern Italy, burial in earth is not equall y good for creati ng a perman e n t and incorruptible ‘new body’ and is therefore avoi ded in favour of en- tombment of the fresh corpse in zinc caskets in stone compartments. Cremation To swiftly destroy the old body and crea te a new, stable, purified rep- resentation of the deceased was he nce an ideal common to the forms of burial discus s ed thus far. A procedure that rapidly accomplishes the first of these tasks is cremation. Among the Romans, cremation was used para ll el with inhuma ti on until about 400 B . C . 25 From that time until the reign of Emperor Hadri a n ( A . D . 117- 138 ) , crema ti on 184 Chapter 9 was the domi nant form of disposal of the dead, but was therea fter over a coupl e of centu r ies gradua ll y repl a c ed with inhuma ti o n. With the Christi a ni zi n g of the Empi re , crema ti o n was abando ned as an ordina ry burial practice and has since then not been used as such in Ital y unti l the second half of the 19th century. At that time, crema tion became availa bl e as an alter n a ti ve to inter me n t and entombmen t in order to satisf y the demands of libera l opinion primari l y in the north- ern part of the country. The Roma n Catholic Church, however, forba de crema ti o n unti l 1963, 26 when the Church modified its opinion and accepted it. Today this form of dispos al of the dead has become a quite ordina ry practi c e in North e r n Italy , altho u g h still less used than other forms, while it is very unus ual in the Souther n part of the country. The city of Napl es, for insta nce, with more tha n one milli on inhabita nts, had as late as in 1982 no facil i ti es for crema ti o n . 27 The ban on cremation in the Early Church was a corollary to the doctrine of bodily resurr ection on Judgement Day — the tota l destruction of the corpse made resu rrection impossibl e. 28 In later theology, the ban has never been clea rly motiva ted. It has been acknowl e d g ed that cremati o n is not contra r y to any natu ra l or reveal e d truth , but it is never th e l e s s mainta i n ed that it is repu g na nt to Christians and irreconcilable with the Christian piety for the dead. 29 It is held to be a depa rtu r e from a long and uninter rupted tradi ti on of inhuma tion, which has been given deep signif i ca nce rela ti ng to the immor ta li ty of the soul and the fait h in the resurrection of the flesh, and which goes back to the Juda ic traditi o n as it is docume n te d in certain passages in the Holy Scri pt ure. Corporal death followed by inhuma ti o n is there descri bed as a tempor a r y state which will be succeeded by a new life. Among the laity of Southern Ital y, cremation was seen as funda- men ta l ly alien to Chris ti an senti me n ts and as an irrever e n t treatme n t of the corpse. 30 It can be assumed that this opinion is based on a noti o n that, while bones sugge s t indi vi d ua li ty and perma n e n c e after decompo s i t i on , ashes suggest nothingne s s . When we discuss cyclic regen e ra ti o n of life from death in Chapter 10, yet anoth e r reaso n will emerge for why crematio n has been un acceptable for such a long time as a normal form of disposa l of the dead in Ital y . Souls I n tradi ti o na l South e r n Ital y , a distin c tion was made betwee n a ‘bad death’ and a ‘good death’. The type of death was thou gh t to infl uen c e From Transience to Transcendence 185 the deceased’s afterl ife and thereby also the further relationship between the soul and the living. The essential requirements for a ‘good death’ were three: (1) accepta nce on beha lf of the dying person, (2) taking pla ce in the home, where the traditiona l ceremonies were perf or med, and (3) in old age. A case of death meetin g these req ui rements all owed the spiritual compone n t of the dead to become a soul ( anima) which dwelled for a time in Purgatory, before it was accepted into Heaven. The ‘bad death’, on the other hand, resulted in a spirito (‘spiri t’ ) . The spi ri t was thought to roam restl essly on earth and to be dangerous to the living. As it was produced by the absence of one or more of the essentia l requ i r e me n ts for a ‘good death ’, a ‘bad death’ coul d be suffered in a variety of ways. First, if a dying perso n feare d death and did not accept that his corpo r a l life had come to an end, a ‘bad death ’ was suff e r ed . A death was also ‘ba d’ if the dying person was tormented by a lengthy death agony and did not die even though wishing for it. These conceptions centre on the circumsta nce tha t the dyi ng person is cli ngi ng to the worl d of the livi ng, whi ch suggests tha t his or her soul will not rest in peace but will be bothered by a wish to stay with the living. Thus, it is believ e d in Naples that the soul of a person who dies without accepting death forever will remain in the house in which death took pla ce. 31 Secon d , a death suffe red outs i d e the home was also a ‘bad death ’. Such a death , cause d by accid e n t, murde r or the fact that it took place in hospi ta l, resul te d in a spiri t that haunted the place where it had occurred. It was believed in Modica (Sicily) that the ‘condemned souls’ of those who had died in the hospita l haunte d its premises , and these spi ri ts were so feared tha t many coul d onl y be brought there by force or when unconsci ous. 32 Still today in South e r n Italy, many fami- l i es pref er to take thei r rela ti ves home from hospital when there is no more hope for recovery, so that death can take place in the home; the body of an already depa rted person can also be brought home from hospital and kept there until the funeral. 33 A dea th away from the home mea nt that the pra cti ces which were to take pla ce there coul d not be prope rl y perf ormed. As indi ca ted (Cha pter 3), many of these pra cti ces aimed to control the initial pha se of death and thereby give an appropriate direction to the process — to create an image r y of death as being a shift from carn al life to another transcendental form of existence. If the practices were not performed, such control was not exercised. The consequence would be that the dead person’s spirit wandered abou t aiml essly on earth, 186 Chapter 9 restless , distressed and harmful to the livi ng . In case of a ‘bad death’, the soul could also be thought to have to dwell foreve r in Hell, 34 a realm that can be construed as an eterna l intermediary state between the mundane and the other-w o rl d ly , an eternal state of dying (cf. Chapter 6, p. 100f). The noti on of Hell was, however, not much elabo- rated. 35 If a violen t death had taken place in the open, a kind of ‘cenota ph ’ was often constructed on the site. If close to the home of the fami l y, the ‘cenotaph’ was normally erected by the relatives of the deceased and cons is ted of a cros s or an inscri bed stone plaq u e with the depa rted person’s name, together with an oil lamp, fresh or artifi ci al flowers and a pictur e of a saint. Hence it closel y resemb l e d a grave. If instead a person met with dea th in the open far away from home, the ‘cenotaph’ was constructed by local people there. It was not necessary for them to know the decea s ed persona ll y , not even to know his identi ty. In tha t case, it most often consis ted only of a simple cross, or of a cairn to which passers - b y added stones while saying a prayer . These latter cenota phs were construc ted in order to placa te and con- trol the spi rit of the dead, thereby maki ng it less harmful to the livi ng . 36 Certain procedures (involvi ng the burning of coal and wood and the sprink l i ng of salt and holy water) could also be perfor m e d at the pla ce of a viol ent dea th, but with the intenti o n of freein g it from the spiri t. 37 The ‘cenota phs’ and thei r rela ted bel i efs indi ca te a concepti on tha t somethi n g vita l of the person is left at the place where a violent death has occu r r e d. A life, and usua ll y also actu a l blood , had been ‘spil t’ on the ground, and remain there. Something essential of the dead cannot be removed from the place and put in an ordina ry grave together with the bod y and hence another ‘gra ve’ must be constructed there. For the rela tives of the dea d person this underta ki ng can be assumed to have the same moti ves as an ordi na ry burial of the corpse: to rep- re s e n t the deceas ed in a perman e n t form and provide a dwelli ng in which to stay. This ‘buria l ’ implies rest and peace for the soul . Those who construct such a ‘gra ve’ for a stranger do so defensively. There is a sense tha t the dead threaten the livi ng, tha t they will take from thei r lives for the purpose of returni n g to mundane life. It was a common belief tha t one could be possessed by the spirit produced by a violent death, for instan c e when passin g by the place of the disgra c e where the spirit roamed. 38 Given a dwelling place, the spirit is placated and brought under control. Exorcism could also be performed, as thou gh the life spil t on the ground coul d be destroyed by fire, as though the ground coul d be clea nsed from it by water and salt. From Transience to Transcendence 187 These idea s can be compared to the beliefs and practices, dis- cussed earl ier, rela ti ng to the pla ce of death of martyrs, in which these were concei ve d of as sources of blessi ng s . The noti on of vital force relea s e d by the unti mely and viol e n t death of a healthy and vigorou s person is in these cases merged with an image of sacred blessings received from martyred and pure saints who voluntaril y give up their life for the benefit of others . The life ‘spilt’ on these occasions is free for others to appropriate. The ordi na ry violen t death, howeve r , impli- ca tes a strong rel u cta nce on beha lf of the victi m to die, whi ch must be deal t with so that the dead person will not pose a threat to others in thei r wish to regai n lif e. It was a troublesome situation for a family if one of its member s died awa y from the home and the body coul d not be brought back. One way to handle such a problem, documented in some Calabria n villa g es , was to constru c t an image of the deceas e d and place it in his bed. The domestic mourning ceremonies were then held as though the effigy was the corpse of the deceased. 39 By symbo l i ca ll y crea tin g the presence of the deceased, the death could be brought under control in the centre of the domesti c sphere. Idea ll y, all close rela ti ves shou ld be present at wakes and funeral s. If thi s was not the case, it crea ted another troubl esome situa ti on. In earl y 19th century Trapani (Sicily) ‘stand-ins ’ were adopted at funer- a ls to symboli c al ly atta in this ideal. When importa n t family member s were missi ng and coul d not attend the funeral ceremonies, certain women ( mmasciature , ‘amba s sa d re s ses ’) were paid to act as repre sen- tatives. When one of these appear ed in the home of the bereaved family, she announce d the name of the person in whose place she had come and expressed excuses for him or her not having been able to arri ve in person. She then displayed conventional signs of grief: she spoke of the sorrow that death had caused, she praised the virtues of the departed and she cried loudly. 40 The presence of family members at the momen t of death was also desi r a b l e. In Napl e s , it is held that the absence of a close family member by the deathbed could cause the dying pers on to ‘refute his own death and doom himself to perdi- ti on’. 41 This emphasis on the presence of family members at the fina l moments of the dying person’s life and at the funera l might be seen as express i ng, beside the care and love that ideally shoul d permea te kinshi p rela tions, a noti on tha t th ey all, through thei r presence and partic i pa ti o n in the death practi c e s, agree to the symbol i c objecti ve of these: to terminate the earthly existence of the dead one and direct him towa rds the tra nscendenta l real m of the other worl d. If kinsmen 188 Chapter 9 were missing, it suggeste d that so me family members might disa gree, wishing instea d that the dead shou ld contin u e to be among the living and tha t he woul d therefore have rea son to cling to the worl d of the living . An expres s i o n of the idea l accepta n c e of death on behalf of the mourners is the widesprea d custom, in the case of interment, tha t each of them should throw a handful of earth upon the coffin. By doing so, they acti vel y parti c i p a te in buryin g the dead. In Cala bria , a dea d chil d shou ld not be excessi vely cried over beca use it woul d irri ta te Saint Peter, who woul d close the door to Para di s e for its soul and not open it again until the crying had ceased, 42 or the cryi ng woul d annoy the angel s so much tha t th ey would chase the child out of Paradise. 43 In Sici l y, it was said that God himself would chase the child from Para dise. 44 In Abruzzo, excessive crying over deceased persons of a ll ages was reprobated. It was said tha t too many tea rs caused the soul to suff er; tha t it hindered the soul from findi ng pea ce; tha t too many tears made the roa d to the other world, where the dead rest in peace, slippery and thus made the voya ge more diff i cul t; or that the tea rs wet the shi rt of the dead per- son, which was bad, since it either made for immense suffering or hindered a swif t walk to the other world. 45 Thus these sayings and beliefs express a conception that excessive cryi ng, whi ch indi ca tes tha t the bereaved do not accept dea th and wish for the decea s ed to return to life, will disturb the process of death. The passage from the mund a ne worl d to the transcendenta l real m will be painful and diffic ul t, and might even be reverse d to some extent. 46 We shou ld note that, in several of the saying s reported from Abruzzo, the disturba nce of th e proces s of dying is descri b e d as caused by the wetness of the tea rs rather tha n by the sorrow tha t brings them forth. This rela tes to the noti on of dea th as a process of drying, to which humi dity is an impediment. The third type of ‘bad death’ struck a person in his acti ve years. In many parts of Souther n Ita l y, it was held tha t the spiri t of the one who had been killed, or who had suffered a premature death by acci dent or suici de , sta yed on ea rth until the day on which he had been destin ed to pass away. The appoin te d length of life was often said to have been deci ded by God; this was a long life ended by a natural death. 47 The spirit resu lti n g from an unti mel y death was often though t to take a non-hu ma n appea ra n c e . As me nti oned, it coul d appear as a whirlwi n d , a strong and sudden wind or a storm. The spirit could also assu me anima l shape (a bird , a large cat or dog, a snak e, a moth) or appea r as a skel e to n or as flame s of fire . 48 Whatever its appearance , From Transience to Transcendence 189 such a spiri t was frigh te n ing and dangero u s . It could atta c k the livin g and cause them to suffer illness. A prematu r e death has simila r implicati o n s as one which is not accepted: it suggests that the soul ha s a strong wish to live and that it is enviou s of the living. This is an outspok e n idea in contemp o r a r y Naples, 49 and is implied elsewhe r e in Souther n Italy by the belief alrea dy menti o n e d that spiri ts resu l ti ng from a viol ent death could take possession of the bodi es of men and women. Another kind of troubling death wa s that of an unbapti s e d chil d. According to the Church, the souls of unbaptized childre n have a special fate. Since they have not been freed from original sin through baptism, they cannot be accepted into Heaven, neither directly nor after a peri od in Purgatory, but since they are free from personal sin they do not deserve punishment in Hel l . Instea d they are thought to exist in a state of limbo , where they forever enjoy a certain bliss. Among the laity, however, it could be thought tha t thei r spiri ts re- mained on earth, often disturbing th e livi ng although not being really dangerous. In several regions of Southern Italy, they were believed to appea r in the form of the monachiello — the ‘littl e monk’, a term tha t thus is one further indication of the death connotati ons of monks — which was a smal l and caprici ous spiri t, essentia lly domesti c and keen on performing practica l jokes. 50 The monachiello coul d be of great help if a friendl y rela ti o ns h i p was mainta i n ed with him. He could protect the home and bring riches to the famil y, but he coul d also be of annoya n c e. The belief in small, domesti c and caprici o u s spiri ts was widesp r e a d all over Italy, as well as in many other Europe a n countri e s, and thus it seems as though the idea of the fate of the unbapti s ed child’ s spirit someti m e s fused with the image of this supernatural being. The connection is apparently esta blished through the ‘chil di s h ’ traits of the spiri t: he is small , caprici o u s and rela tiv e l y harml es s . Hence the fate of the dead, unbaptiz e d child was imagined to be very diff erent from tha t of the bapti s ed, whi ch was thought to become a little angel in Heaven. These different ideas can be under- stood not only to derive from the doctri nes of the Church, but also to reflect the absence of regular ceremonies at the death of an unbap- ti z ed chil d. No such ceremoni es seem to have been perf ormed; it coul d not be given the Extreme Uncti on or the Via ti cum, and it was denied Chri sti a n burial. No symboli c control had thus been gained over its death , inspiri n g the belief th at the spirit woul d roam on earth for an indef ini te time. Its spiri t was not as those of adul ts, however: envious of the life of the living and truly dangerous. It was the spirit 190 Chapter 9 of a child who not yet had become a social being, understa n di n g and parti c i pa ti n g in the life of adults. Let us now turn to the ‘good death’ , in which the initial phase of death is controlled and the process of death is given a purposeful and proper direction. The dead person begins to abandon the mundane form of existence for another in th e transcendental realm; the soul atones for its sins for a time in Purgato ry , befor e being accep te d into Heaven. 51 Among the laity , Purga to r y was imagi n ed as a subte r r a - nean, burning inferno where souls were tormented by heat and flames . A soul’s stay in Purgat o r y could be shortened if the living performed suffragi — that is, prayed for the salva ti o n of the soul and bestowed it with spiri tua l meri ts through devoti onal acts made in its name. Although everyone could perform suffragi for a partic u l a r soul in Purga to ry , the relati v es of the decea s ed most stron g l y felt this duty. It was common to incl ude a petiti on for rela tives in Purga tory while prayi ng to the saints , the Virgi n Mary, Chris t or God. The pray- ers could be accompanied by a donation of money in collection boxes in the church and by the lighti ng of candles. Acts of absti nence to help soul s in Purgato r y could also be perform e d , and masses com- mi s si o n e d in their names. For the p oor, paying for these masses was a substa n tial expens e afford ed only with much sacrif i ce . 52 Acts of charity in their names were another form of suffragio for the dead. The most common was alms of food or money to poor people in the communi ty or to itinera nt beggars . The alms coul d be offered on a number of occasions. Poor people could join a funeral procession and afterwards be offe red food, and leftovers from the funeral meal could be given away to the poor. 53 Food and money could be offered to beggars on certain days of the year dedica ted to the commemoration of the dead, or when bread had been baked in the home, or more genera lly whenever it was considered appropri ate. Beggars in Sicily could approac h presump ti v e benefa c to r s using expressions such as: Pi l’arma di li so’ muorti: un pizzuddu di pani (‘for the sake of the souls of your depa rted ones, a piece of bread’), or, stressi n g the prospe c ts of the dead helpin g the living in retu rn : L’Armuzzi Santi di lu Priatoriu cci lu pàanu: un guranu! (‘The Blessed Souls in Purgatory will reward you: a coin!’). 54 The alms of food offered to beggars and the poor were not, how- ever, seen only as good deeds of charity made in the name of a depa rted person to aid his soul . Some peopl e thought tha t food offered in this way somehow reached the dead person and nurtured him. 55 The idea tha t the dea d were in need of food was also expres s ed by other customs. As can be recalle d from Cha pter 4, the soul s of the From Transience to Transcendence 191 dead were offered water and food in the home on All Souls Day and certain other occasions. Food could also be offered to the dead at their graves . Accor d i n g to a repor t from Rocca n o va (Basi li c a ta ) in the 1950s, some poor women poured red wine over a thick slice of bread on All Souls Day, place d it in a bouquet of wild flowe r s and depos - i ted this offeri ng by the crosses of their rela ti ves’ earthen gra ves . 56 Such gifts of wine, bread and other foods tu ff s at graves have also been documen te d in Abruzzo, Molise and Calabri a. 57 Hence, the livi ng rela ti ves wished to offer the deceased food, and more genera ll y to hel p them, but there were no physi ca l receivers (apa rt from the corpse in the grav e). The poor were willing to take adva nta g e of this by acti ng as represe nta ti ves of the dead and reci- pi ents of the concerns tha t were mea nt for them. They coul d do this as they share some impor ta n t chara c te r i s ti cs with the dead, being depriv e d of wealth and belong i ng s and in need of assi sta n c e . Furthermore, the poor person in need of alms from the public is often without livi ng kinsmen, a state recal ling the fate of the soul of the departe d now separa te d from living kin. In the case of the itinera n t begga r, the simi la ri ty with the dea d is further stressed by the absence of a home: the beggar wanders on earth homeless while the soul of the dea d has commenced upon a journey towa rds the rea l ms of the other world. 58 The symbolic associ ation between beggars and the dead has been documented in Europe since antiquity. 59 According to Christian morals, assistance to the soul s in Purgatory is an obli ga tion for the livi ng, an expressi on of the help tha t fellow Christians should offer each other in times of trouble. Those who pra y for the dead can expect that also they will be prayed for by the living when they have passed away. As mentioned, one of the few kinds of volun ta ry assoc i a ti o ns common l y found in South e r n Italy were burial brotherhoods ( confraternite) , in which living members cared for the burial of those who had died and prayed for their souls. Both in the view of the Church and in the beli ef of the laity, the souls in Purgatory reciprocate the conce r n s of the living and assist their fellow Christians on earth. 60 In prayer , the living could appro a ch their relatives in Purgatory and as k them for favours. Such prayers were accepted by the Church only if they asked for intercession, peti ti oni ng the soul to forwa rd requests to God. 61 Accordi ng to the Church, the souls of the dead were only interm e di a ri e s, and super- na tura l interventi on occurri ng when pra yi ng to them should be attri buted to God. Although some among the laity surel y accepted this theolo gi ca l disti n c ti o n, other s did not think much about it: the souls in Purgatory were prayed to, and if the prayers proved to have 192 Chapter 9 been heard and granted , it was the soul that had been prayed to who was given the credit. In practice, the dea d were thus attri buted superna t u ra l powers to interfe r e in this world. When a person’s soul was thought to have been admi tted into Hea ven, it needed no further assi s ta n c e from the living . The contac ts betwe e n it and the living were assumed to be terminated or only occasional. The help the living could expect from souls in Purgato r y , accord- i ng to the Roma n Catholi c Church, was to peti ti on God to grant the living favou rs ( grazie) and blessi ng s . Among the laity, it was not norma ll y thought tha t soul s had grea t superna tural power and there- fore prayers for help involving miracu lous intervention were directed to more pote nt divi ne beings: the sai nts, Chri st and the Virgi n Mary. It was general l y believed that one importa n t way for the dead to help their livi n g relati ves was to appear in dreams and give advi c e , revea l secrets and foretel l coming events. 62 These communications often con- cerned fami ly matters, but they coul d also rela te to other issues. Two common themes were that the dea d, most often by way of appeari ng in a drea m, could reveal the locati on of buri ed golden treasures or foretell the winning numbers of the game of lotto. 63 With reference to the soul , the idea of Purga tory refl ects what Hertz calls the ‘intermediary’ peri od, during which the deceased is neither alive nor yet fully dead. Si nce not yet fina lly dead, he is attri buted needs tha t the livi ng can help in sati sf yi ng, and the soul is also thought to be able to help the livi ng. It has left the munda ne worl d, however, and any hel p extended is thus insubs ta ntia l — typica lly to supply informa tion and forwa rd prayers to God. The soul cannot gra nt substa ntial grazie, as the saints , who are in a sense fully ‘alive’ and, through the identificati on between image and saint, pres- ent in this worl d. The time a soul would spend in Purgator y was understo o d to depend on three principal factors. (1) Sinf u l ne s s — in Purga to r y the soul atoned for sins committed during life; consequently, the more and graver the sins , the longer the time in Purgatory. (2) Indulgences earned during life through practising abste n ti o n and morti f i ca ti o n , by performing acts of charity and so on shortened the time in Purgatory. (3) Suffragi of rela ti ves and other persons concerned with the fate of the soul — if plenti ful , the sta y in Purgato r y was abbrevi a te d. The atoneme n t for sins in Purgato r y was concei ved as a puri fi c a- tion of the soul — the Italian word purgatorio derives from the Latin verb purgare, ‘to cleanse’. The relation between sin and the length of time spent in Purgatory can be seen as derived from a notion of death as a sepa ra ti on of the carnal and the spi ri tual components of man. To From Transience to Transcendence 193 sin is to depa rt from the rightful moral norms of Christia n s and to give in to the tempta ti ons of the flesh and other worl dly desires; sinning theref ore means that the carnal side of man is emphasised. The means for gaini n g indu l g e nc e s , that is, acts of chari ty, fasts , mor- ti f i ca t i o n s and other forms of absten tions, are the opposi te of sins; they imply a rejecti o n of carnali ty and worldly concern s . Suffragi are a way for the livi ng to bestow the soul in Purga tory with indul g ences post mortem. 64 Hence, the more ‘carnal’ a person has been when alive, the longer the time necessary for the sepa ra ti on of carnal and spi ri tua l compo- nents , conceived of as a purification of the soul. This time is shortened for a person who already has reject ed carnal i ty and culti v a te d the spiri tual when alive . As long as the carna l compo n e n t is still prese n t, the dead is still on the move from an earlie r form of existen c e in the directi on towa rds another tra nsient form — in need of help from the living and able to recipr o ca te their concer n s . A corolla r y of this view of sin and a necessa r y peri od of purifi ca ti on is the idea tha t persons who have not sinned will by-pass Pu rgatory. As we know, the saint was thought to rise directly to Hea ven as was the bapti s ed chil d no older than seven years of age. Hertz shows that it is common that the imagi n e d fate of the soul reflects the actua l tra nsf orma ti on of the corpse. In the South Itali a n ethnography, a number of such correspondences can be found. First, there is the genera l correspondence between, on the one hand, the destruction of the old body and the reconstructi on of a new, incorruptible body and, on the other hand, the soul ’s imagined jour- n e y from the mundane world to a transce n d e n tal realm. In both di- mensi ons, the dea d moves from the tempora r y and tra nsi ent towa rds the eternal and unchanging. The temporal correspondence between these two processes will be discussed at the end of this chapter, since there is a also correla ti on with the length of mourni ng. Second, the pra cti ce of buryi ng corpses underground so tha t their fles h diss ol v ed in earth corres p o n d s to the spatial locati o n of Purga- tory, a subterranean domain where the deceased were purified. In the case of exhumation of bones and th e placement of them in ossuaries, there is also a correspondence between this cha nge of loca ti on and the soul ’s tra nsf er from the chthoni c to the hea venly realm. Third, the transf orma ti on of the corpse after death essentially en- tails a change from humid to dry. The humid flesh disintegra tes and leaves the dry bones bare, or the flesh dries up (as in the case of Capuchin buri al ) and a mummy is crea ted. This drying process corre- sponds to the idea of Purgatory as a place where the dead suffer from 194 Chapter 9 being burned with fire for a peri od of time — and therefore, as argu ed in Chapte r 3, are though t to become thirsty . In Sicily, it was believed that the soul of the one who had been burnt to death in an accide nt was exempted from Purg ato r y and was forward ed direct l y to Hea ven, ‘since the fla mes had tried him in this worl d’. 65 Hence this idea directly correla tes an event in whi ch the body is subject to hea t and flames with the passage of th e soul through Purgatory. We have noticed a number of beliefs, legends and sayings indica te that hu- mi di ty in rela ti on to the corpse was understood to disturb the pea ce of the soul or the journey towa rds the other worl d: the Napoleta nea n belief that the dead buri ed in uncovered earth are troubled by rain; the legends in Napl es of dea d who, in thei r second gra ve, are dis- tu r b e d by water leaki n g in (an increas e d humidi ty in an alrea d y dried body that suggest s a regress to a pa inful tra nsi tory posi ti on between livi ng and dea d); the sayi ngs tha t the wetness of the mourners’ tea rs is an impediment to the soul ’s passage to God and the afterli f e. Fourth, the tra nsf orma ti on of the corpse impli es a puri fi ca ti on. The putrefying flesh of the corpse is gradually dissolved and, when this process has come to an end, the clean bones remain. This cleans i ng from flesh corresp o n d s to the purifica t i o n in Purgato r y, in which sins, that is emphasised carn al i ty, are gradua lly atoned for and cleane d away. As mention e d earlie r , at an exhuma ti o n in Naples when the flesh of a corpse was foun d to have dissolved incompletely, thi s brought to mind the idea tha t the decea s ed had commi tted many sins. Hence, in this case, when the co ndition of the corpse becomes inspecta ble through the pra cti ce of doubl e burial , the time taken for the puri f i ca tion of the bones from pu trefyi ng flesh is believed to be directly correl a ted to the number of sins commi tted by the decea sed. Hence, an incorrupt corpse coul d either be thought to be that of a great sinner or, as mentioned (Chapter 7), that of a saint. This ambi - guity derives from two different assumptions concerni ng the cause of the state of the corpse. The absence of normal deca y in the case of a sinner rela tes to a noti on of the body havi ng a qua li ty of exaggerated carnality that prolongs the process of putrefa cti on. Thus the corpse is not exempte d from the process of corruption; on the contrary, putre- f a c ti o n will take place but over such a long time that, at the momen t when a normal body would be decompo s e d , that of the sinne r appea rs as compa r a ti vel y inco r ru pt. The absen c e of putref a c ti on in the case of a saint is ‘true’; the saint is understood to be pure and therefore disassociated from corruption. 66 Final ly, the para ll el between the fates of body and soul can also be discerned in the similari ty between the family grave and what can be From Transience to Transcendence 195 called the domestic ‘family shrine’. In virtually every home, there was a shri ne-like arrang ement where photographs of recently or long since dead relati v es were mingled with images of saints , of Mary and of Christ. In the shri ne coul d also be kept locks of hair from the dead, as well as variou s objects which were conceived as holy (crosses, rosari es, bottles containi ng blessed water, twi gs from the olive tree that had been blessed on Palm Sunday and so on) and religi ou s objects and charms that had been brough t back from pilgri ma g es to saints’ shrines (stones, waters, oils, dried herbs and flowers, as well as plaq ues, buttons, medal li ons, tri nkets etc.) . In front of the ima ges of dead relati ves and holy figures were placed flower s and burning candles or oil lamps, in recent times pla s tic flowers and miniature electric illumination have become common. The shrine was a centre of domes ti c religi o us acti vi ti e s. Prayers were said for the salva ti o n of souls in Purgat o r y , and these soul s, as well as the divine protectors of the famil y, were asked for assi s ta n c e . 67 While the bodies of the dead were gathered in the family grave, their icons were assembled at the family shrine. The shrine can be constru e d as an image of the decea s e d relati ves alrea d y in Heave n , their soul s being close to the saints and God. It was quite simi lar to the ‘grave shrine’ of a family edicola , where photographs of dead rela ti v e s were also mingled with images of divine beings. Just as the family grave, these shrines convey an image of the family as a perma nent enti ty tra nscendi ng the carna l and munda ne lives of its members, but it situa tes this family in the realm of Heaven, where the souls and divine beings have an eternal and unchang i ng existen c e . Such an effort to locate the idea l family in a trans ce n d e n ta l realm is also expres sed by the practi c e of burial in church , a ‘heaven l y mansion’, and the construction of edicole in the fashion of chapels. It must be noted that this image of the fami ly as unifi e d in the heavenly realm is irreconcilable with the view of the Church that every person is judged accordin g to indi vi du al meri t. On the basi s of this judgement, everyone is allotted a posi ti on in Hell , Purga tory or in the hierarchy of Heaven, where exemplary Christians have privileg ed positions close to God and the Virgin Mary, while the not so perf ect ones are assigned lower rank. In the realm of Heaven, there is no need for reproduction and procreation since the souls cannot die, and hence no need for the family. 68 Mourners Cha pter 4 discussed the food pra cti ces of the members of a househol d in which a death had occu rred. Food was not consume d at all as long 196 Chapter 9 as the corpse was kept in the home. For three or more days after burial, during the peri od of most intens e mourning, the function of the household to sustain the life of its members by producing cooked food was interrupted. Instea d, nourishment was brought to the fam- il y by relati v es and friends accordi n g to the custom of consuolo . It was argu ed that these practices reflect a notion of the family members as initia ll y being in a state of death , broke n by the input of vital force through the consuolo food. Thereafter, the household started to func- tion more normally, but its members still lived under a shadow of death for an extend e d period of time. While mourni ng was most intense, the fire in the hearth was put out and not lit aga i n duri ng a peri od of three to ten days. 69 This custom rela tes to the circumsta nce tha t the hea rth was the epitome of the home and family, and its burning fire was associ ated with the life and contin ui ty of the fami ly and it s members. The fire was normally kept burning or glowing all day to be re-lit each morning by the glowing embers from the previous evening. The fire ‘slept’ duri ng night, just as the family did, and was ‘awakened’ in the morning; it had a ‘life’ of its own and it woul d ‘die’ if not properly fed. Putting out the fire signi fi ed tha t dea th had struck the househol d (for deta il s on the symbol i s m of the hea rth, see the next cha pter) . Duri ng this peri od of intense mourni ng, it was also common to stop the clocks in the home. This pra cti ce can also be taken to indi ca te a sta te of dea th, as a clock usual l y runs conti n u o us l y and the sound of a pendulum is reminiscent of huma n heartbeats. As long as the corps e of an adul t was kept in the home prior to burial , it was surrou n de d by relati v es , friends and neighb o u rs who arri ved to pay thei r respects. The men someti mes reti red to another room after havi ng visi ted the deceased, but the wom en sta yed in the camera ardente where periods of silence were interrup te d by wailing over the depa rted, by intona ti ons of lamenta ti ons, in which the virtues of the deceased were praised and the grief of the bereaved described, 70 and by recitations of prayers for the salvation of his or her soul. Expres si ons of grief were expe cted to be shown more intens e ly by members of the deceased’s househol d than by more distant rela- ti ves 71 and much more intensely by women tha n by men. It was com- mon in the nineteenth century, in the case of the premature death of an adul t man tha t women of the fami ly tore thei r hai r, scra tched thei r faces until blood flowed and violen tly bea t themselves on the shoul- ders, breast or head. On such occa si ons, a woma n could also throw herself onto the corpse or the grou nd, beat her head against a wall, tear her clothes into shreds and emit loud and terrib l e scream s . The From Transience to Transcendence 197 hair tha t was torn off was someti mes pla ced in the hands, by the feet or on the br east of the corpse, or onto the coffin if the corpse had alrea dy been plac e d in it. 72 All these violent acts were unders tood as expressions of immense grief and pain and can be taken as conven ti o n a liz e d enactme n ts of a wish to die, supposed to be felt by berea ved women, especia lly widows . The practi c e of tearing out hair and placin g it on the corpse sugge s ts a unifica ti o n with the decease d as well as a symbo li c de- vi ta li za ti on; hai r, as we know, has connotations of vital force. Other practi c e s that indica te such a unifica ti on have been docume n te d in some Cala bria n communities. A wido w was expected to put on her deceased husbands’ jacket and, havi ng done so, be the first to intone lamen ta ti o n s . 73 During the first three days of mourning, the close consa n gu i ne and affinal fema l e rela ti ves were custo ma r il y seate d on the mattress taken from the decea s ed ’s bed and pla ced on the earthen floor. 74 The length of time a person was expected to mourn depended on gender and genealogical distance. 75 The period also varied according to local codes of conduc t, but a widow should usuall y mourn her husband for the reminder of her life (or until an eventual re- marri a ge ) ; a widower shou ld mourn his wife for some years or until re-marriage; parents and adult children should be mourned for a period of some years; brothe r s , sister s and grandpa re n t s for one year; uncl es , aunts and cous i ns for some months. Children under seven years of age were not forma ll y mourned at all, at least not among the common people. Often a distinction was made between ‘stri ct mourni ng’ ( lutto stretto) and ordina ry mourning . Strict mourning was observed for a period after the death of a parent, spouse or adult child. It entailed comple te absten ti o n from lighth ea r ted amuseme n ts and a more gen- eral refrai nment from all acti vi ti es tha t were not absol u tely necessa ry. Hence one should stay at home unless there was a compel l i ng reaso n to go outdoors. A widow was often expected to remain secluded at home for a long time, sometimes a year or longe r, leavi n g the house only to visi t church and her late husband’ s grave. Strict mourning also implied dressi ng in black or da rk clothes . Black and dark colours indi ca ted death, and bla ck ribbons were atta ched to the entra nce of the house to signify that the househol d was in mourning. Ordina ry mournin g was less stri ct. When mournin g was even less strict, it could be called lutto dimezzato (‘half mournin g ’) , observe d when an uncle, aunt or cousin had died. Generally the codes of mourning were more demanding for women than for men. 198 Chapter 9 A parti cula r set of mourni ng pra cti ces understood to signif y the grief of the bereaved was to abstai n , in some parti cu la r ways, from what was norma l order li n es s and cl ea nliness. It was quite common in the southern provinces for a woma n to refrain from changing her chemise for a long time (a month, or several months, or even an entire year or longer) after the death of a close rela ti ve , espec i al ly in the case of the death of her husband. 76 Men could refrain from shaving or trimming the beard for some weeks or even a year. 77 As long as the corps e was kept in the ho me, or duri ng the peri od of intens e mourn- i ng, or for the first thi rty days after the dea th or even longer, the bereaved often refrained from sweeping or otherwise cleaning the home. 78 The grief of the bereaved was expected to be so intense that they did not bother with thei r personal hygi ene and the tidi ness of thei r home. Those who did not conf orm to this code of mourni ng were spoken badly of; they were said to feel no deep sorrow. 79 These pra cti ces can be understood not only to be indi ca ti ve of a denia l of life, however, but also to act out a concepti on tha t the bereave d and their home were contamina te d by death and theref o r e in a state of pollu ti o n . 80 This noti on is also manifes t in other practi c es relating to the presence of the deceased in the home. The dead body was ambigu ou s — on the one hand it still evoked the living person , and could hence be kissed and spoken to, while on the other hand it was disi ntegra ti ng bodil y matter from which polluti on and death threa te n e d to spread to the living . This latter aspec t inspi re d purif y - ing ceremonies of the home involving sprinkling water and burning incense, 81 as well as numerou s other beliefs and practi c e s concer ne d with puri fi cati on and remova l of enti ti es connected with the de- ce a s ed. 82 To sum up: mournin g had three importa n t aspects: (1) grief; (2) a conception of the members of the househol d as being in an initial state of death and later as denyi ng life and (3) a conce r n with the negati ve aspec t of death as a state of disi nte g ra ti on and corrupti o n . The activi ties expressing these aspects were stereotyped, and the person, especi ally the woman who had lost her husband, who failed to produce them publicly in the expected manner was likely to be severely criticised for not mourning seriously. She was thought to stain the honour of the deceased and of the family and was viewed as mora ll y questi ona ble. It is importa nt to note tha t the intensi ty of the expressi ons of these aspects was largely dependent upon which category of family member had passed away. General l y they were most intens e in cases of the premature death of an adult man, a bit less intense in cases of From Transience to Transcendence 199 prematu r e death of an unma r r ie d adult son, not as inten s e in cases of the prema tu re death of a fema l e membe r of the famil y or death at an old age. When a young child had died, expressions of these aspects were downplayed or absent. While th e corpse of an adult was usua lly dressed in black or dark clothes , a deceased child was dressed in white. Flowers were placed in the child’s hands and a garland of flowers could be draped around the head. The funeral of a child was, at least among common peopl e , often given a festi ve and gay appea r - a n c e . 83 The smallest of the church-bel ls sounded joyful ly (this was recommended by the Church), merry music could be played by a band and the corpse could be followed to the grave by children dressed as angels — all this was expl ained with reference to the idea tha t a chil d was without sin and theref ore after death beca me a littl e angel in Parad i s e. After the funeral a feast coul d be held, at which peopl e amused thems e l v es with drinki ng and dancing . These significant differences between death practices relati ng to diverse categories of family members indi ca te tha t the noti on of dea th as sorrowf ul and polluting was stress ed when the death severely disru p t e d th e fa m i l y as a u ni t re pr o d u c i n g o ve r ti m e . As Ro b e r t Hertz (196 0) was the first to consi s te ntl y point out, dea th- rel a ted idea s and practi c e s are not prima ri ly occasi o n e d by physi ca l death as such, but by the demise of a social being and are therefore highly dependent upon the deceased’s social position. The most disruptive death was the premature death of the family head. As the principal bread- winner and offici al ‘manager’ of the househol d’s economic activities, his death impli e d a serious threat to its contin ui ty . The househo l d should ideall y continue to exist under the formal leadersh i p of the eldest son; if there were no son, the mother might assume the role of household head. In these cases, however, the househol d was in a sense a different househol d, since it had a new head. However, if there was no son to take over the posi- ti on of leader, there was impendi ng risk tha t the fami l y of the house- hol d woul d cea s e to exis t — the widow with her chi l dren might be incorporated into her parental fa mil y or, if the widow re-ma rr i e s, they might become members of a ne w, or already existing, household of another man. The widow may also be forced to sepa ra te the fami ly by boardi n g childre n in other hous eh o l ds or even in institu ti o n s. Also the death of an adul t unmarried son seriously threatened the family, since a son, when his father dies, was expected to take over his position as leader of the fa mily. Furthermore, unmarried sons usual l y contri buted subs ta nti al ly to the househol d’s economy with their labour. The death of an adult daughter, of the mother, or of an 200 Chapter 9 elderl y member of the family did not pose a threa t of simil a r magni - tude to the househol d. An unma rri ed adul t daughter was desti ned in any case to be marrie d away and would theref o r e cease to be a member of the household; signific antly, her funeral often contained elements of the celebration of marriage. 84 The mother could be replaced if the family head found hims elf a new wife, which he com- monly did, and an elderly member of the househol d was not crucial to its contin u i ty . Nor did the death of a young child pose in most cases a seri ous threa t to the conti nui ty of the famil y. Inf a nt morta li ty was high, and most families lost one or more children. However, as a married couple usually begot many children , they were likely to see some of their children grow up and marry. In summary, the death that threatened the continuity of the family over time was the most negative one. While fami ly graves and the placing of personal portra i ts of deceas e d fami ly member s in the ‘gra ve shrine’ and in the ‘domesti c shrine’ spea k of an effort to constr u c t idea l repres e n tati o n s of family continu i ty and unity, the noti o n of the famil y in a state of death and of its membe r s as denyi ng life duri n g mourn i n g is a nega ti v e image of the famil y when it is threatened by the transience of human flesh. Tha t fema l es were expected to act out this nega ti ve image more intensely than men can be understood to be a consequence of women being more closel y associ a te d than men with the carna l aspec t of human existence, and thereby with physical reproduction. Physio- l o g i cal death is a threa t to the conti n u i ty of the fami ly as a repro du c - ti ve uni t. Death stri kes agai nst carna li ty, agai nst biol ogi ca l lif e, and it is theref ore women that are expected to be struck hardes t. Men, on the other hand, were rela ted to fami l y conti nui ty in a more abstra ct sense, for insta nce, through the pra cti ce of patrila tera l inheri ta nce of famil y name. Correlations J u st as the tra nsf orma ti on of the deceased’s ‘old’ body into a ‘new’, incorruptible body and the transference of the soul from the mundane real m throu gh Purga to r y to Heave n take place over a limi ted perio d of time, so the mourni ng peri od of the livi ng has a defi ni ti ve dura - ti on. There is a noti on that the deceased, despite physical death, has not been fina lly removed from mundane ex isten c e , that he is in a sense still a member of the househ ol d . The dead person is fres h in the memory of the living, and the family is frequently reminded of him From Transience to Transcendence 201 through habi ts and domesti c objects of the person. Duri ng this peri od, the hous ehol d can be said to have a member who is dead and thus must adjust to this circumst ance by denying life. The mourni ng of the fami ly comes to an end, however , and the time when it ends can be made to coinci de with the termi na ti on of the other aspects of the dura ti on of dea th. This correla ti on seems to be most evident in Naples, where mourni ng ends afte r the secondary funeral, hence when the duration necessary for the successful creati on of the deceased’s ‘new body’ has come to an end. These durations of death are also projected upon the durati on involving the soul. In Naples, the commemorative masses for the soul of the deceased are commis- sioned less frequently after the second burial and cease completely some year after it, when it is held that the deceas e d has atoned for his sins in Purga to r y and is relea s ed from it. 85 In other parts of Southern Italy, a correl ation in time between the end of the three aspects of the dura tion of death seems to have been occasional and vagu e. As mentioned, the soul of the person who burnt to death coul d be beli eved to go stra i g ht to Heaven. The idea s of the normal length of time tha t the soul of an adul t had to stay in Purgatory — if the person had been neither exceptionally sinful nor remarkably pious and if the suffragi for the soul had been ordina ry — were imprecise and coul d shi f t according to context. It was thought that certai n practi c es could libera te a soul from Purga to r y after only a short time (from a week to a few yea rs) . 86 Accordi ng to reports from Sicily, the loca ti o n of the soul in the other world (whethe r it was in Heaven or in Purgatory) could be indica ted by certain omens occu r- ri ng three months after the person’s death or by divinatory pra cti ce s . 87 As will be descri be d in deta il in the next cha pte r , the dea d were said to return to their former homes every All Souls Day, and these dead coul d be unders tood to be soul s dwell ing in Purga tor y . The suffragi for the soul and the assi stance thought to be obta i ned from it tended to decrease after a couple of ye ars, but people could nevertheless assume, accordin g to a report from Si cily, that none of their departed rela ti ves had yet been forwa rded to Hea ven, although they thought tha t thi s would surely happen some time in the futu re. 88 The end of the three aspects of the durati on of death seems to have been directl y correla te d only in Napl es , this pres uma b l y becaus e of the pra cti ce of doubl e buri al . The condi ti on of the corpse thereby becomes evident and inspires to conclusions rega rding the state of the soul and whether or not one shou ld continue to mourn. In other area s, the ‘new body’ was crea ted instanta neousl y through the pra c- tice of entombment; when earth burial was used, the condition of the 202 Chapter 9 corpse was inspectable only when an earthen grave eventually was re-used. To conclude , in general, the ‘new body’ had been formed within five yea rs , often earli er. At tha t time, mourning had ceased for all family members except for many widows, and the contact between the living famil y membe rs and the soul were only occasi o na l. The three aspects of the duration of death are summari sed in the follow- i n g figu r e. physical death final death   state a l i v e dura ti o n of deat h fina l l y dead body organi c body (hu mid ) destr u c ti o n of or ga ni c body / cons tr ucti o n of ‘new’ body (dr ying ) ‘new’ body (dr y) soul soul in carna l body soul in Pur ga to r y soul in Heave n family inta c t mour ni ng; disr upte d; freque n t co nta c ts with soul mour ni ng e nde d ; reco nstr uc te d; occas i o n a l conta c t s with soul Figure 5. Three aspects of the duration of death. TEN CYCLIC REGENERATION Cha pter 8 focused on the mergi ng, especi al ly notabl e in spri ngti me, of the crea ti ve forces of nature with the grazia of saints and of Christ. We shal l now give our attenti on to a set of noti ons tha t also rel a te natu ra l cycl es of life and death to the regenera ti on of human beings, but which are essentially non-Christ i an and are tempor a ll y located in the late autumn and at mid-wi nter. These notions are expressed pri- ma r il y by belief s and practi c e s connecte d to the major calenda ri al celebra ti o n s in the time betwee n All Souls and Epipha n y , and we must first cons ider four recu rring themes of these celebrations: (1) the idea of the presence of the dead among the living, (2) the imagery of children receiving gifts from the dead or from Befana or other mytho- l o g i cal beings, (3) the ceremon i al consump ti o n and distrib u ti o n to the poor (acting as represe n tat i v e s of the dead) of whole grains and leg- u mes, and (4) the idea of annual regeneration. Themes of Late Autumn and Mid-Winter Celebrations Presence of the dead In severa l regions, the dead were said to have a respite from their suff eri n g s in Purgato r y in the pe riod from All Souls Day (November 2) to Epipha ny (Ja nua r y 6), duri ng which they rested in thei r former homes among their living relatives. 1 The noti on of the dea d as present among the livi ng at this time of the year is also expressed by numer- ous beliefs and practi ces connected to specific days . In these contexts , however , the dead were not necessa ril y specif ie d to be dwelling in Purgato r y , but were the dead in a more genera l sense, in which it was essentially of no concern where in the other world, according to Roma n Cathol i c doctri ne, they were. It was a common idea all over Southern Italy that on the night prior to All Souls Day the dead rose from their graves, walked in processi on through the town, atte nded Mass in church, which was read by a deceas ed priest, and then visi ted their former homes. The concepti o n of the dead as being present on this night could inspire in some communities the custom of displaying holl owed pumpkins, 204 Chapter 10 with holes cut in the shape of eyes, nose and mouth of a human skull, with a burning candl e insid e. 2 During the night, bands of youths using chalk sometimes painted images of skel etons and skul ls on the doors of houses. 3 In Monten e r o di Bisa cci a (Molis e) on All Souls Eve, sma ll lit candl es were atta ched to the back of cockroa ches, which were set free to cra wl around on the church floor. 4 This event pre- sumabl y took place at the service for the dead in the evening, and can hardly be anything but a suggestive visualization of the presence of the dea d among the livi ng. 5 The cockroaches with their candles moved about in the dusk of the chur ch , each followin g its own route, just like the souls of the dead on their way back home. They were carrie d by insects which, just like the retu rn i n g dead, emerge from the subterra nea n real m, shun light and move about onl y in the dark- ness of night. Furthermore, when movi ng on a floor, a cockroa c h makes a clatte r i n g noise resemb l i ng the rattli n g of dry bones. All Souls Day was a day of concer n for the dead. As we know, water and food were often pla ced on a tabl e in the home so that the dead could refresh themselves duri ng the night. The graves of de- cea s ed family member s were visi te d and taken care of, and Masses were read in church for the salvat ion of their souls. Beggars roamed the streets and asked for alms to be offered as a suffragio for the dead. Food coul d also be left on the dinner table on Christmas as an off eri ng to the soul s of the dead, who were thought to arrive during the night. 6 Offeri ngs of food pla ced on a tabl e or by the hea rth coul d also be made with the verba ll y expressed intenti on tha t the inf a nt Jesus and Mary woul d eat from the food when they visi ted the home or tha t the Chri stmas log ‘woul d have somethi ng to eat’. 7 Since the dead in other contexts were underst ood to have a certain presence in the hearth (see below), we can also discern a gift of food to them behind these verbalis ed rationalisations . In a number of commu ni ties in Moli se, Pugl ia and Cala bria , it was hel d tha t the night of Epi pha ny was a time when the dea d visi ted thei r homes, and a tabl e was set in the home with off eri ngs of water and food. 8 In some vill age s in Basil i ca ta, however , Epipha ny was a day of mourni ng , when it was believ ed that the dead greatly suffered — some said that this was because they ‘went further down’ or ‘sank deeper into the earth of the cemetery’. 9 Thi s idea may be unders tood as expres s i ng a concepti on that the dead were now movi ng away from the living after a period in which they had been closer to them. The presen c e of the dead among the living implied potenti a l dan- ge r s . For instan c e , the dead who visited the living on this day were sometimes called spiriti instead of anime, hence the term normally Cyclic Regeneration 205 used for the evil spirits of the dead remaini n g on earth, 10 and peopl e were said to have died or become dumb at the chock of seei ng the dead on All Souls. 11 Furth e r m o r e , there is an impli cati o n that if the living do not care well for the dead and show them appropr ia te respect, the dea d will be discontent and pose a threa t to the livi ng. 12 This possib i li ty is the subjec t of a legend , recorde d in Miggia n o (Pugli a) . 13 It tell s tha t the livi ng once cea s ed to care for the dea d by prayers, masses and charity in thei r name. To re-awa ken their affec- tion, the dead, having asked God fo r permission, sent a horrible hail storm over th e community, which ba dly damaged the houses as well as the harvest. The people wished to know the cause of the cata stro- phe and consul ted a hermi t, who tol d them tha t God had puni shed them for not caring properly for their poor dead. The living repented and perf o r med peniten c e s, and started to love thei r dead again. Gifts to children I n most parts of Sicily and in some area s of northwes t e r n Puglia, childre n were made to believe that thei r dead rela tives, when they visi ted their homes in the night pri or to All Soul s Day, off ered them gifts — the cose dei morti (‘things from the dead’). 14 These presents were in reality given by their pare nts or other relatives. Gifts of smaller size were most often placed in one of the child’s shoes or socks or in an adult’s more capa ciou s shoe or sock. In Puglia, a sock used for this purpose could consequently be called la calzetta dei morti (‘the sock of the dead’). 15 It was the custom in some communities to place the sock or shoe by the hearth, because the dead were said to enter the house through the chi mney. 16 Nice gifts were given to children who were considered to have behaved well during the year, while some of those who were judged to have misbeha ved found objects tha t disa ppoi nted them. Typi ca l attra cti ve gifts were toys, sweets, dri ed figs, nuts, chestnuts, roasted chick- p ea s, coins and clothes . Shoes, as well as sweets shaped as shoes, were a customary gift. Among the una ttr a ctive gif ts, it seems that pieces of charcoa l and worn out shoes were the most common , and we are infor me d that braids of garli c, orang e peels and rotte n onions were also given. A customary type of sweet at this time of the year was prepared of a base of grated almonds and suga r, sometimes from flour, burnt suga r and water, and shaped to resemble certain figures and objects. 17 On All Souls Day, and someti m e s also on other festi v e days in the late autu mn, common forms for thi s type of sweet, in Sicily and Cala bria , were images of anime purganti (‘soul s in purgato ry ’ ) , ossa dei morti 206 Chapter 10 (‘bones of the dead’), which had the colour and form of human bones, and fave dei morti, resembling broa d bea ns. The sweets could also be fashioned as human skeletons or skul ls or given the form of, and be called , Gesù Bambino (‘Jesu s the Child’) and Occhi di Santa Lucia (‘Eyes of Santa Lucia ’) . The sweets were eaten by the whole family, although partic ul ar l y enjoye d by childr e n , and they were among the gifts that the dead (or certain mythological figures, see below) , were supposed to bring to the young desc endants of their fami lies. In Cala bria , it coul d be ‘saints’ th at offered gifts (sometimes placed in a sock) to childre n on the night prior to All Saints Day. 18 In Bari and Molfetta (Pugli a) , child r e n were instea d made to believ e that San Nicola brou ght them gifts on the night preceding his feast day (De- cember 6). The saint was said to enter the home thro ugh the chimney (or through fissure s at the window) and place his gifts in shoes or socks that had been hung by the hearth. 19 San Nicola is rega rded as the patron of childre n , presuma b l y because his hagiography tells of two miracl es in which he showed concern for children. In some areas of Sici ly , childr e n were made to beli eve tha t the Strenna or La vecchia (‘The Old Woma n’) brought them gifts on the night pri or to Chri st- m a s or New Year. 20 The Strenna was described as an extremely old and ugly woman. Her name is formed by the word strenna, which mean s a gift given at annua l feas t days , such as Chri stma s . 21 However, the most common imagery in continenta l Southern Italy was that Befana brought chil dren gifts on the night prior to Epiph- a n y . 22 Her name is deri ved from Epifania, and she was imagi ne d as an old and ugly woman. Like the Sicilian Strenna, she was a non- Chri s t i a n figu re, a kind of fairy. Sh e was often sai d to enter the house through the chimney (or to live there). The usual imagery was that she deposi ted gifts in the shoes or socks of the children, which had often been pla ced by the hea rth for this rea son. The gifts were basi - ca ll y the same as those offered by the dea d in Sicil y . Befana was said to know everythi ng about the family; thus she could give plea sant gifts to well-behaved children and ashes or other usel ess things to naughty ones. Dea d rela ti ves thus brought gifts to chil dren on All Soul s Day, as did a numbe r of mytho l og i ca l figu r e s duri n g late autu mn and at midwinter. There are reasons to assu me tha t these figures, in this context, represent deceased relatives. They are supposed to appear in the home at a time when the dead are conceived as being present among the living and as visiting their former homes. Befana and the Sici li a n Strenna are portrayed as extremely old, as old as deceased relatives would have been had they been alive. 23 The figures also have Cyclic Regeneration 207 a domestic character. They know how the children have behaved du- ri ng the yea r in such detai l as though they had been family members. Furthe r m o r e, San Nicola and Befana , like the dead, are associa t e d with the hearth, a recurring symbol of the famil y; it was there they left their gifts. As it now has been mentioned several times that the hearth was a symbol for home and family, it may be in place to qual if y the state- ment. The hearth was the centre of domestic life. 24 The dinner tabl e was placed closed to it, and in the evenings the family gathered by it to chat, tell stories, recite prayers and make handicrafts. It was by the hea rth tha t guests were recei ved. In the times prior to the introduc- tion of gas or electric stoves, the fi re of the hea rth was often kept ali ve all hours of the day. The hearth was thus the ‘heart’ of the home. In Abruzzo, the word fóche, (‘fire’, ‘hearth ’ ) was used as a synonym for ‘home’ and for ‘fa mily’. 25 The hea rth was trea ted with grea t respect. In Abruzz o, and elsewh er e , it was forbidd en to spit in it, and no leftov e r s of food or other kinds of rubbish were to be thrown there. 26 Solemn oaths coul d be sworn in its name. 27 In some vill ages in Abruzz o, a newborn chil d was placed by the hearth for a moment, 28 and in certa i n areas of Campa nia , the father carried his newborn first son three times around the hea rth. 29 These customs emphasise the belonging of the child to the home and the family. It may be not ed tha t a simila r procedure in certain villages of Abru zzo was used for domesticating a cat, so that it would never abandon the house — it was passed three times around the firepl ace chain. 30 As the epitome for the home and the family, the hearth also com- prised deceased members of the family. To touch, toss or swing the chain of the hearth — especially on All Souls, during the period from All Soul s to Epipha n y or when a death in the family had recentl y been suff ered — was thought in Abruzz o and Molise to disturb the dead. 31 In Puglia, it was believed that keeping a tripod in the domes ti c fire without suspendi ng a pot from it troubl ed the souls in Purga - tory. 32 The sparks from the hea rth were, in some villag e s in Abruzz o, called parinde , a term rela ti ng to the word parente (‘pa rent’, ‘rela- ti ve’) ; 33 in Campa n ia , it was said that every spark from half- e x tinc t firebra nds represents a soul flyi ng to the other worl d. 34 While the hearth thus represented home and family, its burning fire was associ a ted with the conti nui ty of the famil y over time, as wel l as the life of indivi d ua l famil y members. In Abruzzo, the expression ha ’rmòrte lu fóhce (‘the fire has died out’) mea nt tha t the last livi ng member of a family had died. 35 In Modica , Sicil y , it was held that if 208 Chapter 10 the domestic fire died during the Easter Eve dinner, this was an omen that one of the family members would die damned within a year. 36 In some vill age s in Abruzz o, it was beli eve d tha t, if the huge ceppo di Natale (Christma s log), burne d all the time to Epipha n y , re-li t each evening, this foretold a long life for the head of the house. 37 In certain parts of Calabri a , the Chri stma s log was lit together with as many lesse r logs as was the numbe r of members of the family. 38 In Cala bria , it was also the custom not to lit the Chris tm a s log if an impor ta n t family member had died during the year. 39 Like the custom of putti ng out the fire in the hea rth duri ng the first days of deep mourni ng, this is an expres sio n , at the year’s major family celebra ti on , of the disrup - ti on of the famil y and a househol d struck by dea th. Earli er, we discussed the ‘lamp metaphor’ in humoural medicine and the asso- c i a ti o n betwe e n a burning candle or oil-l a m p and a dying or recen tl y deceased person. In all these customs we see expressions of the analogy between the ‘life’ of a fire and the life of a human being, or the supra -i n di v i du al continu i ty of a famil y. The close association between the fi re of the hea rth and the family is also expressed by a number of beliefs concerning unba ptized children. To fetch fire from other homes in order to re-light the hearth was considered inappropri ate by some when there was an unbap- tized child in the home. 40 If fire from one’s own hearth was offered to other famili es , this woul d harm the child, 41 or make it bad- tempe r ed and disres p e ctf u l to its father . 42 These beliefs thus express an intuition that the integri ty of the domes ti c fire was cruci al in a perio d when the chil d’s identi ty had not yet been soci al ly determi ned by the ceremony of baptis m. The idea that the child would be disres p ec tf u l to its father suggests tha t the disruption of the integri ty of the fire (by lendi ng it out) would correspond to a disr uption of family concord. Two further things should be said concerning the relation between the deceased and children. On All Souls children could roam the stree ts of the villa g e or town and ask for gifts , remin d i n g all that this day was dedi cate d to suffragi for the dead. For instanc e , they could repeatedly cry out l’aneme di murte (‘the soul s of the dead’, Puglian dialect) or carry hollow pumpkins fashioned as huma n skulls, illumi- na ted from the insi de by a candle. 43 Sometimes childre n mingled with beggars , who were also aski ng for alms . The childr e n were given nuts, almon ds , dried figs, pomeg r a na te s , roasted chestnu ts , sweets , oranges and someti m e s coins; in San Vito Chieti n o (Abruzz o ) they were offered boiled legumes (chi ck- p eas, bea ns and broa d bea ns). At leas t in one commun i ty (Cerig n ol a) , the childre n collec te d their gifts in socks . Cyclic Regeneration 209 Second, not only socks and shoes were recurrent elements in the image r y of gifts to child ren , but in Sicil y also the soles of the feet. Sici lian childr en were made to believe that the dead, when they entered the homes on the night pri o r to All Souls Day, tickl ed the soles of the chil dren’s feet with thei r nail s, 44 and the street-urchins took the opportu n i ty to frighte n smalle r childr e n by roaming the stree ts and calli ng out in a woeful and drawn - ou t tone: Li morti vennu e ti grattanu li pedi! ( ‘T h e dead are comi ng and will scra tch your feet!’). 45 In Mila zz o, the dead were said to lacera te the soles of chil- drens’ feet with a grater 46 and, in Vica ri, where children were instea d made to bel ieve tha t the Vecchia Strina brought them gifts on New Years night, she was also said to mist re a t thei r feet in this parti cu la r way. 47 Ceremonial consumption of whole legumes and grain Typical gifts to beggars roaming the street s on All Souls, offere d as a suffragio for deceas e d fami l y members , were dishes based on boil ed legu me s (mos t often broad bea ns ) or whol e grai n, or both, and peopl e themselves consumed such food on this day. 48 The dishes could also contain other ingredients. For inst a n ce , in certa i n area s of Puglia, many well- to - d o fami li e s boile d great quanti ti es of chick - p ea s or whole grains, seasoned with red po megra na te juice , and offer e d this dish to the poor on All Souls as a suffragio for the souls of deceased relatives. 49 In other areas of Pugl ia, whole grains and corn kernel s were boiled with red wine and consumed ‘as a devoti on to the souls of the dead’. 50 In the Southern regions, these customary dishes , which coul d also be eaten on some other occasions, were often called cuccia , 51 especially when they were culinar ily more elaborate. Some people considered broad beans to be the food of the dead, and the food offeri n gs that were left at a table in the home on All Souls Eve some- ti m e s consis te d of such beans. It shall be recalle d that sweets in the form of broad bea ns, called fave dei morti (‘broad beans of the dead’), were popular at this time of the year in some regi ons . 52 In numerous communities the same kinds of food were ceremoni- ously eaten and distri buted to the poor on the day of San Nicola . 53 In some areas of the South, no food made from flou r was to be eaten on this day; instea d a soup based on soaked and cooked whole grain was the customary dish. 54 This ban on eating flou r, also effective on some other occasions during late autu mn and mid-winter, can be under- stood as stressing the importance of the whole s e ed of grai n. It is not the substa nce of the food tha t is cruc ia l for it as a ceremo n i al dish, but rather its form — whole seeds. 210 Chapter 10 In large areas of the South, consumption and distributi on to the poor of whole grains and legumes also took place on Santa Lucia’s day (December 13). 55 In most parts of Sici ly, bread from grain was not to be eaten, nor was any other f oodstuff that contained flour from grain. The food, consumed as a ‘devotional observance’, shou ld instead consis t of legu mes, vegeta bles , cooked chestnuts, pudding and brea d made from chestnut or chick-pea flou r, or cuccia based on boiled whole grain, sometimes also containing legumes, and often seasoned with milk, honey, red wine or roasted broa d beans. 56 Also in Cala bria , cuccia w a s the tradi ti o n al dish on this day, offer e d to the poor and consumed as well by the donors, who thought tha t it was ‘blessed food’. 57 According to one descripti o n , cuccia contained whole grai n tha t had been boiled together with honey, hazel nuts, dried orange peels and pomegranate seeds. In some Calabrian villages, it was the custom to make dona ti ons of legumes and dried figs to the poor. In the area of Gargano (Pug l ia ), broad beans were cooke d and consumed ‘out of devotion’. 58 Dishes containing whole grains or legu mes were also ceremoni- ously consumed and distributed to the poor on some other days in the weeks around mid- winter, most commonly, it seems, on New Yea rs Eve 59 and on the day of Sant’Antonio (January 17). 60 On this latter day, there were pers on s and familie s in Sicily who, as on the day of Santa Lucia , absta i ned from eati ng bread . 61 Raw seeds coul d be offered to the poor and to the dea d. Accordi ng to a report from Molise, offeri n gs of uncooked whole grain and corn kernels were brought to the church at the afternoon servi ce on All Soul s Eve as a suffragio for the dea d. All fami li es brought with them a contri b u ti o n ; a portio n of chosen seeds was carrie d by a child of each family, who was expected to show sorrow and reverence, to a corner of the church where heaps of grain were forming. 62 In Laureana di Borre ll o (Cala br ia ), gifts of raw grain, maiz e , beans and oats (as well as oil) were brought to the church as a gift to the dea d, later to be sold by the clergy to pay for Masses for the dead. 63 In Vicar i (Sici ly ), broad beans were distributed on Christmas Eve to the poor, who considered them to be blessed. They sowed the beans on their rented fields and belie ved that they would give an abunda n t harves t. 64 Nuts were another food typi cal of late autumn and winter. It was the custo m to indulg e in hazel nu t s , walnut s , almonds and chestnu t s at all the major fea sts duri ng this period. Nuts were consumed au naturelle or could be used for variou s sweets (such as confetti, that is, suga red almonds ) and in cakes. Whole nuts could also be offered to the poor as a suffragio for the dead, 65 although thi s seems not to been Cyclic Regeneration 211 as common as the alms cons i s ti ng of dishes made from whol e gra i ns and legumes . Dried figs were also a popu l ar snack at the feast days of late autu mn and wintertime, and they could be offered as gifts to beggars . 66 If we look beyond thi s time of the yea r, we find some other occa - sions on which dishes of the cuccia type could be ceremoniously eaten and distri buted to the poor. The onl y occa si on when thi s seems to have been observed more generally, however, was on Saint Joseph’s Day (Marc h 19). Apart from this day, such consu mpti o n and distr i - buti on were loca l usa ges, connected to the cel ebra ti on of patron sai nts or certain other Christian festivals. 67 The same holds for the consumption of nuts, which were a ch ara c ter is ti c snack in many local celeb ra ti o n s of saints at vari ou s times of the year. For instan c e, on the isla nd of Ischi a on Septembe r 8, the festa delle noci (‘fea s t of the nuts’) is celeb ra te d . At this feast, held in honour of the Madonna, nuts were a promi nent fea ture; nothing else was to be sold at the sta l l s of the travelling peddlers. 68 As argue d in Chapter 9, beggar s , when offered alms as a suffragio for the dead, represent the dead. Hence the dead, in the guise of beggars and poor, or more directly through offering s of food or seeds placed in the home or in the church, were supplied with whole grain and legumes. It can be noted tha t thi s pra cti ce has also been docu- mented in other European societ i es . John Lawso n , for instanc e , concl u d es (1910 : 536 ), on the ba sis of evidence from Greece and Sardi ni a and from the Roma ns, tha t: ‘It is not unlikel y … that the use of boiled beans or gra i n in the serv i ce of the dea d is an old custom common to the coasts of the Medi terranea n’. 69 Annual regeneration T h e fourth theme in the calenda ria l celeb r a ti o n s of the late autu mn and mid-winte r is annual regenera ti on, tha t is, the noti on tha t the old year is replace d by a new one. This theme is most explici t on Santa Lucia ’s Day, Chris tma s, New Year and Epiph a n y. In the centur i e s prior to the Gregoria n calenda r reforma ti on (158 2) , Santa Lucia was celebra te d at or near the mid-w i n te r sols ti ce . 70 In tradi ti o n al Sicil y , this state of affa i rs was still reca ll e d by a prove r b sayi ng that Santa Luci a’s Day was the shortes t day of the year. 71 The new year charac te r of Santa Lucia’s Day is indi ca te d by the custom of making a forecast for the followi ng year by observing the weather on this and the eleven following days, which were held to represent the following twelve months of the year. 72 If, for insta nce, it raine d on Decembe r 14, then Febru a r y would be a rainy month . Santa Lucia ’s 212 Chapter 10 Day hence represents the beginning of a new year in this twel ve-day representa ti on of the year. It may also be noted tha t the name Lucia derives from the Latin word lux, lucis (‘li ght’, in modern Ita lia n luce) and, in Lati n, Lùcia is the feminine form of Lùcius , literal l y mea ning the one who has been born in the morning (or during dayl ight). Hence sai nt L u c i a , c e l e b r a t e d a t mi d - w i n t e r , by he r na m e su g g e s t s the beginning of the end of the winter darkness and a promise of brighter days to come. 73 Cosmic renewal and regeneration characterized Christmas. The birth of Christ was celebrated and was represented in the homes of many fami lies by the Christma s cr i b. Chri stmas night was thought to be a night of wonde r s and cosmi c fecundi ty : the anima l s coul d speak , the trees blossomed and gave frui t, the waters of rivers and streams were transformed into oil, spring s filled with honey, and common objects changed into gold. 74 The conception of Christmas as the beginning of a new year was also expressed by the custom of making augu ri es for the comi ng yea r on this day. 75 New Year is the beginni n g of anothe r calend a ry year, and we also find more informal expressions of a notion of annu al renewal on this day. The idea of an enchant e d and fe cund night, like Christmas night, was present in some communit i e s of Abruzzo. 76 Some persons believed that the ‘new water’, fetched for domestic use in the morn i ng of New Years Day, had beneficial properties and therefore washed thems e l v e s with it and drank from it. 77 The first twel ve days of the new year were said to represent the twelve months of the coming year, 78 just as was sai d of the twel ve days sta rti ng with Santa Lucia ’s Day. Other kinds of forecasts rega rd i n g the foll ow i ng year could also be made on New Years Eve or Day. 79 In Cala bria , the idea was docu me nted that Epiphany night was a night of marvels and renewal — animal s could speak, trees gave fruit, the water of the strea ms turned into gold. 80 Epiphany was also a time proper for making foreca sts for the co ming year or, more genera lly, for the future. 81 In some commu ni ti e s in Pugl ia (where the dead were thought to be present on this day), Epipha ny was thought to be the shortest day of the year, thus to be mid- wi nter. 82 Epiphany was also given an appea ra n c e of the begin ni n g of a new year, since the pries t, during the service in church, enumerated the religiou s feasts that would be celeb r a te d during the follo win g year. The celebra tion of All Soul s Day, institu te d in the monaste r ies of Cluny, France, in 998 and soon genera l l y observe d in the Catholi c Churc h , was in its origi ns a Chri s tia n iza ti o n of an old Celti c feast in honour of the dead, held at the Ce ltic New Year in the beginn i ng of Cyclic Regeneration 213 November. However, in the celebrations of All Souls in Southern Italy no expressi ons of a notion of ge neral annual regeneration can be found. Instead , vegetal regene r a ti o n was an importa n t issu e at this time of yea r. As already menti o n e d , the agricu l tura l year ended aroun d the time of the celebra ti on of Maria Addolorata (September 15). At this time, most crops had been harvested, and the work of preparing the earth for sowing usually began wi th the autumn rai ns. Whea t and other species of grain were normal l y sown in Novembe r , althou g h the sowin g in mounta i no u s area s could take place as early as Septe mbe r and, in loca ti o ns with a mild clima te, as late as Decembe r . Broad beans and other legumes were also most often sown in November, although this coul d be done later in certa i n pla ces, in December or Janu ary. 83 Most other crops — potatoes, maize, carrots , sala d, toma toes and other kinds of vegeta bl es — were sown or pla nted during the late winter and spri ng (Februa ry to Apri l ), depending on the climate. Thus, the sowing of subsistence crops (gra in and legume s) usua ll y took place in late autu mn, most often in November, so that the see ds could germinate and the plants become sufficiently developed before the arri va l of the first frosts to survi ve the winter. December and January are winter months (the average winter temperature in the South is 5-10° C.) when the crops are in a compa r a ti vely inert state . In Febru ar y , the plants start to grow again, and the rate of growth increa ses rapi dly in March. In the yea rl y pla nt cycle, therefor e, November is a time when the withered plants of the season that has come to its end have been removed and are repl aced by their seeds . Novembe r is an agricu l tu r al New Year, at which the seed is the crucial link between the old and the new generati on of pla nts. Seeds and Regeneration The seed contains and perpetuates life from one generation of plants to the next. It therefore embodies no tions of fertility and regeneration. A rather tra nspa rent exa mpl e of how this signif i ca nce coul d be trans- posed to the domain of human procreation is the custom of throw i ng seeds of grain or rice over the newly married couple at the wedding celebra ti on. This was done as an express i on of best wishes for thei r ferti li ty and happi ness or with a more direct intention to promote the bride ’ s ferti li ty . 84 Other kinds of seeds could be used for this purpos e as well , such as chick- pea s and other legu mes , almonds (raw or in the form of confetti ) , nuts and figs. 85 The Sici lian saying 86 that the one who 214 Chapter 10 works with fig trees will have many children also reflects the associa- ti on between seeds and huma n procrea ti on — the fig is a frui t tha t, in its womb-l i ke inter i o r, conta i ns a multitude of seeds. In the symbolis m of seeds we find, however, not only significa n c es of ferti li ty , but also associa ti o n s with the death from which newne s s of life will regen e r a te. The most evide n t examp l e s of this signif i canc e in Italia n cultu r al tradi tion are the ideas in antiq ui ty conce rn i n g broa d bea ns. 87 In Roma n pre- Chr is ti a n times , the broa d bea n was closel y associated with death and the de ad. Broa d beans were said to house the soul s of the dea d or to conta i n their tea rs. Some ancient schola r s claimed that the broad bean was death - bri n g i ng , that beans would kill a tree if sown among its roots, and that they made human beings and hens steril e. Broad beans were consi de r ed by many to be impur e and thus unsu i ta ble as food. The pries ts of the Jupi ter cult, for instance, were subject to rigid restrictions concerning broad beans; they were forbi dden not onl y to eat bea ns, but also to touch them, look at them and pronounce their name. At Roman funerals, broad beans were spread over the tombs to give peace to the departed. At the end of the feast of Lemuria, celebrated in May when the souls of the dead were thought to visit their former homes, the souls were sent away as the fami l y head threw a handfu l of bea ns , favou r ed by the dea d, behi nd his back outside the home whil e utteri ng the tra di ti ona l formula: ‘These I cast; with these beans I redeem both me and mine’. The Pythagoreans 88 saw the broad bean as an epitome for a never ending cycle of death and life, and therefore associated the bean with both death and fertil i ty. 89 In Pythagorean discou rs e, the bea n was said to be a means for the dead to be rebor n to this wor l d. It was noted tha t the stem of the broa d bea n is uniqu e among plan ts in that it is devoid of nodes; the bean was thus thought to ‘serve as support and ladder for the souls [of men] when, fu ll of vigour, they return to the light of the day from the dwellings of Hades’. 90 Alleged experime nts with beans, in which they were sa id to tra nsf orm into huma n flesh and blood, have been descri b e d withi n this traditi o n. It was assume d that if a bean was put into a box or a pot and inter r e d or cover e d with manure, it would after a period have tra nsformed into fema le geni- tals, blood, or the head of a baby or a man. The connection between the broa d bea n and procrea tion was also expressed by the opinion that it resembl e d sexu al orga ns an d had a smell similar to that of human sperm. The Pythagoreans ab sta i n e d from eati n g beans , and did not pass through fields where they grew. They said that: ‘To eat beans is a crime equal to eating the heads of one’s parents’. 91 Hence, the Pythagoreans so closely associ at ed the broad bean with a cycle of Cyclic Regeneration 215 human deaths and births that eating beans was equivalent to eating one’s ancestors who returned to new life. Piero Camporesi (1993: 15) sums up the signif i ca n c e of broad beans in Italy : ‘Broa d beans … repre s e nt the link wi th the und e r wo r l d of the dea d, in the duplex , mul ti- f a c e te d and ambig uo u s valen c y of old and new , fea r and hop e . The broad bean holds uneas y , fe arf u l co nno ta ti o ns bu t also a pot e nti a l fer me n t of unexpr e s s e d energi e s and hi dden live s. … Fathe r s and child r e n, grand - p a r e nts and grand c hi l d r e n are joine d in an infi n i te gene a l o g i c a l seque nc e : the eter na l , repe a te d but ever ne w alte r na ti o n o f gene r a ti o n a nd exti nc ti o n, pre se nc e and disa p p e a r a nc e .’ The association between seeds and de a th deri ves from the fact that the seed must first ‘die’, that is, be deta ched from the plant and dry, before it can reprod u c e life. The seed is in a seemin gl y inert and dead state , but from it a new plant can sprou t and grow. The seeds are a crucia l phase in a never ending cycl e of [pla nt  seed  plant] and can hence be associated with a human cycle comprising [life  death  life] . 92 It shall be noted that, in Ital ia n cultural traditi o n , only rela - tively large and hard seeds have been closel y associ ated with death. This can be understood as being inspired by the resemblance between such seeds and the bones of the dead. In the Italian language, this resemblance is expressed by a meta phor; the stone of some frui ts, such as peaches and plums, might be called osso (‘bone’). The mature pod of the br oa d bea n resembles a huma n limb or backbone, with the pod itself corres p o n d i ng to skin and fles h, while the seeds corres p o n d to jointed bones. The comparativel y large and hard seeds recall the bones of the dead also when dried. 93 The chick-pea also shows these similarities . 94 Another resemblance between a seed and a part of the human body is tha t between the walnut frui t and the huma n hea d. This rather large frui t consi s ts of a thin green flesh that covers a hard shell, containing a huge, two-lobed, wrinkl ed seed. It is most suggestive of a huma n head with its skin, skull and brain . 95 This simila ri t y has inspire d certa i n belief s conce r n i n g the walnut. It was held all over Southern Ita ly tha t the pla nti ng of a walnut tree coul d have fatal consequences for the planter. He would have a short life or he would die when the trunk of the tree had grown to the same circumf e rence as his head (or his waist) or his head would patholo g i ca l l y grow in size as the trunk of the tree grew or he would die when the tre e had given frui t for the first time. 96 Hence, through the act of pla nti ng the seed, planter and seed are associated, and the growth of the tree and its bearing of frui t is imagin e d to affect his head or vital powers . Presumably because of the resemb lance between the walnut and the 216 Chapter 10 human head, the walnut tree was ge nera ll y considered inau spi ciou s and curse d, and it was assoc i a te d with malevol e n t force s and being s , such as witches . 97 The carob tree was viewed (at lea st in Sicil y ) with simil ar drea d. Just like the broa d bea n pod, the long, fla t pods of this tree resemble huma n limbs or a hu ma n backbone, and we may not e that its seed in some communit i es was called osso (bone). 98 What notions, then, inspire the ceremonial eating of seeds? At local celeb r a ti o n s of Chri sti a n festi v al s and saint’s feasts at vari ou s times of the yea r, this consumpti on can be understood to invol ve a symbol i c incorp o r a ti o n of fertil e and regene r a ti v e qualiti e s embodi e d by the seed. 99 Hence this would be another expression of the objective of parti ci pa nts on these occa si ons to recei ve revi gora ti ng blessings and of the merging of divine grazia with natu ra l ferti l i ty. The seeds primari ly in these contex ts connote fertil i ty and revi ta li za ti o n, as in their ceremoni al use at weddings. The ceremonial consumption of s eeds in late autu mn and at mid- w i n te r conne c ts to a pervasi ve noti o n of this period as a time of suff e ri n g and death . The weath e r becomes cold and unpl e as a n t, with much rain and hard winds. The days become shorter and darker, vegeta ti on withers and dies or loses the power to grow. Winter was also a seaso n of death for huma n beings — ill-heal th was especi ally common at this time of the year, and the numbe r of death s among adul ts and the old increa s e d signif i ca n tl y . 100 The peasant’s diet beca me less vari ed since fresh frui ts and vegeta bl es were no longer avai la bl e, and the poor had to rati on the food from their scarce sup- p l i e s so that they would hopef ul l y last until spri n g. Hence a prover b from Pugl ia conclud es : Da San Martin a Natale, ogni povero sta male (‘From Saint Martin’s day [Novembe r 10] to Christmas, every poor man is suffering’). 101 More general l y, the year itself , when mid- wi n ter was approa che d , was conceiv e d as becomin g old and near its end, to be replac e d by anothe r ‘fres h ’ and ‘you ng ’ year at New Year. After mid-wi n te r , the peasan ts and the poor still faced hardsh i p s, but they coul d begi n to look forwa rd to better times. By eati ng seeds, huma n beings could symbol i c al ly incorp o r a te the seed’s natu ral ferti li ty and regener a ti v e capaci ty , and could — just as the seed conveys life from the autumn over mid-winter to the spring of the next yea r — be taken from a season in which the natural worl d is in a state of withe ri n g and dying to a seaso n in which the world was reborn to a newness of fecundity and life, when the sun and the warmth returned and when the supplies of food were soon to be renewed . An express i on of this no tion of the incorporation of regen- erative quality was the idea tha t the con s umpti on of cuccia, and other Cyclic Regeneration 217 dishes consist i n g of whole grain and legumes , gave physica l and spiritual benefits; as mention e d , the food coul d be conside re d to be ‘blessed’ and be consumed ‘out of devotion’. Not only the livin g cons ume d seeds in late autu m n and at mid- winter. The dead were thought to be present at this time, and an imagery of them eating seeds wa s created by the customary food offeri ngs to them and to their earthly representatives, the beggars and the poor. Then, when the dead had visited the living and received thei r offeri ngs, they were thought to lea ve pea cefully for the other world. This imager y can be taken as expres s i ng a noti on of a regen- eration of the dead, which has severa l aspects. The dead are offered food that corresponds to their own state — the seeds are ‘dead’ as well. The seed, however, has a capaci ty to regenerate life from death. In the of feri ng s to the dead of seeds, there is a noti on of maki ng them equi va le nt to seeds . Such offeri ng s are an idea l suppl i ca ti o n for them, as well as an idea l solu ti o n to the conce r n of the living to give the process of death an appropri ate direction, so that the dead will abandon their mundane form of existence in favour of another, transcende nt form of life. The dead, who are like seeds, are carri e d forwa r d beyond death , with the promi s e that their death will be turned into a new lif e. 102 The offeri ngs may thus be seen as a sophi s ti ca ted exorci sm. The threat posed by the discontent and dangerous dead, jealou s of the living , is counter a c te d by the living offeri n g them a prospe c t of a new life, not by coming back to the world of the living but by moving further away from them and returni ng to the mundane in a renewed form. 103 The verbalised rationale of the offeri ngs, to help the dead through Purga tory, is in accord with this interpreta ti on, since the cleans i ng in Purga to r y impli e s that the soul of the dead is remov e d from the mundane and carnal doma in. When the component of car- na li ty has been termi na ted, the soul is assumed to be ‘reborn’ into Heaven. The corresponding transformati on of the inhu med corpse is the decomposition of the flesh, which is complete when the hard bones remain buried in earth, just as seeds lie buri ed waiting for ger- mina tion. In the perspective of the metaphor between seed and bone, we may now for a moment return to the discussi on of the Chri sti an rejecti o n of cremati o n as a proper form for disposa l of the dead. It was menti oned tha t inhuma ti on is connected to the faith in bodi ly resurrecti on and in the immorta l i ty of the soul , and tha t reference is made to certain passages in the Holy Scripture. More specifically, these texts speak of death as a state of rest or sleep (Dan. 12: 2; John 218 Chapter 10 11: 11-3 9) , the earth as a mothe r (Gen . 3: 19; Job 1: 21; Sira c 40: 1) and the corpse as a seed (1 Cor. 15: 35-4 4) . 104 The latter text is of parti cular interest here. It reads as follows: (35) But some one will ask, ‘How are the dead rais e d ? With what kind of body do they co me ? ’ (36) You fooli s h man! Wha t yo u sow does not come to life unles s it dies. (37) And what you sow is no t the body whi c h is to be, but a bare ker ne l , per ha p s of whe a t or of some othe r gra i n. (38 ) But God giv e s it a body as he ha s chose n, a nd to each kind of seed its own body. (39 ) For not all fles h is alik e , but ther e is one ki nd for me n, a n o t he r for ani ma l s, a no the r fo r bir ds, and anothe r for fish. (40) Ther e are cele s ti a l bodi e s and ther e are terr e s tr i a l bodi e s ; but the glor y of the cele s ti a l is one, and the glor y of the terr e s tr i a l is anothe r . (41) Ther e is one glor y of the su n, and ano the r glo r y of the moon , and ano the r glo r y of the sta r s ; for sta r diffe r s fro m sta r in glo r y. (42 ) So is it wit h the resur - r e c ti o n of the de ad . What is sow n is peri s ha b l e , what is rais e d i s impe r i s ha b l e . (43 ) It is sown in disho no ur , i t is raise d in glo r y. It is sown in wea kne ss, it is rais e d in powe r . (44) It is sown a physi c a l body, i t is raise d a spiri t u a l body . If ther e is a phy si c a l body , ther e is al so a spiri tu a l body . Simila r ideas were curren t not only in the Juda ic traditi o n , but also among the pre-Christian Romans. The notion of the dead as resting in Terra Mater was a recurrent theme in sepulchral art as well as in epitaphs, for example ‘s(it) t(i bi) t(erra) l(evis) ’ 105 . We also find the noti on tha t the dea d atta ined immortal i ty in a union with ‘mot her earth’, and imageries of their mortal remains giving birth to flower s . 106 As mentio n ed in Chapter 9, cremati o n was used among the Roma ns duri ng early times in paral l el with inhuma ti on, unti l about the third century A . D . Cremation was not complete, however, since a finger of the fresh corpse was cut off (the os resectum , ‘cut off bone’) and buried in the earth. 107 Thus, even when cremati on was employe d , a kind of burial in earth was perform e d neverth e l e ss , and it specifi ca ll y con- cerned a bone of the dead. Since the Romans closely associated beans with the dead, it seems not too farf etched to assume tha t the os resectum was excepted from cremation in order to preserve a part of the dead — which after decomposition has a close resemblance to a chick - pea or a broa d bean — in a state that sugges ts regen e ra ti o n . 108 The Jewis h, and proba bl y also Roma n , anal o g y betwe e n bones and seeds can be assumed to have been a source of inspiration to the Early Church’s millenarian visions of the resurrection of the dead on Judgement Day. The bones of the buri ed dead rested in ‘mother earth’ until the day when they again would be dressed in flesh and life woul d be regenera ted as a plant is regenera ted from its seed. In this imager y , the cremati o n of a corpse with its bones is a destru c ti o n of the vehicle for regenera tion of new life from death, and therefore una ccepta bl e . Such noti ons can be understood to contri bute to the firm resi s ta n ce in South e r n Italy agains t crema ti o n . Cyclic Regeneration 219 Rebirth of the Dead T h e n , what kind of rebirth was implied in traditi o n al South e r n Italy by belief s and practi ces in which the dead and seeds were associ a te d ? One possi bil ity is tha t it was somehow rela ted to the promoti on of agri c ul tu ra l ferti l i ty. Severa l Ital ia n schol a rs have made sugge s tio n s in this directi on, proposing tha t the concerns for the dea d in late autu mn and at midwi n ter , inclu di n g food offer i ng s of seeds , have the meani ng of symbo l i ca ll y invol v i n g the dead in the agricu l tu ra l enter - pri s e; the dead in thei r subterra nea n rea l m are inci ted to protect the seeds so that the harvest will be secured. 109 Another speculation in this directi o n, inspir e d by theorie s of cosmolo gi e s in non-Wes ter n societi e s , 110 would be that the vital essence of the dead buried in earth is recycl e d in agricu l tu r e and re-use d by the living throug h the con- sumpti on of the princi pa l crop, in this case grai n and legumes. In such a recycli n g , the dead are a sourc e of agricu l tura l fertil i ty , and the seed coul d perha ps play a crucia l symbo l i c role in a cycle of: [huma n vita lity  agric ul tu r al fertil i ty  food  human vita lity]. However, substa nti al support for such interpreta ti ons of the South Italia n ethnog r a ph y is lacking . Instea d, there are good reasons for argu i n g that in tradi ti o na l South e r n Italy, the dead were disconnected from agri c ul tu r al fertil i ty . In societies in which there is such a connection, there is typically a close associati o n , over several gene rations, between a kin group or a communi ty subsisti ng on agri cul tur e and a certain territory of land, where the cultivat e d fields as well as the graves of the dead are located. Such an assoc ia ti on has long been absen t in South e r n Ital y . The pra ctice of buria l in the church mea nt tha t the dea d, rather tha n dissol v i ng in earth that could be identi f i ed with arabl e land, were incorp o r a te d in a divine sphere removed from the terrestrial. When extra-urban municipa l cemeteries were instituted, these quickly assu med the charac ter of necropoleis — citi es of the dea d — with thei r multi tu de of edicole resembl i ng the citi es of the livi ng. With respect to the clea r- cut Medi terra nean dichotomy between city and countryside, the dead are hence located in the former environment rather than in the latter. Furthermore, in most of the preferred burial pra cti ces, contact between the corpse and the earth was avoi ded. As a conse- q u e n ce of a long histo ry of feuda li s m and urba n i s m, and of a more recent commercialisation of land, it was not only the dea d who were aliena ted from earth and countrysi de but also the livi ng. Moreov e r , agricul tu ra l fertil i ty was not connec te d with the dead, but inste ad compr e h e n d ed prima ri ly as a pure natur a l creati v e force 220 Chapter 10 associa ted with the grazia of God, Christ and the saints . Innu me ra bl e practices spea k of how divine force, and not the dead, was invoked in order to gain a good crops yield: processions with saints’ statues to the fields, the rogation ceremonies, priests blessing the crops and so on. Hence it can hardly be argued that the fate of the dead ‘beyond death ’ is that a vita l essence of th eirs transforms into some force of agri cul tu ra l ferti l i ty. Instea d , the ethnog r a p h y of the late autu mn and mid-wi nter celebrations suggests that the regenerati on of the dead takes pla ce exclusively in the human doma in. Crops and huma n bei ngs are not tied into a singl e cycl e; rather, there is an actual agri- cul t u ra l cycle of [plant  seed  plant] that is taken as a model for an implicit noti on of a homologo us human cycle of [lif e  death  life]. Dea d and living intera cted duri ng this time of the yea r. When the family ate their meal and left food on the table, so that the dead family members could also eat duri ng the night, they were united in commensality. When cuccia and simi la r dishes were eaten, both by the dead and the living , this was a commun i o n in food. In the food, symbo l s of death , ferti li ty and vital i ty merge d , and cuccia was the princi pa l culina r y express io n for th is. It contained whole seeds from legumes, associ a ti ng to bones of the dead as well as to regenera ti on of life from death , and seeds of grain, assoc i a ti ng to fecu n d i ty . Seeds of the pomegr ana te coul d be added and, in Southe r n Italy , this frui t is (and has been in Southern Europe since anti qu i ty) a forcef ul symbol of fertil i ty and prolif e ra ti on . The pomeg r a na te also gives an inten s e blood- red colour to the dish, suggesti ng the vita l force of blood. Red wine, which was often added, has similar connotations of blood and vita li ty, whi le milk associa tes to primord ia l nouris hme n t. Honey and sweet-tasting ingredients convey to the dish a quali t y of enjoyment, luxury and plenty, as opposed to the everyday dishes consumed to appease hunger. Thus the cuccia coul d be ela bora te d so as to become a brew conta i ni n g a multi tu d e of ingredients referring to death, regenera tion, fertility, vitality and plenty, a brew with an enormous potenti a l for crea ti on and revi ta liz a ti on, a decocti on with the power to turn dea th into lif e. For the dea d, the consumpti on of such food impli es tha t they are carrie d ‘beyond death’ . For the living , it is ‘bless ed ’ food that reinvi g - ora tes them. In thi s we can discern a noti on of the livi ng as taking over a regenera ti v e potentia l for life from the dead. It is a symbolic consumption, not of their flesh, whic h is assoc ia te d with putre fa c tio n and destruction, but instea d of the dead in a fleshless and puri fied Cyclic Regeneration 221 form. It is neithe r the vitali ty of a fresh body that is consumed, nor the decayi ng fles h of a corpse : it is the life potenti a l of the bones- cu m - seeds. This would then be the creation of the ideal ‘good death’, in which the dead are placated by the promise of regeneration and their vita l princi p le is recycl ed and receiv ed by the living — it is good for the dea d to be consumed, and it is good for the livi ng to consume them. 111 Hence, while the Pythagoreans abstained from eating broa d beans since it amounted to eating the dead, South Italians ceremoni- o u s l y ate beans and cuccia for this reason. Thi s noti on is also suggeste d by the ty pe of tra di tiona l sweet tha t has been described above, sweets that resemble bones of the dead, skeletons, broa d beans, Chri stian figu res embodying notions of resur- rection and revitalization, etc. When enjoying such sweets, the living symbol i cal l y consum e the dead in form of a luxury food tha t signifi es plenty, excess and an addition of nutriment over and above ordinary food, a culina r y symbo li sm expre s si n g an extraor d ina r y incor pora - ti on of a vita l pri nci pl e. Bitter, sorrowful, nauseati ng and destructive death is momen ta r il y forgotten ; inste a d , death is made to appea r as a sweet, joyf ul and palatable promise of regeneration. Before we proceed to a discussion of the relati on between the dead and chil dr e n, it is firs t in place to consid e r practi c e s of nami ng chil- dren. Although children could be named after a saint (of the day it was born or whi ch had some other rel a ti on to the fami l y or to the child) or be given a name from the personal pref erence of the parents, it was common to name a child after one of its grandpa r e n ts or an- othe r close relati v e in the ascendi n g generation — either living or decease d . The ideal system for such naming was the followi ng . 112 first boy — paternal grandfather first girl — paternal grandmother second boy — maternal grandfather sec ond girl — maternal gran d mother third and follow i n g boys — patern al uncles, then materna l uncles third and follow i n g girls — patern al aunts, then maternal aunts If this system is strictl y foll o w e d , the indivi dua l s of every other genera ti o n of the bilate r al family are named identically, and then those of every generation. The names are circulated, and a nominal image is create d of a famil y that repeats itse l f agai n and agai n and that will therefore exist in eternity. 113 A number of idea s and practices indi cates that this form of name- g i vi ng was not a mere conventi on, bu t ref l ected intuiti ons concerni ng famil y conti nu i ty and a transf e r e n c e of a vital poten ti a l from older 222 Chapter 10 genera ti o n s to child r e n . At least in Basil i ca ta and Puglia , 114 it was the pra cti ce to name chil dren after re cently dead rela tives, thus over- ruling the ideal system of the inheri ta nce of names. By this pra ctice, the breach of family continu i ty implied by death is given a direct response by nominally recreating the deceased. In Abruzzo, a child was sometime s not named after the livi ng rel a ti ve, from whom it should have inherited its name ha d the ideal system of name-giving been followed, since it was believed that such a baptism would shortl y cause the dea th of tha t rela ti ve. 115 Thus, the impli c a ti o n that the child replaces the elderl y relative from whom it inherits its name inspires an idea that the replacemen t causes the physical death of that relative. In Craco (Pugl ia ), the custo m of nami ng a child after a dead rela - ti ve was connected to the beli ef tha t, if the baptism was perf ormed withi n 24 hours of the moment of bi rth, the soul of that kinsma n was saved from purgatory. 116 More widespread was the belief that bapti s m withi n 24 hours relea se d a soul (unspec i fi e d ) from purga to ry . 117 The outspok e n rati o n a l e, if any, was probabl y that immed i a te bapti s m was a devout Christian deed, which God rewarded by liberating a human soul from its punishment in Purga tory. However, these belief s can be construed as also having the noti o n of the cycli ca l famil y as their sourc e of inspira ti o n. Purga to r y is a transi ti o na l state betwe e n life and death; to have passed through Purgatory is to have become ‘final ly ’ dead. Hence, just as in the belief mentio n e d above, the baptism of the child causes the ‘death’ of an elderl y person — not the biological death, however, but rather the ‘final ’ death implied by having passed through purgatory. 118 A simila r noti on is sugges te d by a procedure employed in Randazz o (Sici l y) on Epiph a n y by a famil y that wishe d to liber a te one of its deceased members from the pains of Purgatory. Twenty-one young girls, called virginelle (‘little virgins’), who shou ld have fasted the precedi ng day, were invi ted to the home of the fami l y and off ered a meal. If this undertaking exceeded the economi c poss ib il i ti es of the famil y, seven girl s could inste a d be invited for a meal on this day duri ng the course of three yea rs, but then the soul had to wai t until the last year before it could enter Paradi se. 119 An obvi ou s mea ni ng of this proce d u re is that God rewar ds a good deed of chari ty by libera t- i n g a soul from Purga to r y, and there might also be a certai n equiva - lence between the girls and saints, especially the Virgin Mary, appro a c h ed as inter media r ie s to God. However , there is also an implici t meanin g . Childr en eat food in the home of the deceas e d at a time of the yea r when the dead were symbol i ca ll y consu med and, Cyclic Regeneration 223 accordi ng to a noti on of tra nsf er of vital potenti a l, the deceased loses the last of his life and is freed from Purga to r y . 120 In the light of these notions, it can be discerned that a prominent symboli c theme in the late autu mn and mid-wi n te r celebra ti o n s is tha t vita l potenti a l is tra nsf erred fr om dea d rela ti ves to infa nts. The noti on tha t chil dren receive somethi n g of value from the dead is ex- pl i c i t in the image r y that the dead , or figures repres enting the dead, offer them gifts. Like the adul ts, chil dren eat food associ a ti ng with the dead and regener a t i o n, and sweets, in the form of, for instanc e , skele- tons, sculls and broad beans, were especially for the children to enjoy. When children in the name of the dead collect gifts together with begga rs, gif ts tha t often consi s t of seeds, the children and the dead, who otherwise are the beginning and the end of the human life span, are momentar i l y tied togethe r . Childr en behave like beggars - cum- dead aski ng for alms and beggars-cum-dead behave like children aski ng for presents. Mingling with ea ch other, visiti ng one home after the other, they express the promin ent theme of late autumn and mid- winter customs: death shou ld be regenerated into new life. In the imager y of childr en receivi n g and incorp o rati n g qualiti e s from the dead, the children’s feet were of special importance. It was suggested tha t the dea d in vari ous ways penetra ted the soles of the children s ’ feet, and the gifts were placed in socks and shoes, the inside of which are in direct contac t with the sole of the feet. This connection between childr en, the dead and the sole of the feet, was perhaps inspired by the thinking that the dead rose from their subter- ra nea n real m in order to visi t the livi ng; the sole of the feet is the part of the body tha t is most often in conta ct with the surfa ce of the earth. If thi s is true, the noti on reca ll s the pra cti ce of incorpora ti ng chthoni c forces at saints’ sanctuaries by walking barefoot, sleeping on the ground, etc. Since the childre ns’ feet could be hurt by the dead (scra tched with thei r nails or lacera ted by a grater), the incorpora tion of quali ti e s from the dead enta i ls a measure of violence. Suggestively, the dead invade the children in order to be reborn. This notion can be compa r ed to the idea , descri bed in Chapter 9, that spi ri ts coul d pos- sess the living because they wished to agai n atta i n carna l exi s tence. There is also a parallel with the image ry that the decea s ed , immed i - a tel y after dea th, commenced upon a walk to the other worl d on a road covered with swords, knif es, daggers, nail s or spines, perforat - ing the soles of the feet and causing immense pain. 121 Hence, when dyi ng and enteri ng into the subterra nea n rea l m of the dea d, vita l force leaves through the feet; when ‘re-born’ and emerging from that realm, the dead ‘enter’ through the feet of children. 224 Chapter 10 Hence, chil dre n symbol i ca ll y receiv e and incorpo r a te regene r a ti v e quali ti es from the dead, who have an indis pu ta ble domes ti c chara c - ter, or merge with them. 122 This associ ation between deceased rela- ti ves and thei r infan t desce n d a n ts , as well as the nami n g practic e s discu s s ed earli e r, can be const r u e d as expre s s i ng a vision of guara n - te e d family continuity: a notion of the family as a cyclical enti ty. 123 The membe r s of the famil y recei v e a vita l poten ti a l from their ances to r s at a young age; they in turn pass this to thei r young descenda nts when they die and so on. In real life, the family has indeed a repetiti v e character — its new born grow up and beget their own children befor e they die — but this cyclici ty is ‘open’ , in the sense that this may or may not happen. If the number of deaths exceeds the number of birth s , the famil y will die out af ter a period of time. If, however, death is followed by birth, the cycl e is ‘closed’. The futu re of the famil y will not branc h out in a multitu d e of possibi l i ties , of which some include its exti ncti on. It is predictable and restricted to one in which the family is stil l presen t. The vision of the cyclical family is inspired by the same concern with denyi n g death — to create an image of ideal famil y conti nu i ty — which is expre s s e d by famil y shri n e s and fami ly grave s that are built to stand for centuries. However, while such shrines and graves speak of permane nc e and the past, the visi on of the cyclical family is more concerned with regeneration and the fu ture — there is life after death. An elaboration on the theme of cycl ical human regeneration is that of the snake sucki ng human milk. It was a common belief that snakes had a great appeti te for milk, in parti cu la r huma n milk. At night, a snake could steal mother’s milk by crawling up in the bed where a mother and her baby were sleeping. It sucked at the mother’s breasts while it inserte d its tail into the mouth of the child , so that the child would have an impres si on that it was suckin g at its mother ’ s breas t and woul d thus not cry. It was also believed that a snake could enter , through the mouth, into the stoma ch of a mother whil e she was sleepin g , and there feed on her milk, or into the stomach of a child, where it fed on mother ’ s milk that the child had drunk, or that it inserted its tail into the mouth of a baby so tha t it vomi ted mother’s milk, which the snake then drank. 124 In Europea n cultural tradi ti o n s, the snake is close l y assoc ia ted with cyclical regeneration of life from death. 125 One of the many mani - f e s ta tion s of this in tradi tion a l South e rn Italy was that snake s were thought to rei nca rna te dead huma n beings. Such reincarnations were viewed ambig u ous ly . They coul d be thou g ht of as benevol e nt and luck- br i ng i n g, someti mes a snake that appea r e d by the home could be Cyclic Regeneration 225 thought to be a reinca rnated rela ti ve who searched for his kin, but they coul d also be associa ted with evil ness and thought to be danger- ous ‘creatures of the demon’ that incarnated restless souls of heathens, damned or murdered persons. 126 Hence, the snake sucking milk from a nursin g mothe r can be under s to o d as an incar na te d dead human being, taking the place of a baby and seeking nourishment from a mother in a pha se when it is just reborn and commenci ng upon a new cycle of life. This would be an abomina b le cyclica l regen- e r a ti o n of human life, contr a s ti ng with the ideal form outlin e d above . The dead one is not ‘reborn’ in a young descenda nt, but in the body of a sna ke. The dea d person does not give up life potenti a l to the young of the fami l y, but takes the pla ce of nursi ng chi l dren and stea ls mil k from any mother tha t can be found. The baby is thereby depri v e d of its milk and its life is enda ng ered. Therefore the continu- i ty of the famil y in huma n form is also ulti ma tel y threa te n e d. This is an essen tia ll y wicked and asoci al form of individ ua l trans c e n d e n ce . 127 A Correlation of Three Cycles By way of summing up, we have been concerned with notions in which significances from three cycles of recurring events are derived and correlated. 128 These cycles are the annual cycle, the plant cycle and an imagina r y fami ly cycle (Figu re 6, overl ea f) . All three cycle s enta i l regenera ti on, tha t is, the repla cement of the old and dyi ng with the new and youthful. A notion of individu al regenera ti on is present in the autumn and mid-wi n te r celeb r a ti o n s . Human being s are threate n e d by being in- volved in the decline and ‘death’ permea ting nature. There is a vision, however, that they can be reinvigorated, just as natu re will be in the springtime; seeds, a symbol of the regener a t i o n of life, are ceremon i - ously eaten. As we know, the fami ly was a basic unit of soci al organi sation, and grea t ideol o g i cal stress was put on its integ ri ty and conti n u i ty. In real life, its perpetuation over time was achi eved through marriages with other famil ie s and requi r e d an even or positive balance between nati vi ty and morta l i ty. We have fo und notions of another way for the famil y to mainta i n itsel f , a visi o n of cycli cal regener a ti o n . The dead are ‘res urrected’ in thei r infant descendants. This imaginary mode of famil y conti nu i ty is correl ate d with the seaso na l and agrari a n cycl e s. In agricu l tu r e, the genera tio n s of legume s and grain succee d each other in a never ending cycle of [plant  s e e d  pla nt] , and the crucial juncture between the genera ti ons is the sowing of the seeds, which 226 Chapter 10 Cyclic Regeneration 227 usually took place in November. In the yearly cycle, the seasons follow upon each other, with the ‘new year’ at midwinter, a ‘rebirth’ of vegeta ti on in spri ng and its ‘dea th’ in late autumn. The imagina ry fami l y cycl e is correla ted with th ese two cycles , and the junctu re between human genera tions is represented annually in the peri od when seeds are sown and the new year is celebrat e d . The family achi eves conti nui ty in anal ogy with the crops, 129 and thus the dead are ‘sown’ as seeds in the young, just as are seeds actu ally sown in the fiel d s, an image ry whic h is at it s most explici t when childre n are offered sweets resembling broad beans and huma n skel etons. The annua l cycle and the plant cycle are manif e s t, regula r and have an enormous power: they affect the whol e worl d with thei r alterna tions between hot and cold, wet and dry, growth and decay, life and death. To synchroniz e the regenera ti ve pha s e of the family cycl e with the corre s po n d i ng phases of these actual cycle s is a conju r a tion that the family cycl e will be just as predicta bl e , that after the old and declin- i ng, the new and growi ng will foll ow in the fami ly as certai nl y as it does in nature. Not only will the natura l worl d be perpetua ted over time — the famil y will also. ELEVEN CONCLUDING SUMMARY Thi s study focuses on three rela ted sets of noti ons. The first set centres on the idea that a person may lose vita l force as a result of ex- terna l agency. A presumpti on based on the facts of nature tha t peopl e indee d becom e ill, weak and old, is that vital i ty is a scarc e asset. For the indivi d ua l, vital i ty is actua ll y a limited good. When someone unexpectedly loses vigour, the though t is near at hand that someone else who is in need of vita l force has seized it. We do not ne ed to consent to the deba ta bl e hypothesis tha t such a noti on is generate d by a peasant world view of ‘limite d good’, in the sense of the theory developed by George Foster (1965). The idea of appropriation of vital force reflects modes for distri buting more tan- g i bl e valua ble assets in an econo my chara c ter iz e d by scarci ty and weak formal social organisation. In the case of shorta ge, a person who has more than others shou l d idea ll y share . Failu r e to do so implies tha t others desi re tha t which they do not get, or at lea s t tha t they are assumed to feel such desire. This desire to enjoy the abunda nce of others is not conceived to be immora l. Since it does not derive from mali ci ou s intent, it is neithe r morall y good nor bad and appropr i a- ti on, such as tha t through the iettatura , is seen as involu n ta ry . How- ever, the acti vation of malocchio, the blood- sucki ng attri buted to witches as well as some other kinds of harmf ul appropr i a ti ons of vita l force, were regarded as wilfully committed out of evilness. These idea s connect to the ambiguous disc ourse concerning negative reci- p r o c i ty , the witch is a pers on i fi ca ti o n of the mali ci ou s n e ss of greedi ly taki ng without givi ng in return. The notion of appropriation was su stained not only by projections of ideologi e s and pattern s of intera c ti o n from the soci al realm. It was also underpinned by assumptions about homologous processes in the physi ca l dimen s i o n . Just as humidi ty is absor b e d from that which is wet by tha t which is dry, vita li ty fr om an enti ty rich in vita l force can be ‘sucked up’ by another tha t suff ers sca rci ty. Basic to this assump- ti on is the associ a ti on between lif e and humi di ty, contra sti ng with the relation between death and dryness. In contra st with the first set, the second set of notions concerns an image of unlimited good: visions of great abundance of ‘good things’ and force of life. It may be that the scarcity often experienced in ordi- Concluding Summary 229 nary life inspi r e s an image of its oppos i te: afflu en t sourc es from which one can obtain all that one wishes for. 1 The saints , ‘full of grazia’, a generi c good that in many co ntexts can be construed as vital force, are a main repres e n ta t i o n of unlimi t e d good. Saints — that is, in the context of popul ar devoti on, thei r venera ted sta tues, icons or relics — are constr u e d as source s of grazia because they are associa t e d with bodi l y vita l force and with the pro ducti ve forces of nature. The statue, icon or relic exudes blood, mother’ s milk, sweat or holy manna, blessed substa nces tha t bring hea l th and vigour to those who dri nk or touch them. The legends and iconography of martyrs expound on their prema tu r e and viol ent death s , sugge s ti ve of a relea s e of uncon - sumed vital force bringi ng blessi ng s to others. Through their legends and the locati o n of sanctu a r ies , saints are associa te d with such features of the landscape as caves, spri ng s and trees, connoting abun- d a n t and freel y flowi n g ferti l i ty and creati v e force. Severa l distinct but overl a pping noti ons under li e the beliefs and pra cti ces concerned with how to obta i n grazie from saints. Rather surpri sing ly, some are simi lar to those that sustain belief in the evil eye and other forms of involu n ta ri ly appropriation. Two entities meet — saint and believer — of which one has abundance and the other scarci t y . Grazia/vi ta l i ty flows from the former to the latter, and this transfe r has both a social and a ‘physi c al ’ dimens ion . The devote e , sacri fi c i ng the carnal body by means of morti f i ca ti on s , tries to better the prospects of receiving from the saint by lesseni ng his own vitality, which is of an inferi or type in compa ris on with tha t of the saint. These prospects are improved if the devotee is poor in an economic sens e, if he appea r s as a humbl e begga r in front of the saint. The sai nt personif i es altruism . Through his limitles s abunda nce of grazia, he has a uniq ue poss i b il i ty to practi c e al trui sm without ever runni ng out of resources. We have also noted the idea tha t huma n beings could enter into a rela ti onshi p of excha nge with saints, taki ng either the form of general ised reci proci ty with the patron sai nt of the communi ty or bala nce d reci pro c i ty with wonder- wo r k i n g saints in country si d e shrines. Such cults reflect the distri bu tion of these types of recipr oci- ties in mundane social space. Spri ng is the time of the yea r when vegeta ti on is reborn from a state of inertia and death , when natu r e is perme a ted by ferti l e and regenera ti ve forces. At this time of yea r, the festi va ls of sai nts are partic ul ar l y frequen t, mergi n g the image of abunda n t grazia with nature’s profuse creati ve force. The contrast between a period of scarci ty and suff e r i ng , as compa r e d to one of affl u e n ce , is also essen - ti a l to the cel ebra ti on of Easter. Duri ng Lent, scarci ty is represented as 230 Chapter 11 a virtue, whil e the resurrecti on of Chri st is amalga ma ted with the abunda n t ferti l i ty of springti m e . The third set of noti ons does not concern sta tes of sca rci ty and abunda n c e , but rathe r soci al conti nu i ty as a state of being ; not so much vitali ty as life itself ; not so much the individ ual as the family . When a person is dead, he no longer needs to worry about losses of vita li ty and prospects of keepi ng the ‘flame of life’ burni ng. However, the deceased’s kin become worried by the death, which disrupts the famil y and threa te n s its conti n u i ty . In South e r n Italy , a socie ty with weak forma l social organ i sa ti o n , the famil y was an insti tu tion of para mount importa nce. A sense of group immorta li ty was symbol i - ca ll y achi eved in two ways. The first was to crea te ‘new’, incorrupti - b l e bodies for the deceased , idea lly to be placed in a family grave- house. The second was to create representations of a transfer ence of vita l potential from dea d famil y members to thei r infa nt descendants. Hence, this essay offers a rather different picture of mortuary pra cti ces in a Europea n setti ng tha n tha t whi ch might emerge from a first look. For insta n c e, Mauri c e Bloch and Jona tha n Parry, in Death and the Regeneration of Life, argu e that the ‘good death’ in many soci e - ti e s ‘…is a kind of handing over of vita lity which can then be recycled’ and that ‘death is harnesse d to the cycl e of regenera ti on and converted into birth’ (198 2: 17, 26) . Although they acknowl edge tha t the death of Christ and Christian mart yr s is such an instan c e (p. 17), Bloch (1982 : 229) sugges ts that the funer a r y practi ces of Europe are dominated by a ‘polluting and sad aspect’, while the ‘ideological creati o n of timele s s ne s s and fertili ty , is largel y absent’ . The reason , he proposes, is tha t the ‘source of crea ti vi ty and conti nuity’ in Europea n socie ti es is attrib u te d to ‘God and/or capita l ’ . Indeed, if only practices immediatel y connected with funerals in tradi ti o nal South e r n Italy are consi d e r ed, death gener al l y appea rs to be associa te d with grief and polluti o n . Howeve r , consid e ri n g in some deta il the seasonal cel ebrati ons of late autumn and mid- wi nter, and the trea tment of dea d bodies and the forms of tombs, it appea rs tha t there is a much more positi v e side to death, implyin g both fertili ty and transcendence. In fact, my conclusions are much the same as those Bloch has drawn from his stud ies of the Meri na of Mada gascar. Contra sti ng vita li ty with descent and life potentia l (1989 : 177f ), he argu e s that, symbo l i ca ll y , the junio r gener a ti o ns idea ll y consu m e the older genera ti ons so tha t the ‘old live aga i n in the young’, and tha t buria l in mega li thi c rock tombs, pra cti sed by the Meri na , ‘symbol i - cally ensures that the group lives fo r ever, irrespective of the disrup- t i v e lives of individu a l members ’ . Concluding Summary 231 Dual i ti es relati ng to the Roma n Catholi c worl d view — such as good/ e v il , spiri tua l / ca r na l, God/D e v i l , grace /g r eed — illumina te the materia l presented in Cha pters Four through Eight. A more impli ci t set of two contr a sti n g cluster s of associ a ti o ns , tying togethe r the noti ons discussed in Chapters Eight to Ten, is the foll owi ng: [semen - seed - bone - princip le of life - man - descent - transce n d e n c e ] :: [matrix - earth - fles h - vitality - woman - affinity - transience] It might be that these sets spea k of two modes or systems for organi si n g cultu ra l repres e n ta ti o n s, which exist in paral l el . In the Roman Catholic mode, reflecti ng hi erarch i ca l social structur e and domin a n c e of the state , there is an empha si s on degradi n g phys i ca li ty and transience, which are connected with evilness, while order, perman e n c e and the blessi n gs of God are associa te d with social insti tu ti o ns that trans ce n d indivi d ual s . In the other , more egali ta ri a n, mode — which might be construed as rel a ti ng to inf ormal peasa nt social organisation on the communi ty level — this theme is less arti cula ted. The worl d is not orga ni sed in terms of a dual i s ti c mora l system, there is nothi ng tha t is enti rely evil nor enti rely good. Enti ties rela ti n g to transi e n c e and perman e nc e are contra s te d , but in a compl ementary manner. One cannot exist without the other. A seed is of no value without eart h, and earth is of no value without seeds; descent requires affini ty and affinity creates descent. The fragility of huma n life poses a problem for the perpetua tion of the family, but it is death , not carna l life as such, that is rejec te d and denie d . Thi s study, aimi ng to contri bu te to the understa ndi ng of the worl d view in traditi o n al Southe rn Italy, has hopeful l y provid e d argu men ts tha t also will be of value for schola rs of other South Europea n soci e- ti es, both of the past and present. Most of the noti ons and symbol i c cluste rs that have been discus s e d perta i n to a tradi ti o n with no beginn i ng — its origin disa pp e a rs into the obscur i ty of prehis tor y — and which has changed little since pre- Chri s ti a n Roman times. Also then there were, for instance, humoura l pathol ogy, idea s of a vita l essenc e, belief s in the evil eye and the harmful influen c e of menstru - a ti n g women , a faith in a multi tu de of gods venera ted at countrys i de sanctua ri e s , belief s in the mutu a l adva n ta g e for the living and the dead of a cult of ances to rs practi s ed at famil y grave s. Of cours e , the expressions of these idea s have varied over time, and there are also importa n t discon ti n u i ti es , but fundam enta l idea ti o nal stru ctu r e s have remaine d largely unaltered . One receive s a similar impress i o n when compa r i n g the South Itali a n materia l with ethno g r a phies from 232 Chapter 11 Greece, Spain and Portugal. South Eu rop e a n cultural tradi ti o n s over the millennia have had a common id eati ona l foundati on and reposi - tor y of symbol s , on which has been built, in differe n t times and in differen t area s, a grea t variatio n of theories , ideologi e s , dogmas, beliefs, pra ctices and myths. NOTES Chapter 1 1 . A brief di scu ssio n of the socio - cul tur a l diff e r e n c e s betwe e n Sard i na and Cala b r i a is found in Alb e r o ni 196 1 ; a discussio n of contr a stin g house ho l d for ma tio n sy s- te m s betwe e n Sa r di ni a and Sic i l y is fou nd in Bar b a g l i 199 1 . 2. Madonna dell ’ A r c o (Sant’ A na s ta s i a , Ca mp a ni a ) , San Franc e s c o (Pao l a , Cala b r ia ) , and San Nic o l a (Ba r i ). 3. See Banfi e l d 1958 : 44f; Frie d m a nn 195 3 : 218 ; Lop r e a to 196 1 : 586 ; Moss & Capp a nna r i 196 0: 24f. Many wome n sel do m left the vic i ni ty of thei r communi ty (Go w e r Cha p ma n 197 3 : 19; Tento r i 197 6 b : 282 ), and some wome n had nev e r left it (Ban fi e l d 1958 : 45). The men had grea te r oppo rtu ni ty to see so me t hi ng of the surr o u nd i ng worl d , for insta nc e when they were draf te d into the army i n thei r youth or whe n they soug ht work elsew he r e . A radio set was a luxur y item up to the 195 0 s, mos t pea sa nts wer e not abl e to rea d new sp a p e r s, a n d lette r s wer e rar e l y wri tte n — in 186 2 the ave r a g e nu mb e r of le tte r s rec e i v e d pe r inha b i ta n t in the King d o m of the Two Sici l i es was 1.6 per year (Dug g a n 1994: 152, citi ng a work by V. Za mag ni ) . 4. Cf. Brö g g e r 196 8 . 5. Boisse v a i n 197 5 : 11; Cru mp 197 5 ; Dougl a ss 197 5 , 199 2 ; Fre e ma n 197 3 ; Llo b e ra 198 6 . 6. Lévi -S tr a u ss 196 6 . 7. Shil s 198 1 . 8. The r e was also a tra di ti o n, both ora l and lite r a l, tha t aime d to inte g r a te and syste ma ti z e f e a t u r e s o f w i t c h c r a f t , m a g i c , f o l k m e d i c i n e , a s t r o l o g y e t c e t e r a . It was car r ied on b y indivi dua l s de voted to the stu dy and pra ctice of occult know - l e d g e . Local ‘ma gi c i a ns’ typic a l l y claime d to po sse s s adva nce d kn owl e d g e of this kind. Howe v e r , this trad i ti o n will not be discu s s e d in this study . 9. Cf. Co nne r to n 198 9 . Chapter 2 1 . The read e r who wishe s more deta i l e d info r ma ti o n on South Ita l i a n soci e ty is recomme n d e d the follo w i ng so urc e s . A conci s e histo r y of Italy is found i n Dugg a n (19 9 4 ). On econo mi c de v e l o p me n t, see Lutz (196 2 ). Amo ng the anthr o - p o l o g i c a l mono g r a p hs, tho se by Brög g e r (19 71 ), Dav i s (19 7 3 ) and Gow e r Cha p- ma n (19 7 3 ) offe r par ti c ul a r l y ric h eth no g r a p hi e s. 2. The foll o w i ng acco u n t of land r efo r m s and agri c u l tu r a l deve l o p me n t is base d prima r i l y on Manl i o Ross i - D o r i a ’ s work Dieci anni di politica agraria nel mezzo- giorno (195 8 a ). For a sum ma r y in the Eng l i sh lang ua g e , see Ro ssi - D o r i a 195 8 b . A deta i l e d study of agric u l tu r a l devel o p me n t in a parti c u l a r communi ty is Davi s 197 3 . 3. Tar ro w 196 7 : 49. 4. Dug g a n 199 4 : 135 f. 5. Tarro w 1967 : 42, citi ng stati sti c s compi l e d by R. Di ck i nso n. 6. Schne i de r & Sch ne i de r 197 6 : 115 . 234 Notes to Chapter 2 7. For an outl i ne of the rea so ns for the wea k indu str i a l dev e l o p me nt, see Lutz 196 2 and Tar r o w 196 7, ch. 2. 8. Rossi -D o r i a 195 8b : 52. 9. Dug g a n 199 4 : 175 . 10. Di Tota 198 1 : 320, citi ng offi c i a l Ita l i a n sta ti s ti c s . 11. McD o na l d 195 6 : 455 , citi ng offi c i a l Ita l i a n sta ti sti c s. 12. Di Tota 198 1 : 320. 13. This is a simpl i f i c a ti o n. The qual i ty of the soil , the topo g r a p hy , the aver a g e rainf a l l , the poss i b i l i ti e s of arti f ic i a l irri g a ti o n and the ease of comm u ni c a ti o n vari e d grea tl y . This resu l te d i n vari a ti o ns as to wha t cro p s wer e gro w n and the prec i s e metho d of culti v a ti o n , as well as in the si ze and typi c a l mana g e me n t of landho l di ngs . 14. Silv e r ma n 1968 : 13, citi ng offi c i a l Ital ia n stati sti c s. A tell i ng ex amp l e of the fra gme n ta ti o n o f land i s the Fu ci no basi n i n Abr uz z o . The Fuc i no lake was dra i ne d and ope ne d for agr i c ul tu r e in 187 6 . Car ol ine Whi te (19 8 0 : 13) wri te s: ‘By 195 1 the basi n had bec o me so div i de d and sub di v i de d tha t the r e wer e 112 48 tena n ts of who m 241 5 wer e sub -te na n ts ; 57 per cent of the hol di ng s wer e less tha n two hec ta r e s in siz e and 27 per cent wer e less tha n one hec t a r e . Plo ts wer e not only small but widel y scatte r e d , so that the ave r a g e tena nt’ s tota l hol d i ng consi s te d of thre e parc e l s of land situa te d in two or more comuni ’ . 15. On the conne c ti o n betwe e n hous e ho l d deve l o p me n t and land trans a c ti o ns , see Brö g g e r 197 1 : 50-6 4 ; Dav i s 197 3 , esp . ch. 7. 16. Cf. Dav i s 197 3 : 73. 17. Tar ro w 196 7 : 31. 18. In 1951 , nea r l y 60% of all perso ns emp l o y e d in industr y in the Sout h, exc l usi v e o f cons tr ucti o n , we r e atta c he d to uni ts wi th ten or fe w e r per so ns (L ut z 196 2 : 93). 19. Dav i s 197 3 : 120 . 20. Fri e dma nn 195 3 : 219 f. 21. E. g. Ba nfi e l d 1958 ; Tento r i 1971 . 22. Acc o r di n g to the pop ul a ti o n cen s us of 195 1 , 53% of the pop ul a ti o n of the Sou th live d in dwel l i n g s wi th more than two pers o n s per room. This figu r e does not inc l ude the 877 ,0 0 0 per so ns in Ital y liv i ng in make shi ft she l te r s, suc h as cave s, huts, cella r s , carav a ns and arche s of old wall s or bridg e s . 40% of the dwel l i ng s in the Sou th wer e witho u t sani ta r y arr a nge me nts o f any kin d in house , yar d or gard e n, and 51% had no drink i ng wate r from eithe r well s or wate r mains (all figu r e s from Lutz 1962 : 7). In a typic a l vill a g e in Basi l i c a ta , 60% of the dwel l i ng s consi s te d of only one room; 35% of the scho o l c hi l d r e n shar e d a be d with a not he r perso n, whil e 25% shar e d bed with two othe r perso ns (Cer v e l l i no 1962b : 6, citi ng stati s ti c s comp i l e d by M. Frasc i o n e , prob a b l y in the 1950 s). Deta i l e d de scr i p ti o n s of Sici l i a n ho me s at the turn of the cent u r y is found in Pitr è 191 3 b : 76-9 3 . 23. Dug g a n 199 4 : 152 , c i t i n g V . Za m a g n i . T h e f i g u r e f o r t h e I t a l y a s a w h o l e was 75% . 24. Banfi e l d 1958 : 33. 25. Of the acti v e po pu l a ti o n 53% were in vo l v e d i n agri c u l tu r e in 18 71 , whil e the figur e was 61% in 1911 (fig ur e s der i v e d fro m stati sti c s ci te d by Tarr o w 196 7 : 28). On Sout h Ita l i a n ‘ag r o -to w ns’ , see Blo k 196 9 . 26. In 188 1 , 10.9 % of the pop ul a ti o n of Campa ni a li v e d in iso l a te d house s in the countr y si d e . T he corre s p o nd i ng figur e fo r Pugli a was 7.0%, for Ba sil i c a ta 6.9%, for Cal a b ri a 13,7% , for Sic i l y 8.3% and for Abr uz z i and Mol i se 23.1 % (Ba r b a g l i 198 4 : 118 , citi ng offi c i a l Ita l i a n sta ti sti c s) . Notes to Chapter 2 235 27. Silv e r ma n 1968 : 17. Bell (19 7 9 : 3) write s tha t the inha b i ta n ts of a Sici l i a n vil l a g e descr i b e five sur r o unding tow ns as, respec ti v e l y , ‘(1) struc k by evil spiri ts , (2) menta l l y backw a r d , (3) fille d wi th cuck old s , (4) perfume d , and (5) a haven for gangst e r s . ’ 28. Banfi e l d 1958 : 45 repo r ts, howe v e r , that the r e was a good dea l of inte r ma r r i a g e betwe e n tow n s i n the area of his study i n Ba sil i c a ta 29. Gow e r Cha p ma n 197 3 : 147 ; Moss & Cap p a nna r i 196 0 and 196 2 : 290 ff; Pitr è 188 9 , vol . 2: 9-1 3 . 30. See, for insta nc e , Banf i e l d 1958 : 71; Davi s 1973 : 9ff. 31. Thre e -l a y e r syste ms of soci a l str a t i fi c a ti o n are desc r i b e d by: Banfi e l d 195 8 : ch. 4; Colc l o u g h 197 1 : 213 ; Gowe r Cha p ma n 197 3 : 50-6 7 ; Lopr e a to 1961: 586; Mill e r & Mill e r 1978 : 117. A four laye r -sy st e m has been desc r i b e d by Moss & Capp a n na r i 196 2 . 32. Rossi -Do r i a 195 8b : 53. See also Dav i s 197 3 : 86-9 1 . 33. Sil v e r ma n 196 8 : 14. 34. Cf. Col c l o ug h 197 1 : 223 . 35. See, for insta nc e , Banfi e l d 1958 : 69; Boisse v a i n 1 966 : 20; Colc l o ug h 1971 : 223f; Dav i s 197 3 : 93ff; Tento r i 197 6 b : 275 . A nota b l e exc e p ti o n is desc r i b e d by Gal t 199 1 c : 40ff, in an Apul i a n com mu ni ty whi c h , unl i k e Southe r n Ita l y at lar g e , has a long hi sto r y of rural settl e me n t a nd stab l e rela ti o ns betwe e n cul ti v a to r s and land . 36. Tar ro w 196 7 : 61f. 37. Bar b a gl i 1984 : 115 ; I d . 1 9 9 1 ; B e n i g n o 1 9 8 9 : 1 6 8 f f ; B e r k o w i t z 1 9 8 4 : 8 3 ; K e r t z e r 198 9 : 4. For desc r i p ti o ns o n co mp l e x house ho l ds , and o f co-r e si di ng nuc l e a r and ste m fa mi l i e s rela te d thro u g h sib l i ng s hi p , of whi ch each may have a parti a l l y sepa r a te econo m y as well as sep a r a te d w e l l i n g sp a c e a n d ki t c h e n , s e e D a vi s 197 3 : 44-47 , 120 -12 3 : Dougl a ss 198 0 , 199 1 . 38. Beni g no 198 9 : 183 ; Ber k o w i tz 198 4 . 39. Dougl a ss 198 0 ; Tento r i 197 1 : 123 . Thi s eco no mi c adv a nta g e of compl e x house - ho l d s is gene r a l l y seen as expla i ni ng the sig ni f i c a ntl y grea te r perce nta g e of suc h house ho l d s in the share c r o p p i ng regi o ns of Cen tr a l Ita l y compa r e d to the Sout h ; see for insta n c e Sil v e r ma n 196 8 . 40. Beni g no 198 9 : 183 ff. 41. Beni g no 198 9 : 171 -4 . 42. Banfi e l d 1958 : 107. 43. Bell 1979 : 44. 44. Moss & Tho m so n 195 9 : 38. 45. Ber k o w i tz 198 4 ; Schne i de r 197 1 : 10f; Tento r i 197 1 : 113 -8 46. See , for ins ta nc e , Brö g g e r 197 1 : 82-9 2 ; C r o n i n 1 9 7 0 : 4 3 - 6 6 ; D a v i s 1 9 7 3 , c h . 4 and p. 139 -1 4 5 ; Gow er Cha p ma n 197 3 : ch. 4; Mi ni c uc i 1 98 1 : 43-5 3 . 47. Dav i s 197 3 : 62-6 6. 48. ‘Rel a ti v e s are like shoe s , the tigh t e r / c l o s e r the y are , the mor e the y hur t’ (Be r k o - w i tz 198 4 : 86; White 198 0 : 70). ‘If you wish a happ y life , sta y awa y from your rel a ti v e s’ (Go w e r Cha p ma n 197 3 : 69). 49. Gow e r Cha p ma n 197 3 : 70f, 130 -3 6 . 50. Dav i s 197 3 : 67-72 . Gal t (19 9 1 b ) descr i b e s the shi f t in an Apul i a n to w n dur i ng the 18th and ear l y 19th ce nt ur i e s fro m the pra c ti c e of prov i d i ng hous e s to daug hte r s to that o f givi ng house s to so ns . The ea rli e r prac ti c e , whic h was r elate d to urban settl e me n t, prob a b l y prod u c e d neig hb o u r ho o d s perme a te d by fema l e kin soli- d a r i ty, whil e the latte r custo m , brou g ht abou t by a shif t to rura l settl e me nt , produ c e d rural hamle t s co mpo s e d of cl us te r s of fami l i e s rela te d thro u g h me n. 236 Notes to Chapter 2 Galt (ib i d. p. 317 ) refe r s to a histo r i c a l study of ki n shi p and hou se h o l d for ma ti o n in Sout he r n Ital y by Gérar d Deli ll e that show s that matr i l a te r a l l y rela te d neig h- b o u r ho o d s were commo n in Pugli a , wh il e patr i l o ca l neig hb o u r ho o d s were com- mo n a mo ng sma l l pro p r i e to r s in Cala b ri a . 51. Dav i s 196 9 . 52. Croni n 1970 : 52; Di Bell a 1992 : 154. This expr e ssi o n coul d also be used whe n spea k i ng of a vende t ta kill i ng , se e Pitr è 1889 , vol. 2: 306f. If the offe nde r was of a signi f i c a ntl y hig he r socia l statu s , howev e r , the loss of hono ur see ms not to have been as grav e as in the case of a n offe nd e r of simi l a r statu s . T his rela te s to the cir cums ta nce tha t confl i c t s conce r ni ng ho no ur gen e r a l l y wer e most acute in the case of per so ns o f roughly equa l socia l sta ndi ng. 53. Cf. Brö g g e r 197 1 : 132 f, and also S. Wil so n 198 8 : 89f, disc us si ng Cor si ca n feu ds . 54. Brö g g e r 197 1 : 132 . The Ita l i a n wor d vendetta comes from the verb vendicare , ‘to reve nge ’ , ‘to av enge ’, a nd is co mmo nl y use d to deno te act s of venge a nce in gener a l . 55. Pitr è 188 9 , vol . 2: 306 ff. Hob sb aw m (19 6 5 : 15) wri te s tha t the blo o d feud was commo n in the Asp r o mo n te are a of Cal a br i a . On Calab re s e feuds , see: L. Lomb a r d i Satr i a ni & Meli g r a na 1982 : 345-48 . 56. Sil ve r ma n’ s d e s c r i p t i o n c o n c e r n s t h e ‘ D e e p S o u t h ’ — t h a t i s , c o n t i n e n t a l South- e r n Ita l y exce pt a n u m b e r o f li t t o r a l a r e a s w h e r e i n t e n s e c u l t i v a t i o n pre do mi - na te s a nd the parts o f Pugli a wher e comme r c i a l l y run esta te s are co mmo n. 57. This with the exc e p ti o n of the area s wh ere large esta te s predo mi na te d , that is, i n most of Pugli a and in centr a l Sici l y , wher e ther e was a signi f i c a nt degr e e of poli ti c a l org a ni sa ti o n amo ng the agri c ul tur a l wor k e r s, see Tarr o w 196 7 . 58. See Banfi e l d 1958 : 23-3 1 ; Gowe r Cha p ma n 197 3 : 123 f; Tar r o w 196 7 . 59. Blo k 197 4 : 150 . 60. Boi sse v a i n 196 6 : 22f. 61. On the imp o r ta nc e of ‘fr i e nd s’ , see : Blo k 197 4 : 150 f; Boi sse v a i n 196 6 ; Gow er Cha p ma n 197 3 , ch. 6; Sch ne i de r & Sch ne i de r 197 6 : 102 -9 . 62. ‘ Fattevi i cazzi vostri’ , lite r a l l y ‘sti c k to your own pe ni s’ (Br ö g g e r 197 1 : 115 ) 63. For descr i p ti o ns of the cha r a c te r of comparatico in vari o u s commu ni ti e s , see : Boi sse v a i n 196 6 ; Dav i s 197 3 : 60f; Gow e r Cha p ma n 197 3 , ch. 6; Mill e r & Mill e r 197 8 ; Moss & Capp a nna r i 1960 ; Vince l l i 195 8 : 213ff. Howe v e r , Banfi e l d (195 8 : 120) obse r v e d that ‘… in sele c ti n g godp a r e nts , pe asa nts take pains to find so me - o ne with who m they are not like l y to have busi ne s s rela ti o ns . To have a compare with who m o ne canno t in dece n c y go to law [if b eing chea te d by him] may put one … at a disa d v a nta g e .’ 64. The ter ms compare (godfa t her ) and comare (godmo the r ) could also be used in an exte nde d sens e to deno te a frie n d , a comp a ni o n or a truste d neig hb o u r , even if frie nds hi p had not been cer e mo ni o usl y decl a r e d. 65. Fina mo r e 189 4 : 101 ; Too r 195 3 : 44. 66. The noti o n of shar e d bodi l y subs ta nc e as uniti ng per s o ns by a ki n- l i k e rel a ti o n can also be found i n othe r conte x ts. Thus unre l a te d chil d r e n who ha d been nurs e d by one and the same wo ma n coul d be calle d fratelli di latte (‘sibl i ng s of milk ’ ) . In old Cala b r i a , the rela ti o n betwe e n two pers o ns who had shar e d mot he r ’ s m i l k c o u l d b e c a l l e d c o m p a r a g g i o d i la t t e ( M i n i c u c i 1 9 8 1 : 5 0 ) , a n d i n Sici l y a woma n who adop te d a found l i n g an d nurse d it by her brea st cou l d be call e d his or her mamma di latte (‘mi l k - mo the r ’ , Pit r è 191 3b : 37). 67. Boi sse v a i n 196 6 . 68. See, for insta n c e , Banfi e l d 1958 : 16. Sch ne i d e r & Schne i d e r (19 7 6 : 104 -1 0 8 ) Notes to Chapter 2 237 descr i b e all male banqu e t s fulf i l l i n g a simi l a r func ti o n. 69. Frie d ma nn 1953 : 227. Banfi e l d 1958 discu sse s this at leng th . 70. Mill e r & Mill e r 1978 : 117. 71. ‘La cummudita fa l’omu latru’ (Sici l i a n dial e c t, Giov a nni ni 1978 : 327). 72. Dougl a ss 198 0 : 354 . 73. Rossi -Do r i a 195 8a : 22f (se e ci ta ti o n abo v e , p. 18); Sil v e r ma n 196 8 ; Tar ro w 196 7 , ch. 3. 74. On furberia , see Col c l o ug h 197 1 : 224 f; Dav i s 197 3 : 23f; Gow e r Cha p ma n 197 3 : 227 ; Schne i de r & Sch ne i de r 197 6 : 82-86 . 75. See, for insta nc e , Gowe r Chap ma n 1973 : 146; Varo ne 1986 ; Vince l l i 1958 : 216. 76. Gow e r Cha p ma n 197 3 : 146 . 77. For some descr i p ti o ns of rel a ti o ns betwe e n nei g hb o ur s, see : Dav i s 197 3 : 66-7 2 ; Gal t 199 1 c : 196 -20 2 ; Gow e r Cha p ma n 197 3 : 129 -3 6; Tento r i 197 1 : 125 f. 78. ‘Prima che accorra il parente, il vicino è già da te’ (‘Befo r e the rela ti ve has come to your help , the neig hb o u r is alrea d y with you’ ; Alta m ur a & Giul i a ni 1966 : 78; Cerv e l l i no 1962 b: 25). ‘Amicu pruvatu è cchiu di lu parintatu’ (‘A pr ove n frien d is wor th mor e tha n a rela ti v e ’ ; Cro n i n 197 0 : 51). ‘Yo ur true ki ns ma n is your nei g h- b o ur ’ ; ‘Ne i g hb o r s are hal f rel a ti v e s’ (Go w e r Cha p ma n 197 3 : 132 ). 79. Cer v e l l i no 196 2 b: 24f (fr e e tra nsl a ti o n). 80. Vince l l i 1958 : 215 (fr e e tran sl a ti o n) . 81. Cf. Sahl i n s 196 5 : 147 (se e bel o w for a defi ni ti o n of the se co nce p t s) . 82. E. g. Appe l 1977 : 76; Banfi e l d 1958 : 36; Brög g e r 1971 : 126 ; Mil l er & Mill e r 197 8 : 124 . 83. See Brög g e r 1968: 21; Gowe r Chap ma n 1973 : 67; Mi ll e r & Mill e r 1978 : 124. 84. Dav i s 197 3 : 53; Gal t 199 1 b : 314 . 85. Cf. du Boul a y & Will i a ms 1987 : 19ff, discu ssi ng hospi ta l i ty in Gree c e . 86. Pino Arl a c c hi (1 9 8 3 ) disti n g ui s he s betwe e n thr e e Cal a b r i a n area s, the Cro to ne se , the plane of Gio i a Taur o and the Cose n ti no . He show s how the diff e r e n t eco- no mi c co ndi ti o n s and agr i cul t ur a l orga ni sa ti o n of the se area s are rela te d to dis- ti nc ti ve fea t ur e s of soci a l orga ni s a ti o n an d valu e s , such as the stre ngt h of fa mi l y cohe s i o n, the va ry i ng empha s i s on pate r na l fami l y autho r i ty , the char a c te r of rela ti o ns betwe e n kin from diff e r e nt hous e ho l d s , the pres e nc e of bloo d feud i ng and the degr e e of comp e ti ti o n betw e e n peas a n ts in ter m s of nega ti v e reci pr o ci ty. 87. The two extr e me s of reci p r o c i ti e s , that is, ‘ge ne r a l i z e d ’ and ‘neg a ti v e ’ , corr es p o n d to the two ‘cont r a di c to r y dir e c ti o ns‘ outl i ne d b y Eric Wolf (196 6 b : 77-80 ), in whic h a peas a n tr y can move in the face of ‘dif f e r e n ti a l and diff e r e nti a ti n g press u r e s ’ . It can ‘redu c e the stre ngt h of the selec ti v e press u r e falli ng upon any one hous e ho l d by deve l o p i ng mecha ni s ms for sha r ing reso ur ces in ti mes of need’ , or it can ‘let the selec ti v e pres s u r e s fall whe r e they may, to maximi z e the succ e s s o f the succ e s s f u l , and to elimi na t e tho s e who can no t mak e the gra d e ’ . Wolf concl ude s tha t ‘m o s t p e a s a n t r i e s , h o w e v e r , f a l l s o m e w h e r e i n b e t w e e n thes e two extr e me s , perha p s for obvi o u s rea so n s , and mus t see k a compr o mi se solu ti o n to thei r prob l e m. ’ Chapter 3 1 . For intr o d u c ti o n s to hu mo u r a l medi c i ne , see Acke r k ne c h t 1982 , Pouc he l l e 1990 and Sir i a si 199 0 . 2. See , for insta nc e , Blu m & Blu m (19 6 5 ) on Gre e c e , and Kemp (19 3 5 ) on the Sou t h- e r n Slav s . 238 Notes to Chapter 3 3. The lite r a tu r e on Sout h Ital i a n folk me di cine is va st. Goo d so ur ces are: Adr i a no 193 2 ; De Nino 189 1 ; Fina mo r e 189 4 : 115 -2 2 0 ; Gatto Tro c c hi 198 3 ; Paz z i ni 1948 ; Pitr è 189 6 a . 4. On hu mo ur a l patho l o g y and blo o d-l e tti n g in tr ad i ti o na l Southe r n Ital y , see, Lomb r o so 186 3 : 425 f; Pitr è 189 6 a : 184 ff, 202 -1 1 . Blo o d -l e tti n g was sti l l pra c ti se d widel y in Sicil y i n th e 1950s (Dol c i 1959 : 172f f ) . 5. Fina mo r e 189 4 : 141 . 6. R. Lo mb a r d i Satr i a ni 1969: 124; Pa sq u a r e l l i 1896 : 330; Pitr è 1896 a : 205. 7. Pitr è 189 6 a : 403 ; Fina mo r e 189 4 : 143 . 8. Amal fi 1890 : 58f; Borr e l l i 1936 : 51; Fi na mo r e 1894 : 136 ; Mar za no 191 2 : 95; Pitr è 189 6a : 440 ; Pri o r i 196 4 : 232 . 9. Pitr è 189 6 a : 102 , 132 -8 . The conne c ti o n betwe e n thi s fin g e r and the hea r t ins p i r e d the pra cti ce of wea r i ng the weddi ng ring on it. 10. Pitr è 189 6 a : 207 . 11. Pitr è 189 6 a : 207 , 412 . 12. Pitr è 189 6 a : 209 f. Not long befo r e the time of the pub l i c a ti o n of Pitr è ’ s wor k , blis te r i ng by pra cti ti o ne r s had been prohi b i te d and he info r ms (ibi d . ) that many peop l e , who coul d no longe r get a good blis te r i ng , saw this as re spo n s i b l e for thei r fai l i ng hea l t h. 13. Ger a c i 195 7 : 26. 14. De Gia c o mo 1899 : 161 ; R. Lo mb a r di Satr i a ni 196 9 : 125 f. 15. Pitr è 189 6 a : 186 , 312 f. 16. Pitr è 189 6 a : 287 . 17. Pasq u a r e l l i 1896 : 329, 429. 18. See Jac qua r t & Thoma s se t (19 8 8 ) conce r ni ng thi s assu mp ti o n in Medi e v a l medi - c i ne and its ori g i n in a nti qui ty . Campo r e si (19 8 8 b : 91) men ti o ns tha t the ide a was held amo ng earl y mode r n Euro p e a n inte l l e c t u a l s . 19. Pitr è 189 6 a : 450 . 20. Pitr è 189 6 a : 450 . 21. Cor so 191 1 : 155 . 22. Pitr è 189 6 a : 153 , 157 . 23. Bell 1979 : 105. 24. Pitr è (189 6 ) put on reco r d deta i l e d in fo r ma ti o n o n bel i e fs co nne c t e d wit h vir tu - a l l y all bodi l y orga ns and functi o ns , but whe n he in hi s syste ma ti c inve s ti g a ti o n come s to the se x ua l orga ns, he write s tha t : ‘ ...t he par t o f the b ody which has supp l i e d most mate r i a l to popu l a r sayi ng s a nd trad i ti o n is the part whic h mo d- e s ty requi r e s to be cover e d , and I will try to revea l as littl e abou t it as possi b l e , choo s i ng word s that will not offe n d the inte r e s te d r ead e r ’ (1896 : 127, free trans l a - ti o n). 25. Conce r ni ng And a l usi a , see Bra nd e s 198 1 a : 224 -7 . In nor t hw e s te r n Por tug a l (Pi na - C a b r a l 1986 : 94), exce s s i v e inte r c o u r s e as well as onani s m are thou g h t to make a man impo te nt and old befo r e his time . Mode r a te sex ua l acti vi ty, ho we ve r , is con- si de r e d to be go od for me n, sinc e seme n, wh ic h is ‘lik e a pois o n’ , is let out of the body. 26. Jac qua r t & Tho m a sse t 198 8 : 54ff. 27. Adr i a no 193 2 : 84. 28. Pitr è 189 6a : 275 . The pra c ti c e of wear i ng gol de n or silv e r ear ri ng s in orde r to pres e r v e good eyes i g h t was wide s p r e a d , see De Gia c o mo 1899 : 154 f; Fina mo r e 1894 : 184; Dento ni -L i tta 1982 : 52; R. Lomb a r d i Satr i a ni 1969 : 39; Pasqu a r e l l i 1896 : 496 . Notes to Chapter 3 239 29. Fina mo r e 189 4 : 185 . 30. Fina mo r e 189 4 : 184 ; Pitr è 189 6 a : 275 f. 31. Pitr è 189 6 a : 275. The ide a , for me r l y hel d i n many Eur o p e a n coun tr i e s, tha t onani s m and se xua l exces s e s cause d blin d ne s s (see , for insta nc e , Jacqu a r t & Tho ma sse t 198 8 : 56) bui l t upo n a simi l a r assu mp ti o n tha t sex ua l acti v i ty dra i ne d the eyes of hu mo u r s , with the diff e r e nce tha t it was not su per fluo u s and har mf ul liqui d s b ut inste a d indis p e ns a b l e ones that were evacu a te d . Thi s i dea seems not to be on reco r d i n the ethno g r a p h i c lite r a tu r e on Southe r n Ital y . 32. In Sici l y , the weani ng of a child was consi de r e d to be dange r o u s to the mothe r . It coul d cause her many suf fe r i ngs , and va r i o u s me tho d s wer e emp l o y e d to sto p the excr e ti o n of milk quic k l y , suc h as bl o o d-l e tti n g and the re pe a t e d use of laxa - ti v e s (Pi tr è 1889 , vol. 2: 190). In Abru z z o as well it was bel i e v e d tha t the arr e ste d milk cause d disco mf o r t, suc h as pains in the back and numb ne s s in the arms (Fi na mo r e 189 4 : 169 f). Tha t blo o d-l e tti n g and the use of lax a ti v e s wer e tho ug h t to be a means of stop p i ng lacta ti o n impl i e s that suc h evac u a ti o ns of bodi l y flui d s were seen as so ‘dra i ni ng ’ the woma n of flui d s that her milk ceas e d to flow . 33. It was held in Pa le r mo that the one who su ffe r e d from exce ssi v e swea ti ng of the hand s woul d no t die of dro p sy (Pi tr è 189 6 a : 218). A n o t h e r i d e a d o c u m e n t e d from Cala b r i a conce r ne d exce s s i v e pers p i r a ti o n of the feet. This was consi d e r e d to be a goo d sig n, a mani fe sta ti o n of hea l t h in a for c e ful and rob ust per so n . It shou l d neve r be arre s te d , and if a pers o n who ha d been swea ti ng from the fee t earl i er had ceas e d to do so, he ought to open a ruttorio (De Gia c o m o 189 9 : 161 ). It was beli e v e d in Sici l y that exce s s i v e pers p i r a ti o n of the feet coul d be cure d by putti ng sulp hur or bran in the affl i c te d pers o n’ s sho e s, so tha t the sol e s of the fee t came into con ta c t with the se dry sub s ta nce s . One sho ul d thi nk tw ice , howe ve r , befor e suppr e s s i ng sweati ng of the feet as it coul d caus e some mala d y of the head or ches t (Pi tr è 1896 a : 217) . Simi l a r idea s were docu me n te d in Basi l i c a ta (Pas qua r e l l i 1896: 329, 494). 34. See also Llo y d (1 9 6 4 : 101 f) conce r ni ng thi s assu mp ti o n in Gre e k ant i qui ty . 35. The inf o r ma ti o n on the the o r y of the humidum radicale is extr a c te d from: Hall 197 1 ; McV a ugh 1 97 4 ; Nie b y l 197 1 . 36. Fina mo r e 189 4 : 67f. 37. See , for ins ta nc e , Bar l e y 198 3 and Dun de s 198 1 . 38. For a compr e he nsi v e , altho u g h some w ha t diso r g a ni se d , acc o un t of South Ita l i a n practi c e s conne c t e d with death, see: L. Lomb a r d i Satr i a ni & Meli gr a na 198 2 . The perha p s most de ta i l e d rela ti o n of suc h prac ti c e s i n a speci f i c regi o n (Bas i l i c a ta ) is foun d in Bro nz i n i 196 4 (37 9 -44 4 ). 39. Pitr è 189 6 a : 285 . 40. De Nino 189 1 : 57, 60f. 41. Pri o r i 1964 : 234 . 42. Fina mo r e 189 4 : 149 ; Pri o r i 1964 : 299 . 43. Caste l l i 1878 : 35; Giang r e g o r i o 1937 : 48; Pigna ta r i 1895 : 81; Prio r i 1964 : 299ff. 44. See , for exa mp l e , Pri o r i 196 4 : 296 . 45. R. Lo mb a r di Satr i a ni 196 9 : 231 f; Pitr è 189 6 a : 358 ; Renda 189 4 b : 292 . 46. Fina mo r e 189 4 : 150 . Sev er a l compa r a b l e the ra p e uti c pro c e du r e s hav e bee n docu me nte d. They invo l v e d the dryi ng of bean s tha t had been soak e d in the pati e nt’ s urine and were empl o y e d in orde r to trea t drop s y or enlar g e me nt of the sple e n (Fi na mo r e 189 4 : 156 ; Pri o r i 1964 : 299; Pitr è 1896 a : 327). 47. Agos ti no 1891 : 82; F. Ci re l l i (ed. ) 1853 , vol. 22: 85. 48. Gatto Tro c c hi 198 3 : 120 . 240 Notes to Chapter 3 49. Pitr è 191 3 a : 290 . 50. Pitr è 189 6 a : 218 , 327 . 51. Fina mo r e 189 4 : 205 . 52. De Bla si o 189 7 : 254 . 53. De Nino 188 1 : 238 . 54. Paz z i ni 194 8 : 178, 273 . 55. F. Cirel l i (ed.) 18 53, vol. 8: 40. 56. Di Maur o 198 2 : 197 57. Bro nz i ni 198 2 : 174 (ci ti ng a work by M. G. Pasqu a r e l l i ). 58. Pri o r i 1964 : 240 . 59. Fina mo r e 189 4 : 201 f. 60. Di Maur o 198 2 : 119 , 201 f. 61. E. g.: Ama l fi 1892 : 59; G. C i r e l l i 1 9 6 8 : 8 5 ; C o r r a i n 1 9 6 2 : 1 1 5 ; D e M a r t i n o 1 9 5 8 : 108 ; Gia nc r i sto fa r o 197 1 : 111 ; Lumi ni 188 9 : 82; Nobi l i o 1962 : 54; Pitr è 1889 , vol. 2: 242 ; Pri o r i 196 4 : 310 . 62. Conte 191 0 : 66. 63. The idea of this walk was elab ora te d in the Sici l i a n imag e r y of the soul of the dea d as havi ng to walk bar e fo o t on ‘Sa i nt Jame s’ roa d’ (or ‘sta i r case ’), which was identi f i e d with the Milk y Way a nd co nsi s te d of an imme n s e numb e r of swo r d s, kniv e s , nail s or spine s . The pers p i r a ti o n of a per so n at the mome nt of dea t h co ul d be inte r p r e te d as resu l ti ng from this stre nuo us walk , whic h had alre a d y comme nced , an d the last dro ps of tea r s coul d be said to be prov o k e d by the tre- me n do us pai n in the sol e s of the fee t (Pi tr è 188 9 , vol . 2: 246 ff, vol . 3: 11f). Simi l a r beli e f s have also been docu me nte d in othe r parts of Southe r n I tal y . In Cala b r i a , it was held tha t the soul of the d e c e a s e d ha d t o w a l k , o n t h e t i p o f h i s t o e s , o n a thin brid g e over a deep pit call e d il pozzo di San Giacomo (Anga r a no 197 3 : 125 f). In Monte s a nta n g e l o (Pug l i a ) , the dead were said to walk thro u g h the Valle di Giosafatte on a road cove r e d with shar p sto ne s and spi ne s (the rapi d eye move - me n ts of a perso n in deat h agony was said to be due to the pain he felt from having alrea d y starte d thi s wal k) , while more commo nl y it was said in the Garg a no head l and that the Milk y Way w a s t h e ‘r o a d o f P u r g a t o r y ’ (Cor r ai n 196 2 : 115 , 121 ). 64. Riv e r a 1988 : 77f. 65. Lu mi ni 188 9 : 82; Pitr è 188 9 , vol . 2: 242 . 66. On the se pra c ti c e s, see : Bro nz i ni 196 4 : 390 ; Corr a in 196 2 : 115 ; Finamo r e 1894 : 86; Gri sa nti 189 6 : 479 ; L. Lomb a r di Satr i a ni (ed.) 197 1 : 102 ; Sor r e nto n. d.: 83. 67. Par do 198 9 : 107 . 68. Par do 198 9 : 112 . 69. The ‘dry i ng ’ prop e r ti e s of vine g a r ar e evide nt fro m nume r o u s bel ie f s and prac- ti c e s, for insta n c e : con su mp ti o n of vine g a r was hel d to be a good reme dy aga i ns t obesi ty (Pas qua r e l l i 1896 : 328; Pitr è 1896 a : 271); it was used i n cure s for exce ssi v e swe a ti ng of the fee t (Pi tr è 189 6 a : 217 f); and it wa s inha l e d in orde r to sto p nose - b l e e d i ng (Pitr è 1896 a : 407). That alco ho l was not conce i v e d as a ‘w et’ subs ta nc e is c l e a r f r o m t h e N a p o l e t a n i a n ma t e r i a l j u s t r e f e r r e d to . Wi n e wa s , a t le a s t i n some par ts of Southe r n Ita l y, co nsi de r e d to be a ‘hot’ drin k , and ther e f o r e in vario u s cures emplo y e d to ‘heat’ the body when it suffe r e d from too ‘cold ’ a state or, conver s e l y , a voide d in ca ses of fever as it wo uld ‘burn’ the si ck person (R . Lomb a r di Satr i ani 196 9 : 126 ; Pitr è 189 6 a : 159 , 321 , 324 , 330 , 405 ). It was als o attr i b u te d ‘dry i n g ’ prop e r ti e s , presu ma b l y be caus e of its dry taste: in Sicily it was presc r i b e d as a drink for ‘dry i ng swe a t’ (Pi tr è 189 6a : 159 ). If wine symb o l i c a l l y is Notes to Chapter 3 241 ‘hot’ and ‘dry ’ , i t is ther e f o r e a suita bl e liqu i d for washi ng a corp s e that shou l d not be we tte d bu t inste a d sho ul d dry. 70. Fina mo r e 1894 : 89; L. Lomb a r d i Satr i a ni & Meli g r a na 1982 : 123; Prior i 1964 : 323. 71. Bro nz i ni 195 3 : 242 f. 72. A simi l a r dryi n g signi f i c a n c e can perh a p s be attr i b u te d to the custo m, docu - me n te d in Stro n g o l i (Cal a b ri a ) , of plac i ng a towe l unde r the arm of the dece a s e d when he reste d in the coffi n. T h i s w a s d o n e i n t h e b e l i e f t h a t t h e de c e a s e d , hav- i ng cros s e d the rive r Jord a n on the way to the land of the dead , was wet and neede d so me t hi ng to dry himse l f with so tha t he coul d app e a r with dig ni ty befo r e God (L. Lomb a r d i Satr i a ni [ e d . ] 1 9 7 1 : 3 0 8 ) . A l s o i n Ab r u z z o a n d Basi l i - ca ta , a towe l cou l d be p l a c e d i n t h e c o f f i n ( N o b i l i o 1 9 6 2 : 5 4 ; D e M a r t i n o 1 9 5 8 : 81). 73. Bro nz i ni 196 4 : 393 . 74. La Sor sa 193 0 : 44. 75. Cor r a i n 196 2 : 116. 76. F. Cirel l i (ed.) 18 53, vol. 10: 29. 77. Dorsa 1884 : 92f; L. Lomb a r d i Satr i a ni & Meli g r a na 198 2 : 125 f (citi n g unp u b l i s he d wor k s by F. Gra ni e r i and C. Lasca l a ); Lumi ni 188 9 : 83. 78. L. Lomb a r di Satr i a ni (ed.) 197 1 : 308 ; Bro nz i ni 195 3: 242 ; De Mar ti no 195 8 : 108 ; Di Maur o 1982 : 122f; Dorsa 1884 : 92; Guaste l l a 1976 : 180; L. Lo mb a r d i Satr i a ni & Meli g r a na 1982 : 128, 180 (citi ng unpu b l i s he d work s by F. Grani e r i and C. Lasca l a ); Padul a 197 7 : 335 . 79. Corr a i n 196 2 : 119 ; De Marti no 195 8 : 108 ; L. Lomb a r d i Satr ia ni & Meli g r a na 1982 : 79f. 80. Bell u c c i 1909 : 219. See also : Fina mo r e 189 0 : 181 f; Gia nc r i sto fa r o 197 1 : 112 f, 197 8 : 55. 81. Par do 198 9 : 116 . 82. Ric ha r d Oni a ns (19 5 1 , esp . ch. 10) pro p o se d an identi c a l inte r p r e ta t i o n of anti que Gre e k and Roma n ide a s and cust o ms tha t conne c t with the imag i n e d thi r s t of the dead (con c e r ni n g the se idea s and custo ms , s e e a l so B e l l u c c i 1 9 0 9 a n d El i a d e 1976: 204ff ) . 83. Alta m ur a & Giul i a ni 1966 : 238 ; Conte 191 0 : 67; Di Maur o 198 2 : 123 ; Par do 1981 : 105 . 84. Nobi l i o 1962 : 55. 85. L. Lomb a r di Satr i a ni (ed. ) 197 1 : 385 . 86. Dor sa 188 4 : 93; Mar z a no 191 2 : 8. 87. De Mar ti no 195 8 : 108 . 88. Fina mo r e 189 4 : 88. 89. Pri o r i 1964 : 323 ; Fina mo r e 189 4 : 93. 90. Pri o r i 1964 : 320 . 91. E. g.: Fina mo r e 189 4 : 88; Nob i l io 196 2 : 55; Par do 198 2 : 542 ; Pitr è 188 9 , vol . 2: 211 ; Sal o mo ne -M a r i no 189 7 : 222 . 92. Fina mo r e 189 4 : 90. 93. See Boho l m 198 7 ; Den dy 195 9 . 94. Cf. Par do 198 2 : 542 . 95. La Sor sa 193 0 : 41. 96. Pitr è 188 9 , vol . 2: 207 . 97. G i a n c r i s t o f a r o 1 9 7 1 : 1 4 9 . C a n d l e s b l e s s e d o n C a n d l e m a s w e r e c o m m o n l y tho ug h t to have an espe ci a l l y str o ng po we r to prote c t from evil forc e s and were used in seve r a l othe r conte x t s with this inte n ti o n. For insta nc e , they coul d be 242 Notes to Chapter 3 used to war d of f sto r ms, hail and light ni ng a nd to pro te ct a woma n dur i ng a diffi c ul t chi l db i r t h (Gi a ncr i s to fa r o 197 1 : 149 ). 98. Fina mo r e 189 4 : 88f. 99. Ang a r a no 197 3 : 125 ; Bro nz i ni 1964 : 428 . 100. L. M. Lomb a r d i Satr i a ni & Meli g r a na 198 2 : 127 , 180 (ci ti ng unp u b l i she d wor k s by A. Femi a and S. Trimb o l i ) . In othe r commu ni ti e s of Cala b r ia and Sici l y , the lamp was said to be kept burni ng i n o rde r to illu mi na t e the room for the soul of the dea d, whi c h was tho u g h t to retur n to the hom e at nig ht (Gr i s a nti 198 6 : 480 ; Lu mi ni 188 9 : 83). 101 . Pitr è 188 9 , vol . 2: 230 ; Sal o mo ne - M a r i no 188 6a : 47. 102 . Ang a r a no 197 3 : 143 f; Dento ni -Li t ta 198 2 : 20; Fina mo r e 189 0 : 101 . 103 . Alta m ur a & Giul i a ni 196 6 : 238 . 104 . Sca l fa r i 189 1 : 95; Teti 197 8 : 230 . 105 . Pitr è 189 6 a : 161 . 106 . Teti 197 8 : 296 . P e r h a p s t h e vi t a l c o n n o t a t i o n s o f bl o o d a l s o in s p i r e d a c u r e against infa nti l e maras mu s practi s e d in Vasto (Ab r u z z o ) — the chi l d was to take a foo tb a th in cow ’ s blo o d (Fi na mo r e 189 4 : 180 ). 107 . D’Al o i 195 6 : 54. 108 . R. Lo mb a r di Satr i a ni 196 9 : 130 . 109 . Lor i a 1907 : 41; Pitr è 189 6 a : 359 . 110 . Cf. Lév i -S tr a us s (19 6 6 : 204 -8 ), who thi nk s of dogs in Franc e as ‘meto ny mi c a l hu ma n bei ng s’ . See also Mui r (19 9 3 , esp . ch. 7), who disc us se s the ide nti fi c a ti o n of me n wi th do gs in the co nte x ts o f ve nde tta b etwe e n facti o n s in Rena i s s a nc e Friul i . 111 . De Nino 188 1 : 31. 112 . Mini c uc i 198 1 : 114 ; Pri o r i 196 4 : 180 . 113 . Fina mo r e 189 4 : 122 ff. 114 . Mar z a no 191 2 : 102 . 115 . Ger a c i 195 7 : 43. 116 . Dor sa 1884 : 55; Pitr è 191 3 a : 251 f; M a r z a n o 1 9 1 2 : 5 4 , 9 5 ; R . L o m b a r d i Sa t r i a n i 1 9 6 9 : 47f; Pitr è 1 88 1 : 258 ; Sal o mone -M a r i no 189 7 : 135 . 117. Caste l l i 1902 : 411; Pitr è 1881 : 259f. 118. F. Cire l l i (ed. ) 18 53 , vol. 8: 29; Fina mo r e 1890 : 142. 119 . Ama l fi 189 0 : 60; Pitr è 191 3 a : 251 ; Fina mo r e 189 0 :14 1 f; Pitr è 188 1 : 261 ; Sal o mo ne - M a r i no 189 7 : 139. 120 . E. g.: Fi na mo r e 189 0 : 158 ff; Pitr è 188 1 : 307 ; Pri o r i 196 4 : 106 f 121 . Pitr è 188 1 : 308 122 . Pitr è 188 1 : 258 . 123. Fina mo r e 1890 : 142, 156ff. Conc e r ni ng Moli s e , see F. Cire l l i (ed. ) 18 53 , vol. 2: 25. 124 . Fina mo r e 189 0 : 157 f. 125 . Gow e r Cha p ma n 197 3 : 115 . 126. A si mi l a r conce p ti o n of grac e as vita l for c e , whi c h per ha p s is mo re expl i c i t tha n in Sout he r n I ta l y , has been doc u me n te d a mo ng the Vaq u i e r o s of nor the r n Spa i n (Cá te dr a 198 4 : 394 -4 0 1 , 887 ). Gracia is ide nti f i e d with phy si c a l force and wit h bloo d and is tho ug h t to be grad u a l l y lost duri ng the cour s e of life ; illne s s i s con- c e i v e d of as an accel e r a te d loss of gracia. An old per so n who canno t move has littl e or no gracia left. ‘Gracia i s lost with the bloo d . As one gets olde r , the bloo d gets hea v y , dri e s and sto p s up tog e the r wit h life its e l f’ (ib i d. p. 399 ). Notes to Chapter 4 243 Chapter 4 1 . Pasq u a r e l l i 1897 : 55. 2. De Mar ti no 198 7 : 53f. 3. De Gia c o mo 1899 : 147 -5 0 . 4. R . L o m b a r d i Sa t r i a n i 1 9 6 9 : 2 0 1 . F o r a n a c c o u n t o f a c o m p l e x c u r e a g a i n s t jaun- d i c e that invo l v e s the coll e c ti o n and co ns u mp ti o n of brea d , see Fina mo r e 1894 : 158 f. 5. D’Al o i 195 6 : 39. 6. Adr i a no 193 2 : 190 . 7. De Nino 188 1 : 30; Fina mo r e 189 4: 164 ; Gia nc r i sto fa r o 196 7 : 62f, 66; Id. 197 0 : 387 , Id. 197 1 : 96f; Id. 197 8 : 188 ; Gia ng r e g o r i o 193 7 : 48; Pitr è 188 9 , vol . 2: 174 ; Id. 189 6 : 451 f; Id. 191 3 a : 287 ; Pri o r i 1964 : 246 f, 250 . 8. Pia g g i a 185 3 : 219. 9. Fina mo r e 189 4 : 164 . 10. Gia nc r i sto fa r o 197 0 : 386 . Ano the r var i a nt of suc h pra c ti c e s has bee n doc u me n te d from Penne (Ab r u z z o ) . The mothe r who wishe d to have milk in abund a nce sho ul d go to the prie st and ask for a bit of brea d, ‘out of cha r i ty’, and fro m the brea d she cook e d pap whic h she herse l f co ns u me d (Nob i l i o 1962 : 49). 11. Adr i a no 193 2 : 190 . If the r e wer e no monk s in the vic i ni ty , the sa me reque st coul d be made to seve n wome n na me d Mar i a . 12. Cf. Will i a m Whyte (194 4 : 74) who argu e s tha t the woma n col l e c ti ng foo d gains nece s s a r y stre ng th from soci e t y . Not only foo d b ut also var i o us i tem s used in cures agai nst spe ci f i c ailme nt s co ul d be colle c te d in a simil a r fashi o n. In one cure aga i nst dro psy , for insta nce , b e a n s w e r e c o l l e c t e d , s o a k e d i n t h e p a t i e n t u r i n e and the n left to dry in the expe c ta ti o n that the wate r in the pa ti e nt’ s abdo me n woul d dry up acco r di ng l y (Fi na mo r e 1894 : 156 ). In thi s and some othe r cur e s, it can hard l y be argu e d that the items co nfe r vi ta l i ty to the pa ti e n t. The idea of peopl e assis ti ng a suffe r i ng neighb o u r is co mb i n e d wit h cur e s tha t aim at par - ti cul a r mani p ul a ti o ns of the hu m a n orga ni sm . 13. Fina mo r e 189 4 : 164 . 14. Fina mo r e 189 4 : 165 f; Gia nc r i sto fa r o 197 0 : 387 . 15. Most of the se sp rings and wells were a sso c i a te d with saint s who were rega r d e d as patr o ns of nur si ng wome n. In some spr i ngs , cal ci um gave the wate r a sha de of milky white , and stal a g mi ti c str uc tu r e s, vagu e l y rese mb l i ng brea s ts , had bee n for me d. See : Cor r a i n & Ri tta to r e & Zamp i ni 196 7 ; De Nino 187 9 : 95f; Fina mo r e 189 4 : 164 ff; Gia n c r i sto fa r o 197 1 : 92-6 ; Pri o r i 196 4 : 249 f. 16. Pasq u a r e l l i 1897 : 54. 17. Fina mo r e 189 4 : 163 . 18. D’A ma to 193 3 : 155 . 19. De Mar ti no 1987: 58. See also repo r ts fro m Abr uz z o : De Nino 1881 : 29; Fina mo r e 1894 : 161; Gianc r i sto fa r o 1970 : 386, Id. 1971 : 91; from Basi l i c a ta : Bronz i ni 1953 : 211; Pasqu a r e l l i 1897 : 54, and from Campa ni a : D’Ama to 1933 : 155. 20. Fina mo r e 189 4 : 161 . 21. Fina mo r e 189 4 : 167 . 22. F. Cire l l i (ed. ) 18 53 , vol. 10: 2; Fina mo r e 1894 : 166. 23. G. Cire l l i 1968 : 82. 24. Pitr è 188 9 , vol . 2: 175 . 25. A Sici l i a n sayi ng was tha t whe n two or more pers o ns eat or drink toge the r at a resta u r a nt or a bar, the n the o ne who has fi ni s he d the last swig of wine or liqu o r 244 Notes to Chapter 4 from a shar e d bottl e , or who ha s eate n the last snai l , oliv e , frui t, o r the like , from a shar e d plate , ough t to pay for ever y thi n g that has been cons u me d by the party (Pi tr è 188 9 , vol . 4: 345 ). In thi s case it see m s as tho ug h the basi c ide a is aga i n tha t drink or food has not been prop e r l y shar e d and that the one who ate or drank the last of it unju stl y took from the othe r s; ther e fo r e an appo si te respo n se to his ‘gre e d ’ is to make him pay for all that whic h has been consu me d . Verb a l l y this reas o ni ng woul d run some thi ng like : — Now, if this pers o n is so gree d y that he prob a b l y woul d have like d to drink an d eat ever y thi n g on the tabl e witho ut shar i ng , then he shou l d also pay for ever y thi ng . 26. Paz z i ni 194 8 : 86. De Bla si o (190 0 : 202 ) menti o ns tha t sor c e r y with lefto v e r s fro m food was practi s e d in Bene v e nto , but provi d e s no deta i l s . 27. Dento ni -Li t ta 198 2 : 14; Pri o r i 1964 : 567 f. 28. Some examp l e s of such cure s ar e the foll o w i ng. Obstr u c ti o n of the lacti fe r o u s duc ts of a nursi ng mo the r ’s bre a st (ma sti ti s ) , ca usi ng a painf u l accum u l a ti o n of milk, could be cured by apply i ng to the bre a st a plaste r made fro m bre a d-c r umb s tha t ha d fal l e n fro m the mo u t h of a cat (Fina mo r e 189 4 : 168 ) or by drink i ng wate r fro m whi c h a cat pre v i o usl y had bee n dri nk i ng (Pi tr è 189 6 a : 454 ; Sal o mo ne - Ma r i no 189 1 : 460 ). A woma n woul d be immu ne to this ail me nt i f she for so me time ate lefto v e r s fro m a cat’ s foo d (Fi na mo r e 189 4 : 168 f). Infl a m ma ti o n o f the eyes coul d be c u r e d b y t h e a p p l i c a t i o n o f w a t e r fr o m a w a t e r i n g t r o u g h f o r h o r s e s or mule s (F. Cire l l i [ed. ] 1853 , vol. 10: 67; De Nino 1891 : 143; Fina mo r e 189 4 : 185 ; Pitr è 189 6a : 273 ), but one sho ul d no t use suc h wate r for washi ng the swa d d l i n g band s of a bab y , sinc e t h i s w o u l d ca u s e i t s s k i n t o be r e d a n d dr y fro m infl a m ma ti o n (Fi na mo r e 189 4 : 78). An obsti na te cough was cur e d by drink i ng wate r from a buck e t out of whic h a horse had just been wate r e d (Pitr è 189 6a : 415 f) or wate r fro m whi c h a cat had bee n dri nk i ng (D’ Al o i 195 6 : 53), or by givi ng a dog bre a d in boui l l o n to eat and coll e c ti n g and drink i ng the liqu i d that dri p p e d fro m its mou th (Pi tr è 189 6 a : 418 ). Some of the cur e s menti o ne d her e bui l d upo n a no ti o n tha t the wat e r fro m whi c h a n ani ma l has bee n dri n k i ng, or conti n u e s to drink , is still subje c t to cons u mp ti o n. The act of drink i ng affec ts no t only that whic h is actua l l y drun k , but all wate r that has been conta i ne d i n the rece p ta c l e . Hence the wate r has the capa c i ty to draw milk out of an infl a me d breas t, to decre a s e the super f l u i t y of p h l e g m o f in f l a m e d e y e s a nd b r o n c h i , a n d to mak e a bab y ’ s ski n red and dry . 29. De Nino 188 1 : 30. 30. E. g.: Bell u c c i 1910 ; De Marti no 198 7 : 55; Gianc r i sto fa r o 197 1 : 213 ; Moss & Capp a nna r i 196 0: 97. This parti c u l a r ide a is one of a grea t var ie ty of beli e fs tha t the hand l i ng of the plac e n ta affe c te d the woma n’ s abil i ty to lacta te . 31. Exce p ti o n s were made in the ca se of small chil d r e n, who were fed. Ano the r exce p ti o n coul d be made whe n a child ha d di ed . In that case , the pers o ns atte n d i ng the wa ke some ti me s ate festi v e foo d and amuse d the mse l ve s (La Sor sa 1930 : 43); this will be discu sse d in Chap te r 9. 32. Pitr è 188 9 , vol . 2: 228 . 33. See, for insta nc e , Amal fi 1892 : 69; Bronz i ni 196 4 : 431 f; Fae ta 197 9 : 74; Nobi l i o 196 2 : 56; Pitr è 188 9 , vol . 2: 228 . 34. Bronz i ni 1964 : 431; La So rsa 1939 : 33; Nobi l i o 1962 : 56. 35. F. Cire l l i (ed. ) 18 53 , vol. 17: 29; De Nino 1879 : 130. 36. Fae ta 197 9 : 74. 37. Fina mo r e 189 4 : 95; Gia nc r i sto fa r o 197 8 : 229 ; Mar z ano 191 2 :1 2 8 . 38. Bro nz i ni 196 4 : 432 . Notes to Chapter 5 245 39. G. Cire l l i 1968 : 85; L. Lomb a r d i Satr i a ni & Meli g ra na 1982 : 182 (citi ng an unpu b - l i she d the si s by I. Mele c a ); Prio r i 1964 : 325. 40. L. Lomb a r di Satr i a ni (ed. ) 197 1 : 121 ; De Nino 187 9 : 130 . 41. Such reaso ni ng also susta i ne d the ideas tha t one sho u l d not sle e p in a room wit h the feet towa r d s the door , this b eing the posi ti o n prop e r for a corp s e ; that one shou l d not plac e flow e r s on a bed, this othe r w i s e being done only when a decea s e d pers o n rema i ne d in the home pr ior to his fune r a l ; that o ne shoul d not take measu r e s fo r a child ’ s clothe s , this sugge s t i n g the measu r i n g of a corps e by the co ffin - ma ker . 42. Amal fi 1890 : 167; Caste l l i 1878 : 46; De Nino 1881 : 239; Fina mo r e 1894 : 99; Pitr è 191 3a : 290 . 43. Fina mo r e 189 4 : 99. 44. See Dav i s 197 3 : 57. Conce r ni ng the bene fi ts for pri e sts dur i ng the chiese ricettizie syste m of the thr e e cent ur i e s fro m ca. 155 0 to ca. 185 0 , Car r o l l 199 2 , ch. 5. 45. In Northe r n Ital y , as well as in o the r cou ntr i e s of Euro p e , the fune r a l mea l may be refe r re d to using an expr e ssi o n sig ni fy i ng ‘ea ti n g the dead’ (Di Nola 1995 : 162 ; Riv e r a 1988 : 106). The foo d sy m b o l i sm of Gre e k dea th ritua l s cl e a r l y indi c a te s tha t cer ta i n foo d stu ff s are asso c i a te d wi th the fl es h of the dead (see Da nfo r t h 1982: 104ff ) . 46. An inte r e sti n g var i a ti o n has bee n doc u me nte d i n seve nte e n th ce n tur y Her e fo r d- s hi r e and elsew he r e in Engla nd . Poor people were invite d to act as ‘sin- e a te r s ’ , consu mi ng bread and beer over a corp s e and ther e b y taki ng upon the ms e l v e s the sins of the dec e a se d (N. Dav i s 197 7 : 95). In this pr a c ti c e , it is not fa mi l y memb e r s that reco v e r vita l forc e from a rela ti v e , but inste a d un-re l a te d peopl e who take over an unde s i r a b l e qual i ty of the dece a s e d . 47. De Nino 187 9 : 129 f. 48. Nob i l i o 196 2 : 56. A custo ma r y di s h offe r e d as consuolo was chic ke n bro th, and the Ita l i a n ethno g r a phe r Rob e r to De Simo ne (19 7 7 : 184 -9 ) sug g e s ts tha t the eat i ng of this dish can be seen as a sy mb o l i c consu mp ti o n of the dec e a s e d , that ‘… trans mi tte d to the rela ti v e s the good qual i ti e s of the dece a s e d or of death’ . The evid e nc e for this inte r p r e ta ti o n , whic h is base d on a suppo s e d asso cia tio n betwe e n the hen and the so ul s of the dea d, app e a r s wea k . A mor e pla usi b l e inte r p r e ta ti o n of why this par ti cul a r dish was cu sto ma r y sho ul d take into con - si de r a ti o n the cir cums ta nce tha t , in South Ita l i a n symb o l i s m, the hen and the hen’ s egg are close l y asso c i a te d with the rege ne r a ti o n of life from death. Thus , it coul d be argu e d that the offe r of chic k e n broth to a bere a v e d fami l y symb o l i c a l l y serv e s the sa me purpo s e as the consuolo, na me l y to end the bere a v e d fami l y ’ s inte n s e invo l v e me n t wi th deat h thro u g h an inp ut o f vi ta l forc e from othe r fami - l i e s . The chic k e n broth is a very suita b l e symb o l i c tool for this since it is a kind of nour i sh me nt tha t as so ci a te s wi th th e rege ne r a ti o n of life from deat h. 49. L. Lo mb a r d i Satr i a ni & Meli g r a na 1982 : 419 (citi n g an unp ub l i s he d the si s by P. Gar o fa lo ). 50. La Sor sa 193 0 : 50. 51. Moss & Cap p a n na r i 196 0 : 97. 52. Par do 1989 : 111 . On the ban on consu mi n g mea t in the per i o d fol l o w i ng a dea th, see also : Conte 191 0 : 66f; Cor r a i n 196 2 : 115 ; Di Maur o 198 2 : 116 . Chapter 5 1 . De Mar ti no 198 7 : 56. 246 Notes to Chapter 5 2. De Mar ti no 198 7 : 56. 3. Pasq u a r e l l i 1897 : 54. 4. Adr i a no 193 2 : 188 . 5. Fina mo r e 189 4 : 163 . 6. Adr i a no 193 2 : 188 f; Fina mo r e 1894 : 163 . 7. De Mar ti no 198 7 : 56. 8. De Mar ti no 198 7 : 57f (fr e e tra n sl a t i o n). 9. Inte n ti o na l thef ts of milk were also thou g h t po ss i b l e . Some metho d s for ac hi e v i ng this , prac ti s e d in Cala b r i a , invo l v e d the read i ng of certa i n spel l s whil e being clos e to a lacta ti ng ewe or goat (R. Lomb a r di Satri a ni 196 9 : 250 f). In Valsi nn i (Basi l i c a ta ) , it was thoug h t possi b l e to purl o i n mothe r ’ s milk by a form of magi c , whic h esse nti a l l y consi ste d of the cons u mp ti o n of salt that ha d secr e tl y been bro ug ht i nto the pro x i mi ty of a nursi ng mot he r (D e Mar ti no 198 7 : 57). 10. See for ins ta nc e the vol u me s edi te d by Mal o ne y (19 7 6 ) and by Dun de s (19 8 1 ). 11. Coss 198 1 . 12. App e l 197 7 ; Gar ri so n & Are nsb e r g e r 197 6 . 13. App e l 197 7 ; M. Dougl a s 197 0 . 14. Scho e c k 196 9 . 15. Foste r 196 7 , ch. 7. 16. Dun de s 198 1 . 17. Cf. Gal t 198 2 . 18. In so me commu ni ti e s , o nly the uninte nt i o na l form of the evil eye was reco g ni s e d (Br ö g g e r 196 8 : 14; Gal t 199 1 a : 740 f). 19. L. Lo mb a r di Satr i a ni (ed.) 197 1 : 150 f; Bono mo 197 8 : 20; Pitr è 1913 b : 193 f. The r e are some nota b l e exc e p ti o ns to thi s. For insta nc e , Gal t (19 9 1a : 740f) rep o r ts tha t peop l e in a commu ni ty in conte mp o r a r y Pugl i a tend to confl a te two type s of the evil eye unde r the term malocchio — a lesse r form call e d affascene (‘fa sci na tio n’) and a grav e r form call e d mmvidie (‘env y ’ ), neithe r of which were thoug h t to be acti v a te d wilfu l l y . 20. In a Cala b r e s e comm u ni t y , the evil eye coul d be thou g ht to ema na te from per- so ns whe n the y sta r e at some thi ng and to be cau se d by an ‘ab u n da nc e of hea r t’ , whi c h was und e r sto o d as ‘a str o ng e mo ti o n pro v o k e d by the sig h t of so me t hi ng desi r a b l e or exce p ti o na l l y beau ti f u l ’ . S o m e p e r s o n s c l a i m e d t ha t j o y wa s o ne suc h cau se , o the r s emp ha si se d de si r e (Br ö g g e r 196 8 : 14). 21. Bro nz i ni 198 2 : 154 . 22. The term ‘witc hc r a f t’ , whic h in anthr o p o l o g ic a l usag e , foll o w i ng Eva ns - Pr i tc ha r d’ s (19 3 7) defi ni ti o n, de n o te s inv o l u nta r i l y acti v a te d su p e r na tur a l and har mful i nflue n ce as oppo sed to co n sci o usl y per fo r me d and evil -mi nde d ‘sorce r y ’ , is not used here. The term is confu s i n g in the Ital i a n (as well as in the Eur o pe a n) con te x t, sin ce witche s wer e tho ug ht to per fo r m int e nti o na l and malev o l e nt magi c , and the ‘craf t’ of witche s thus fall s into the cate g o r y of sorc e ry rathe r tha n ‘wit c hc r a ft’ (cf. M. Do ug l a s 1970 : xxvi i i -x x i x ). 23. Acoc e l l a 1936 : 129; Bono mo 1978 : 20, 56-6 1 ; Brög g e r 196 8 : 15; De Marti no 198 7 : 43; Fina mo r e 189 4 : 174 ; Gia nc r i sto fa r o 1971 : 206 ; Moss & Cap p a nna r i 196 0 : 98; Paz z i ni 194 8 : 244; Pitr è 188 9 vol . 4 : 237 f; Ren da 189 4 b : 289 . 24. De Mar ti no 198 7 : 46; Fina mo r e 189 4 : 174 ; L. Lomb a r di Satr i a ni (ed.): 101 ; Moss & Cap p a nna r i 196 0: 98. 25. Ama l fi 189 0 : 92. 26. L. Lomb a r di Satr i a ni (ed. ) 197 1 : 143 ; Moss & Cap p a nna r i 196 0 : 98. 27. Brö g g e r 196 8 : 15; Mar z a no 1912 : 41f. Notes to Chapter 5 247 28. Cav a l c a nti 198 4 : 103 ; Fina mo r e 189 4 : 174 . 29. Cf. Dunde s 198 1 . 30. Fina mo r e 189 4 : 174 . 31. Bro nz i ni 195 1 : 47. 32. Ama l fi 189 0 : 92. 33. Par do 199 2 : 262 . 34. Amal fi 1890 : 176; Brög g e r 1968 : 15; F. Ci re l l i (ed. ) 1853 , vol. 9: 25; Elwo r thy 1958 : 18f; Pitr è 188 9 vol . 4: 237 . 35. Dento ni -L i t ta 1982 : 12; R. Lomb a r d i Satr i a ni 1969 : 61; Rivi e l l o 1893: 216; Tancr e d i 1940 : 96; Vince l l i 1958 : 127. 36. Ang a r a no 197 3 : 133 ; Fina mo r e 189 4 : 237 ; Gig l i 1893 : 27. 37. Caste l l i 1878 : 63; Fina mo r e 1894 : 223. This capa c i ty was also attr i b u t e d to a snak e with a doub l e tai l (Pi tr è 191 3 a : 306 ). 38. Pitr è 188 9 , vol . 4: 327 . 39. Dento ni -Li t ta 198 2 : 88; Tancr e di 194 0 : 96. 40. Some othe r exa mp l e s of such sy mb o l i s m are the ide a s tha t a nut or almo nd wit h an extr a see d was a goo d aug ur y (De n to ni - Li tta 198 2 : 87; Gal t 199 1 a : 749 ) and that a girl who at harv e s t foun d a stra w with a do ub l e ear was consi d e r e d fortu - na te and was gi v e n a she a f of cor n as a pre mi u m (Do r sa 188 4 : 110 ). In Orto na (Abru z z o ) , so me snake s and large , old lizar ds wer e said to have a kind of har d pro tu b e r a nc e on the i r hea d s, of the siz e of a huma n too th. Thi s outgr o w t h was held to bring grea t luck. It prote c te d its beare r , his home and hi s field s from all misf o r t u ne . A si mil a r protu b e r a nc e is also said to be found o n the back of some ver y lar ge slugs. It was attr ib uted muc h the same luck - b r i ngi ng capa c i ti e s and was also use d a s an amul e t aga i ns t the evi l eye and othe r sup e r na tur a l thr e a ts (Fi na mo r e 189 4 : 236 f). 41. Pri o r i 1964 : 225 f. 42. See , for ins ta nc e , Dento ni -Li t ta 198 2 : 23; Pitr è 191 3b : 203 f. 43. R. Lomb a r di Sat r i a ni 196 9 : 12. In thi s ga me , f r u i t s t o n e s w e r e t h r o w n a t a ta r g e t by two or more play e r s. 44. In the case of wome n, a rich gro wth of bodi l y and faci a l hair was view e d with amb i guity; some sour ces make cl ea r th a t unu sua l l y hai r y wome n coul d be con - s i d e r e d to have good fortu ne and unus u a l stre n g th , but this feat u r e most com- mo nl y see ms to have been consi d e r e d an indi c a ti o n of misp l a c e d masc u l i ni ty that m a d e a w o m a n cattiva ‘ ( ‘ b a d ’ ; a l l t h i s i n f o r m a t i o n o n c o n c e p t i o n s o f h a i r i s fro m: Ama l fi 189 0 : 101 ; Caste l l i 187 8 : 42; G r i s a n t i 1 8 9 8 : 3 2 3 ; R . Lo m b a r d i Sa t r i a n i 196 9 : 10; Mar zano 191 2 : 110 f; Pitr è 189 6a : 51-4 ). T h u s h a i r i n e s s i n d i c a t e d no t only vita l i ty and stre n g t h, but also man l i ne s s . Howe v e r , ther e are beli e f s that indi c a te a conne cti o n betwe e n vi ta l forc e and ha ir , irre s p e c ti v e of gende r . For insta nc e , i n a Cala b r i a n vill a g e , it was held that o ne shou l d not cut the hair on the arms, beca use this woul d cause t h e m t o l o s e s t r e n g t h ( R . Lo m b a r d i S a t r i a n i 196 9 : 15). We ma y also note tha t, in Basi l i c a ta and Sic i l y , it was held tha t a chil d ’ s life w a s i n d a n g e r i f i t s h a i r wa s c u t w h i l e i t wa s y e t b e l o w o n e y e a r o f a g e — that is, at an age when the chil d was consi de r e d to be espe c i a l l y frag i l e and vul- ne r a b l e (Br o nz i ni 195 3 : 38; Pitr è 188 9 , vol . 2: 181 ). The cutti ng of the hai r see ms in this case to have sugge s te d a loss of vi ta l force , ulti ma te l y leadi ng to death . A weake r vers i o n of this belie f has b een do cu me nte d in Abru z z o : that suc h an earl y c u t t i n g o f h a i r w o u l d h i n d e r t h e c h i l d f r o m g r o w i n g r i c h a n d l o n g h a i r (Fi na mo r e 189 4 : 125 ). In thi s case it is thu s onl y the for c e of the gro w th of hai r that is imag i ne d to be affe c te d , no t the vi ta l forc e o f the orga ni s m as a whol e . O n 248 Notes to Chapter 5 the asso c i a ti o n o f hair with vita l i t y mor e gene r a l l y , see Hall p i k e 196 9 . 45. Ama l fi 189 2 : 13f; Ang a r a no 197 3 : 56; Bro nz i ni 196 4: 38; D’Al o i 195 6 : 40; Dento ni - L i tta 1982 : 27; Fina mo r e 1894 : 70; Pasq u a r e l l i 1897 : 54; Prio r i 1964 : 186. 46. Ama l fi 189 2 : 13f; D’Al o i 195 6 : 40; Fina mo r e 189 4 : 70. 47. Pitr è 188 9 , vol . 4: 327 . 48. Fina mo r e 189 4 : 234 . 49. Fina mo r e 189 4 : 234 . 50. Mar z a no 191 2 : 43f. 51. In folk medi c i ne , sali v a was abov e all em pl o y e d agai nst ailme nt s o f the ski n and was attr i b u te d a heali ng influ e nce ; thi s wa s espec i a l l y so when it origi na te d from per so ns who for var i o us rea so ns wer e asso c i a te d with abunda nce and unu sua l pow e r s (Ad r i a n o 193 2 : 87ff; Cas te l l i 187 8 : 33; Dor sa 188 4 : 121 ; Fina mo r e 189 4 : 172 , 203 f; R. Lo mb a r di Satr i a ni 196 9 : 106 ; Marz ano 191 2 : 94; Pitr è 189 6a : 225 ff; Pri o r i 196 4 : 284 f; Renda 189 4 b : 291 ). In Cal a b r i a and Sic i l y , ver se s of fol k poe tr y have been reco r d e d that expr e s s the idea that sali v a coul d cure ailme nts o f the kidne y s or mali gn feve r s or ‘a hundr e d sick ne s s e s’ (Adr i a no 1932 : 53, Bono mo 197 8 : 83f). The conce p t of sali v a as embo dy i ng vita l for c e was also exp r e sse d in some idea s conc e r ni ng spi tti ng. Thus , a wor kma n spa t in the pal ms of his han ds when he was getti n g read y to work and when he pick e d up a to ol. Simi l a r l y , a man who was a bo ut to enga ge in a fist- fi gh t spa t in his hand s (P itr è 1896 a : 92). The idea tha t sa li v a has heal i ng and bene v o l e n t qual i ti e s is foun d in the Holy Scri p tu r e and in the ritua l prac ti c e of the Chur c h, and the laity was hence give n an appe a r a nc e of the idea as an acce p te d truth. Chris t used his saliv a when he resto r e d visi o n to the bli nd and spe e c h to the du mb (Ma r k 7: 32-5 ; 8: 23). In the Chur c h, the prie s t uses hi s sali v a in the bapti s ma l cere mo ny to anoi nt the chil d ’ s nostr i l s and ears. Hence , saliv a was conne c t e d with vita l force , and thi s assoc i a - ti o n may be seen as being based on the fact that sali v a is an excr e ti o n that is inti ma te l y rela te d to the emo ti o ns, si nce it flow s in abund a nc e in ange r a nd i n some othe r inte n s e feeli ng s , while it dries up when fear is exper ie nc e d . Sali v a is conne c te d wi th the puls e o f life and we may ther e f o r e assu me , with vita l i ty i tse l f (cf. Till ha g e n 1989 : 295). 52. De Marti no 1987 : 94f; Galt 1991 a : 740f; Pazz i ni 1948 : 100; Rivi e l l o 1893 : 214. 53. R. Lo mb a r di Satr i a ni 1969 : 182 ; Moss & Cap p a n na r i 196 0 : 98; Pitr è 1889 , vol . 4: 236 . 54. In two Sicil i a n sp ell s used to heal suff e r i ng s beli e v e d to be caus e d b y the evil eye, it is expr e s s l y state d that the o ne who ha s cast the evil eye has ‘remo v e d the blo o d’ or ‘suck e d the blo o d’ fr o m his vic ti m (Bo no mo 197 8 : 56f; 60f, citi ng unp ub l i s he d wo rk by V. Marche s e and refe r r i ng to an unedi te d co ll e c ti o n of folk song s belo ng i ng to the Univ e r si ty Lib r a r y of Messi na ). 55. Cf. Brö g g e r 196 8 : 14. 56. E.g . Ama l fi 189 0 : 166 . 57. De Mar ti no 198 7 : 15-2 6 . 58. Bro nz i ni 198 2 : 169 . 59. Brö g g e r (19 6 8 : 22) wri te s, conc e r ni ng a Cal a b re se comm uni ty in the 196 0 s: ‘Peo p l e are scar e d of disp l a y i n g thing s whic h can arou s e othe r peo pl e ’ s envy and desir e , becau s e they know it invol v e s criti c i s m and poss i b l y supe r na tu r a l destr u ction .’ 60. Bronz i ni 1982 : 154, refe r r i ng to ethno g r a p hy coll e c t e d by M. G. Pasq u a r e l l i . 61. Brö g g e r 196 8 : 22. 62. Dor sa 188 4 : 124 . Notes to Chapter 5 249 63. E. g. Gal t 199 1 a : 741 ; Moss & Cap p a nna r i 196 0 : 98. Brö g g e r (19 68 : 22) info r ms us that when a nei ghb o u r ’ s chil d was compl e me n te d , it might be done with the phra s e ‘Go away evil eye, what a child ’ . 64. Seli g ma nn (191 0 , vol. 1: 238) give s an exa mp l e of suc h a phra se — ‘ Restate servito, prendete, accio non me la jettate!’ Mor e as a cur i o si ty it may be me nti o ne d tha t thi s tacti c co ul d be empl o y e d agai n st what appe a r s to be the evil eye of a dog . In Sa n Costa nti no Briati c o , Calab r i a , it was beli e v e d tha t i f a pers o n ate whil e a dog was pres e nt near the tabl e , he shou l d give the dog some brea d to eat, othe r w i s e he woul d hims e l f not be sati a te d and woul d have to leav e the tabl e stil l hu ngr y (R . Lomb a r d i Satr i ani 1969 : 19). Most prob a b l y , this beli e f refe r s to the sce ne of a pers o n eati ng a meal whil e a dog, whim p e r i ng and drib b l i ng from hu nge r , roams arou nd the tabl e begg i ng for a share of the food . The dog desi r e s the food , and the idea see ms to be tha t, if not fed, it ca sts an ‘evil eye’ onto the food and so depr i v e s it of its nu tr i ti o na l valu e . Ther e f o r e , the pers o n who eats will no t be sati a te d — unle s s he shar e s his food wi th the do g and ther e b y avoi d s i ts ‘evi l eye’ . Ano the r beli e f was that a ma n who refu s e d to feed a hungr y dog woul d not find a spouse (ib i d. p. 33). Per h a p s thi s idea was insp i r e d by a think i ng that a selfi sh and sti ng y man, a char a c te r tra i t indi ca te d by the refusa l to sha r e foo d with the hungr y dog, is no t the ki nd o f man a wo ma n wi she s for husb a nd . 65. C. f. App e l 197 7 : 76f; Brö g g e r 196 8: 21f; Gal t 199 1 a : 747 . 66. M. Dougl a s 197 0 : xxv i i . 67. Bro nz i ni 196 4 : 383 ; Gia nc r i sto fa r o 197 1 : 214 . 68. Adr i a no 193 2 : 167 f; Dor sa 188 4 : 142 . 69. Ano the r mani f e s ta ti o n of the mi stl e to e ’ s asso c i a t i o n with immo r ta l i ty , ferti l i ty and rege ne r a ti o n was the beli e f , docu me nte d in Lanci a no (Abr u z z o ) , that if suc h wood was burnt in the hear th, then the he ns woul d ceas e to lay eggs (Fina mo r e 189 4 : 15). 70. E. g.: Ang a r a no 197 3 : 133 ; Ber r y 196 8 : 252 ; Dor sa 188 4 : 127 ; Elw o rthy 195 8 : 258 - 6 2 ; R. Lo mb a r di Satr i a ni 196 9 : 276; Pitr è 188 9 , vol . 4. 239 f, Id. 191 3 b : 203 . 71. Mac Cul l o c h 191 3 ; Oni a n s 195 1 : 236 -4 6 . 72. Berr y 1968 : 251; Seli g ma nn 1910, vol. 2: 202. 73. In Sale r no , a fema l e apo tr o p a i c gestur e wit h an anal o g o us sig ni fi ca nc e has bee n doc u me nte d: o ne of the butto c k s was scr a tc he d (D e nto ni -Li t ta 198 2: 56). 74. Cf. Dunde s (19 8 1 : 276 ), who arg u e s tha t the ‘fi c a ’ and pha l l i c amu l e ts sig ni fy the prod u c ti o n of se me n , whic h ‘pro v i d e s proo f that the victi m ’ s sup pl y of life force is undi mi ni s he d’ . 75. Adr i a no 193 2 : 57; Ber r y 196 8 . 76. Adr i a no 193 2 : 57; Ber r y 196 8 ; Bro nz i ni 195 3 : 219 ; Dor sa 188 4 : 125; R. Lo mb a r di Satr i a ni 196 9 : 277. 77. Tancr e di 194 0 : 96. 78. R. Lo mb a r di Satr i a ni 196 9 : 275 . 79. Ang a r a no 197 3 : 133 ; Ber r y 1968 ; R. Lo mb a r di Satr i a ni 196 9 : 278 . 80. Tancr e di 194 0 : 96. 81. Coc c hi a r a 193 8 : 107 . 82. The most compr e he nsi ve compa r a ti ve docume nta ti o n on the sy m b o l i c compl e x of the moon, the frog , the serp e n t, the liza r d and the crab is foun d in Brif f a u l t 1927 , vol. 2, ch. xx-x x i i , s ee also Fraz e r 1913 - 24 , vol. 1, lect u r e III. The per ha p s most e vid e n t ma ni f e s ta ti o n of the se meani n g s in Southe r n Ital y is the beli e f s that sna k e s , liz a r ds and toa ds wer e rei nc a r na te d dea d hu ma n bei n g s (Adr i a no 193 2 : 129; Anga r a no 1973 : 140; Basi l e 1958 : 96f; Bronz i ni 1953 : 243; Caste l l i 1878 : 9; De 250 Notes to Chapter 5 Giaco mo 189 9 : 206 ; Do r s a 1 8 8 4 : 2 7 f , 9 5 ; R . L o m b a r d i S a t r i a n i 1 9 6 9 : 6 0 ; L o r i a 1907 : 42; Paga no da Diama nte 1902 , vol. 2: 312f; Pasq u a r e l l i 1894 : 637; Pitr è 1 8 8 9 , vol . 3: 365 f); see also p. 224 f, Cha p te r 10. On the symb o l i sm o f the egg , see Cha p - te r 8, foo t no te 89. 83. Cf. Gug g i no 197 8 : 134 ; Tur ne r 196 7 : 88-9 1 . 84. This sig ni f i c a nc e may also have inspi r e d the idea , docu me nt e d in Lavel l o (Bas i l i - c a ta ) , that chil d r e n coul d be made immu ne agai n s t the evil eye b y letti ng the m swal l o w some mill i g r a ms of gold (Bro nz i ni 1951 : 46). 85. Briffa u l t 1927 , vol. 3: 278f; Seli gma n n 1910 , vol. 2: 32f. An Ital i a n term for thi s cora l is corallo sanguigno (‘sa ngu i ne cor a l ’ ). Bri ff a ul t (vo l . 3: 278 , refe r r i ng to a work by G. Bell uc c i ) repo r ts that Ital i a n wome n rega r d e d red coral as ‘poss e s s i ng the speci f i c powe r of regul a ti ng the men str ua l flo w’. 86. Caste l l i 1878 : 64. 87. Pitr è 189 6 a : 130 f. 88. Caste l l i 1878 : 58, 63f; Pitr è 1889 , vo l. 2: 154f, 181; Id. 1896 : 131, 224. 89. Cor so 191 1 : 137f; L. Lo mb a r di Satr i a ni & Mel ig r a na 198 2 : 297 ; R. Lomb a r di Satr i a ni 196 9 : 33, 37. 90. Fina mo r e 189 4 : 180 f. 91. Conce r ni ng Mol i se , see G. Cire l l i 196 8 : 82; Vince l l i 1958 : 99. Campa ni a : D’Ama to 1933 : 142; Dento ni -L i tta 1982 : 76f. Pugl i a : Co rr a i n 1962 : 126. Basi l ic a ta : F. Cire l l i (ed. ) 1853 , vol. 6: 116; Pasqu a r e l l i 1896 : 327; Pero tti de’ Miani 1894 : 381f. 92. Mil k y sca b s is a n ecz e ma o n the fac e and hea d of a nur si ng chi l d, pro du c i ng yello w crusts and supp u r a ti ng b oils . As de scr i b e d in Chap te r 3, eczema and boils tha t emi tte d pus wer e com mo nl y see n as o utl e t s for corr u p te d flui d s . In Sici l y , milky scabs wer e seen as a way for the infa nti l e organi s m to rid itsel f of so me inte r na l mala d y and thus grea t ca re was ta ke n to prev e nt it from di sa p p e a r i ng . If this happe ne d , it was tho ug ht to pro vo k e the deve l o p me nt of seri o u s inte r na l ail me nts of the che st , the inte s ti n e s and esp e c i a l l y of the bra i n (Pi t r è 189 6 a : 223 f). Simi l a r beli e f s conce r ni ng this illne s s have also been reco r d e d in othe r parts of Southe r n Ita l y (De Nino 1891 : 74; Fina mo r e 1894 : 76; Gia nc r i sto fa r o 197 1 : 87f; Mar z a no 1912 : 97; Pas qu a r e l l i 189 6 : 494 ; Pri o r i 196 4 : 200 ). Mil k thru sh is a fu n- g o u s infe c ti o n of the oral cavi ty and the lips , caus i n g the deve l o p me nt of greyi s h- whi te spo t s and cys ts o n the muco us me mb r a ne . The ethno gr a p hi c so ur ce s do not say expl i c i tl y that thi s sick ne s s was see n a s an elimi na ti o n of corr u p te d hu mo u r s , but its char a c te r is sugg e s ti v e of this . 93. Campo r e si 198 8 b: 77f; Jac qua r t & Tho ma sse t 198 8 , esp . p. 71-8 . 94. Bra nde s 198 1 b : 225 . 95. Pitr è 189 6 a : 129 . 96. De Gia c o mo 1899 : 154 ; Fina mo r e 189 4 : 182 ; Pitr è 189 6 a : 449 . In Sic i ly, it was hel d tha t pi mpl e s of gir l s who had not yet rea che d pub e r ty sho ul d no t be cur e d, si nce the y wer e assu m e d to disa p p e a r at the onse t of menstr ua ti o n (Pi tr è 189 6 a : 224 f). This belie f thus conne c ts menstr u a ti o n wi th an elimi na ti o n of corr u p te d flui d s (ide n ti f i e d wi th the pus of the pi mpl e s ) from the body . 97. Ano the r indi c a ti o n is the Sici l i a n beli e f that a chil d was like l y to suff e r from milky sca b s , not only if it was ki s se d by a me ns tr ua ti ng wo ma n b ut also if it had been conce i v e d when the me nse s of its mo the r were appr o a c hi ng (Pitr è 1896 a : 223 ). If the men s tr ua ti o n cle a r s a woma n’s body fro m cor r up te d humo ur s , the n her orga ni s m ought to be maxi m a l l y fill e d with them just befo r e the mens e s . 98. Fina mo r e 189 4 : 126 . 99. L. Lo mb a r d i Satr i a ni & Meli g r a na 1982 : 2 98, refe r ring to an unpu b l i she d work by Notes to Chapter 5 251 M. G. Toti no . 100 . All a n Dun de s (1 9 8 1 : 285 ) mak e s the same poi nt whe n dis c us si n g the Zor o a str i a n beli e f that mens t r u a ti ng wome n poss e s s the evil eye: ‘Cle a r l y , a woma n who wa s losing blood , a li fe fluid , woul d r epre s e nt a thre a t to the life flui d s of othe r s ’ . The beli e f that a me ns tr u a ti ng wo ma n is espe c i a l l y prone to cast the evi l eye has been docu me nte d in a nti qui ty a nd in othe r Sout h Eur o p e a n counti e s (Cuti l e i r o 1971 : 274 ; Lawr e nc e 198 8 : 131 ; Pina -C a b r a l 19 86 : 96; Pitt-R i v e r s 1954 : 197f; Seli g ma nn 191 0 , vol . 1: 93f; Ste w a r t 199 1 : 233), but not, it see m s, i n mode r n Ita l y . 101 . It can be note d tha t , in Spai n, men str ua ti o n is asso c i a te d wi th calio (hea t) , and hence a wou nd infl i cte d by a me ns tr ua ti ng woma n on the back of the mule tha t she ride s co uld be expla i ned by saying th a t the r ider was ‘burn i n g ’ (Pitt - R i v e r s 195 4 : 197 f). 102 . Adr i a no 193 2 : 189 ; Cor so 191 1 : 147 f; De Nino 188 1 : 30; Mini c uc i 198 1 : 121 . In Torri c el l a Peli g na (Abr u z z o ) , it was tho ug h t that piec e s of cloth whic h had been wette d by mil k vomi te d by a ba by sho u l d not b e drie d by the fire , since this woul d cau se aga l a c ti a (Fi na mo r e 189 4 : 163 ). 103. Vince l l i 1958 : 99. 104. It was a wide spr e a d beli e f that a girl coul d make a man fall in love with her, or a marri e d woma n make her husba nd unabl e to leave her, if she sec r e tl y , mixed i n drink or food , gave the man a love poti o n base d on a few drop s of her own bloo d , most commo nl y me ns tr u a l bloo d (e. g.: Anga r a no 1973 : 91; De Marti no 198 7 : 21f; Dento ni -Li tta 198 2 : 22; Fae ta 1979 : 77; Gia nc r i sto fa r o 197 1 : 185 ; Gow e r Cha p ma n 197 3 : 203 ; Lor i a 190 7 : 41; Moss & Cap p a nna r i 196 0 : 100 ; R. Lo mb a r di Satr i a ni 1969 : 249 ; Pasq u a r e l l i 189 6 : 326 f; Pitr è 1889 , vol. 4: 118f, Id. 1910 : 406f). Hair from the head , armpi ts or pubi s , as well as nail clip p i ng s , coul d also be used , some ti me s toge the r with bl o o d (e. g.: De Mar ti no 1987 : 21f; Dento ni -Li t ta 198 2 : 22; Fae ta 197 9 : 77; Gia nc r i sto fa r o 197 1 : 184f; Nobi l i o 1962 : 132). All these proc e d u r e s can be unde r s to o d a s elab o r a ti o ns on a sy mb o l i sm o f uni o n thr o u g h share d bodil y substa nc e and corre s p o nd i ng to the noti o n of the fa mi l y as havi ng ‘sha r e d bloo d ’ a nd the prac ti c e o f mingl i ng bloo d whe n ente r i ng bloo d pacts . The sex u a l cha r a c te r of the wishe d - fo r uni o n moti v a te s the use of bloo d or hair orig i na ti ng from the ge ni ta l s . 105 . Soc i e ti e s in whic h fema l e s and men str ua ti o n are typ i c a l l y not r e g a r de d as pol- l u ti ng are thos e with an info r ma l soci a l orga ni s a tio n, in whic h per ma ne n t soci a l posi ti o ns tran s c e nd i n g the exis te nc e of the biol o g i c a l indi v i d u a l s who occ up y the m are abse nt or compa r a ti v e ly insi g ni fi c a nt a nd thos e in whi ch ther e is an ideo l o g i c a l stre ss on ge nde r para l l e l i sm and co mpl e me n ta r i ty (c f. Appe l l 1988 ). 106 . Pitr è 191 3 a : 293 f. 107 . G. Cir e l l i 196 8 : 82. Vince l l i (19 5 8 : 99) info r ms us tha t in old e r tim e s a preg na n t woma n wa s thou g ht to be a dange r o u s perso n , for whom one shou l d watc h out. 108. Vince l l i 1958 : 155. 109 . Fina mo r e 189 4 : 59f; Pi tr è 188 9 , vol . 2: 115 -2 0 ; Sal o mo ne -M a r i no 188 6b : 535 . 110 . Fina mo r e 189 4 : 163 . 111 . Pri o r i 1964 : 201 f 112 . Doc ume nte d in Gesso p a l e na by Fina mo r e (18 9 4 : 174 f). 113. Caste l l i 1878 : 58; Pitr è 1889 , vol. 2: 181. 114 . Pitr è 188 9 , vol . 4: 467 . 115 . D’Al o i 195 6 : 45; R. Lo mb a r di Satr i a ni 196 9 : 36. 116 . Fina mo r e 189 4 : 78. 117 . Fina mo r e 189 4 : 72; Pitr è 188 9 , vol . 4, 467 . 252 Notes to Chapter 6 118. Moss & Cap p a n na r i 196 0 : 97. 119. See Bell (197 9 , ch. 4) for stati sti c s a nd a disc u s si o n o f cause s of infa nt death . 120 . Ang a r a no 197 3 : 117 ; Bro nz i ni 196 4 : 390 ; De Nino 188 1 : 239 ; La Sor sa 193 0 : 40; Mar z a no 191 2 : 126 ; Pasqu a r e l l i 189 6 : 329 ; Padu l a 1977 : 288. A vari a ti o n of this belie f has been docume nte d in Ve na f r o , Mo li s e : if a morib u nd perso n’ s eyes were wide open at the mome nt of dea th, he wo ul d soo n be foll o we d into dea th by a rela ti v e (G. Cire l l i 1968 : 85). 121 . Di Maur o 198 2 : 258 ; Pitr è 188 9 , vol . 2: 224 f. 122 . E. g. De nto ni -Li tta 198 2 : 89; Galt 199 1 a : 743 ; Gig l i 189 3 : 22, 106; R. Lomb a r di Satr i a ni 1969 : 195 ; Pitr è 189 6 a : 89f; Riv e r a 198 8 : 284 ; Sal o mo ne -M a r i no 188 2 : 132 ; Seli g ma nn 1910 , vol. 1: 87f, 91. 123 . On thi s a sso c i a ti o n, see : Bo ho l m 199 0 : 67f; Di Nola 199 5 : 273 f; Finu c a ne 198 1 : 44f. 124 . Car a c c i o l o di For i no 186 5 : 98f. 125 . Conte 191 0 : 140 ; De Marti no 1987 : 65ff; Fina mo r e 189 0 : 13f; Pasq u a r e l l i 189 4 : 635 ; Pero tti de’ Miani 1894 : 380; Rivi e l lo 1893 : 204ff. 126 . Fina mo r e 189 0 : 3-1 5 . 127. Bell i z z i 1894 : 458; F. Cire l l i (ed. ) 1853 , vol. 2: 25; Dorsa 1884 : 96f; R. Lomb a r d i Satr i a ni 196 9 : 36; Mar z a no 191 2 : 134 ; Mao ne & Mao ne 196 6 : 71; Pitr è 188 9 , vol . 2: 243 . 128 . O monaco tène nu vraccio curto e ’n’ato luóngo (‘th e monk has one sho r t and o ne long arm’; said abo ut a gree dy per so n, a nd refe r r i ng to the hab i t of beggi ng monk s to keep the left arm busy in a ba g where they keep alms of food, whil e exte ndi n g the ri ght ar m beggi n g for mone y); tre so’ li lenguagge de li muonece : damme , vamme , famme (‘ thr e e are the word s of the monk s : give me, go there for me, do that for me ’ , Al ta mur a & Gi ul i a ni 196 6 : 321 ). 129 . Gri sa nti 189 8 : 317 f; Mon ta l b a no 188 4 ; Pitr è 188 9 , vol . 4: 30f. Chapter 6 1 . M. Dougl a s 197 0 . 2. Gio v a nni ni 198 1 : 418 ; Pitr è 188 9 , vol . 4: 107 f. 3. Caste l l i 1878 : 15ff; Fi na mo r e 1884 . 4. Gio v a nni ni 198 1 : 418 . 5. Cf. Ste w a r t 199 1 : 14f. 6. The lite r a tu r e on Euro p e a n witch beli e f s is vast. A summa r y of the image of the witch is foun d i n Co hn 197 5 : 99-1 0 2 . A n e x t e n s i v e w o r k , wi t h p a r t i c u l a r refe r - e nc e to Ita l y , is Bono mo 195 9 . 7. The ter m strega could also be used to deno te a ‘wise woma n’, havi ng a reputa ti o n for being skil l e d in ‘mag i c ’ and the curi ng o f illne s s . 8. Deta i l e d desc r i p t i o ns of the Sout h Itali a n belie f in witche s are found in: Bono mo 195 9 , ch. 30; Fin a mo r e 188 4 ; G i a n c r i s t o f a r o 1 9 7 1 : 1 7 7 - 9 1 ; Pi t r è 1 8 8 9 , vo l . 4: 101 - 5 3 ; Tancr e di 194 0: 90ff. 9. F. Cire l l i (ed. ) 1853 , vol. 4: 28; G. Cire l l i 1968 : 89; De Nino 1879 : 143 ff; Moss & Cap p a nna r i 196 0: 99; Nob il i o 1962 : 108 f, 123 , 128 ; Pri o r i 1964 : 198 , 466 f; Vince l li 195 8 : 105 , 122 . 10. Pitr è 188 9 , vol . 4: 101 f. 11. Gio v a nni ni 198 1 : 419 . 12. Pitr è 188 9 , vol . 4: 101 . 13. Simi a ni 189 0 : 240ff. 14. Pitr è 1889 , vol. 2: 154f. This beli e f may have been held more gene r a l l y . Witho u t Notes to Chapter 6 253 speci fy i n g a par ti cul a r p a r t o f S i c i l y , P i t r è (1 8 9 6 : 8 9 f ) w r i t e s t ha t it w a s t h e cus- to m to spit behi nd a woma n of ‘ba d reputa ti o n’ if she had ki ss e d a newb o r n baby . To spit wa s a co mmo n gest u r e empl o y e d to ward off evil force s . 15. De Nino 188 3 : 20. 16. Fina mo r e 188 4 : 222 . 17. Fina mo r e 188 4 : 228 ; Gia nc r i sto fa ro 1971 : 205 . The pro te c ti v e mea s u r e s wer e , lik e thos e empl o y e d agai nst the evil eye, of a grea t var i e ty and the r e f o r e canno t be discu sse d in det a il her e . Howeve r , most of the m der i v e fro m the thr e e gene r a l str a te g i e s o utl i ne d by Ant ho ny G al t (19 8 2 ) as tho s e use d aga i ns t the evi l eye (cf. Ch. 5). Thus the y aim (1) to dive r t the atte nti o n o f the witc h, (2) make an appe a l to str o nge r pow e r s and (3) inj u r e the witc h or destr o y her mag i c a l too l s. 18. In Pal e na (Ab r u z z o ), a house co ul d be pro te c te d by pla c i ng a huma n skul l out- s i d e the entr a n c e , and it was thou g ht tha t this woul d exer c i s e an ‘irr e s i s ti b l e attr a c ti o n’ for a witch alr e a dy acc us to me d to ente r i ng the hou se (F i na mo r e 188 4: 228 ); she woul d not ente r aga i n, but woul d rema i n outsi de the ho use . Since the beli e f in necr o p h a g o u s witc he s has been doc ume nte d in thi s area of Abru z z o (i n Gess o p a l e na ) , the skul l was pres u ma b l y ass ume d to stim ul a te her appe ti te for corp s e s and ther e b y dive r t her atta c k from the livi ng me mb e r s of the ho me . In Cela no , the bo ne s of the dead coul d be used as a prote c ti o n a gai nst witc he s (Fi na mo r e 189 4 : 69), but we are not info r me d how thi s pro te c ti o n was tho ug ht to work. 19. Conte 1910 : 115, citi ng from a n arti c l e by Fili p p i na Rossi . 20. D’A ma to 193 3 : 150 ; L. Lomb a r di Satr i a ni (ed.) 197 1 : 187 . 21. Moss & Cap p a n na r i 196 0 : 99. 22. D’A ma to 193 3 : 154 f. 23. Fina mo r e 1884 : 227; Vince l l i 1958 : 220. 24. Moss & Cap p a n na r i 196 0 : 97. 25. Paz z i ni 194 8 : 137. 26. G. Cire l l i 1968 : 90; Fina mo r e 188 4 : 221 , 226 ; Gianc r i sto fa r o 197 1 : 179 ff; Nob i l io 196 2 : 128 . 27. Acoc e l l a 1936 : 127; Brac c i l i 1973: 35; Br onz i ni 1964 : 345f; Caste l l i 1878 : 16; F. Cirel l i (ed.) 1853, vol. 4: 48; G. Cir e l l i 1968 : 89; Gia nc r i s to f a r o 1971 : 178 ; Pasq u a r e l l i 1894 : 636. 28. Caste l l i 1878 : 15f. 29. Brac c i l i 1973 : 35. 30. F. Cire l l i (ed. ) 18 53 , vol. 4: 48; G. Cire l l i 196 8 : 89; L. Lo mb a r d i Satr i a ni (ed. ) 1971 : 119 ; Padul a 196 7 : 316 . 31. Gia nc r i sto fa r o 197 1 : 180 . 32. Conte 191 0 : 117 ; Cor r a i n 196 2 : 126; L. Lo mb a r di Sat r i a ni (ed.) 197 1 : 102 . 33. L. Lomb a r d i Satr i a ni & Meli g r a na 1982 : 13. 34. Car o Bar o j a 1964 , 1990 ; Ginz b ur g 1983 , 199 0 ; Henni n g se n 1990 ; Kär fv e 199 2 ; Schne i de r 199 0 . 35. Henni n g se n 199 0 . On the se fai r i e s, see : Pitr è 188 9 , vol . 4: 153 -7 7 ; Id. 189 6 a : 182 f. Caste l l i (18 7 8 : 11-1 4 ) and Gri sa nti (18 9 8 : 315 f) descr i b e bel i e fs in Sici l i a n ‘fa i r i e s’ that to some exte nt seem to conc e r n the donne di fuori . For de scr i ptions o f the beli e f in donne di fuori in olde r tim e s, see Hen ni ng s e n 199 0 . 36. Cf. Ste w a r t 199 1: 190 f, w h o p r e s e n t s a s u m m a r y l i s t o f t h e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f Gree k exotiká (supe r na tur a l phen o me na and bein g s rela ti ng to the demo ni c and non- C hr i sti a n) in the for m of bina r y pair s. 37. The noti o n of orig i na l sin is no t expl i c i tl y foun d i n the Holy Scri p tu r e and is not 254 Notes to Chapter 6 prese nt in the Easte r n Chur c h . The Roma n Catho l i c doctr i ne of orig i na l sin was formu l a te d by Aug us ti ne , late r to be refi ne d b y Thoma s of Ac qui no , and it is infe r r e d fro m cer ta i n ver se s of the Bib l e (e. g. Gen . 2: 17, 3: 1-2 4 ; Ro m. 5: 12). 38. ‘Celi b a to ’ , in Enc i c l o p e d i a Catto l i c a . 39. For some descr i p ti o ns a nd var i a ti o ns , see : Bro nz i ni 196 4 : 83f; Fina mo r e 189 4 : 81; Nobi l i o 1962 : 49; Vince l l i 1958 : 102. 40. Cf. Wil l i a m Chr i sti a n (19 7 2 : 154 ) who di scu sse s conce p ti o n s of chu r c hi ng amo ng the rur a l pop u l a t i o n of Northe r n Spa i n. 41. Bro nz i ni 196 4 : 82ff; Den to ni - Li t ta 198 2 : 166 ; Fina m o r e 1894 : 81; Pitr è 188 9 , vol . 2: 170 f. 42. Fina mo r e 189 4 : 81. 43. Fina mo r e 189 4 : 81. Thi s ide a rec a l l s the Mo sa i c tra di ti o n rel a te d in Lev i ti c u s (12 : 2-4) , that a moth e r was impu r e a nd not allo w e d to ente r the te mpl e duri ng the 40 day s afte r the bir th of a so n and 8 0 day s afte r the bir th of a daug hte r . Whe n the se days had pass e d , she was allo w e d into the te mpl e afte r a cere mo ni a l puri f i c a ti o n. 44. Bro nz i ni 196 4 : 83. 45. Fina mo r e 189 4 : 81 46. Bro nz i ni 196 4 : 83. 47. Vince l l i 1958 : 102. 48. The two forme r terms were commo n; the latte r term was docu me nte d in Somma Vesuv i a na , Ca m p a ni a (Di Maur o 198 2 : 166 ). 49. E. g.: A n g a r a n o 1 9 7 3 : 5 3 f ; C o r s o 1 9 5 0 : 1 0 0 7 ; F i n a m o r e 1 8 9 4 : 6 8 , 7 2 f ; Gia ncr i sto - fa r o 197 1 : 81; Pitr è 188 9 , vol . 2: 154. 50. The asso c i a ti o n of the dea th and resur r e c ti o n of Chris t with bapti s m is also expr e s s e d by the litu r g y for the conse c r a ti o n of a bapti s ma l font. T he prie s t brea the s — in the form of the Gr ee k lette r  (ypsi l o n), a symb o l of the Cro ss , the ‘Tre e of life ’ ferti l i z i ng the wate r s — over the wate r in the fo nt and imme r s e s a lit candl e in it, sy mb o l i z i ng the cruc i f i e d Chri s t desc e nd i ng into the wate r , bring i ng to it the brig ht li ght of the Spir i t and o f life . 51. ‘Ba tte si mo ’ , in Enci c l o p e di a Catt o l i c a (vo l . II, p. 1010 f). Thi s mea n i ng of bapti s m is expl i c i tl y state d in the Scri p tu r e (Col o s s i a ns 2: 12). 52. Bro nz i ni 196 4 : 72-5 ; Mini c uc i 198 1 : 158 ; Pitr è 188 9 , vol . 2: 160 ; Pri o r i 196 4 : 193 . 53. Ano the r sup p o s e d conse que nce of suc h an uns u c c e ss ful bap ti s m was tha t the chil d woul d have the abil i ty to see spir i ts (Bro nz i ni 1964 : 74; Dento ni -L i t ta 1982 : 29; R. Lomb a r d i Satr i a ni 1969 : 13; Pitr è 188 9 , vol . 2: 161 f). In Zac c a no p o l i , Cala b r i a , this abil i ty was also attr i b u te d to a woma n, who had born her firs t chi l d, dur i ng the per i o d betwe e n bir th and chur c h i ng (Mi ni c uci 198 1 : 118 ). The se idea s refl e c t the asso c i a ti o n of unba p ti z e d chil d r e n, as well as mothe r s prio r to chur c hi ng , wit h mali gni ty a nd de mo ni c for ce s. 54. Cf. Blo c h & Gug g e nhe i m 198 1 and Gude ma n 197 2. 55. Bronz i ni 1964 : 89; Davi s 1973 : 61; Marz a no 1912 : 131; Vince l l i 1958 : 213. 56. Fina mo r e 189 4 : 79; Gia nc r i sto fa r o 197 0 : 388 ; Pitr è 189 6 a : 103 . 57. De Gia c o mo 1899 : 183 ; De Nino 188 7 : 39f; Pitr è 189 6 a : 103 . 58. Bell i z z i 1894 : 458. 59. G. Cire l l i 1968 : 83; Pasqu a r e l l i 18 97 : 55; Pitr è 1889 , vol. 2: 151. 60. Cf. Blo c h 199 2 : 89-9 8 . 61. Col o ssi a ns 2: 11- 1 3 . 62. Paz z i ni 194 8 : 58, refe r r i ng to an unspe c i fi e d tex t b y R. Cor so . 63. Henni n g se n 199 0 : 208 . The ani ma l for m tha t wa s most com mo nl y tho ug h t to be take n on by witc he s was tha t of the cat. Prob a b l y this idea conne c t s to the cat’s Notes to Chapter 6 255 noctur na l hab i ts and its capa ci ty to mo ve abou t sound l e s s l y in darkne s s , whic h sugge st s the lur king wit ch o n her way to car r y out so me misde e d, and to the noti o n of both cat and wi tch a s poss e s s i ng a n unus u a l l y inte nse and endu r i ng vita l i ty . One exp r e s s i o n of this is that , as in ma ny othe r par ts of Eu r o pe , in Ita l y cats were said to have multi p l e (se ve n) live s . 64. Blo k 198 1 . 65. Cf. Ste w a r t 199 1 : 153 . 66. Pitt -R i v e r s 199 2 . 67. Cf. Bar t h 196 6 : 4, who vie w s altr ui sm as a ‘funda me n ta l neg a ti o n of the tra nsa c - ti o na l rela ti o nshi p’. 68. ‘Gr a z ia ’ , in Enc i c l o p e di a Catto l i c a (vo l . VI, p. 102 0 ). 69. Gene si s 3: 17ff. 70. Rev e l a ti o n 21: 1-4 . 71. Web b 199 3 . 72. ‘You shal l no t cove t your neig h b o u r ’ s house . Y ou shall no t covet your neig h- b o ur ’ s wife , or his ma nse r va n t or m a i d s e r v a n t , h i s o x o r do n k e y , o r a n y t h i n g that belo ng s to your neig hb o u r ’ . 73. Fortuna was imagi ne d in Sicil y a s an old, bald a nd ugly wo ma n with a hu nc h- b a c k . She was pray e d to by persons who beli e v e d that she woul d reve a l to them the wi nni ng nu m b e r s on the ga me of lotto (Pi tr è 1913 a : 306 f). 74. Thi s co nce p ti o n rec a l l s the rul e s tha t God, acc o r di ng to Lev i ti c us 21: 16-2 4 , impo se d conce r n i ng of fe r i ngs to Him. No o ne wit h a defe ct was allo we d to make an offe r i ng: ‘no man who is blin d or lame , dis fi gur e d or defo r me d; no man wi th a cripp l e d foot or hand , or who is hu nchb a c k e d or dwar fe d , or who has any eye defect , or who ha s fe ster ing or ru nni ng sores or da ma g e d testi c l e s . ’ 75. Ari è s 198 3 , esp . pp. 110 -1 2 3 ; Cam p o r e si 198 8a . 76. D’A ma to 193 3 : 154 f. 77. Bono mo 195 9 : 456 ff; Pitr è 188 9 , vol . 4: 110 . 78. Caste l l i 1878 : 16; De Nino 1879 : 143f, Fina mo r e 189 4 : 69; Gia nc r i sto fa r o 197 1 : 268 ; Moss & Cap p a n na r i 196 0 : 99; Padul a 196 7 : 316 f. 79. ‘Sal e ’ , in Enci c l o p e d i a Catto l i c a . 80. Salt was also commo nl y use d agai nst th e evil eye. This was pres u ma b l y beca u s e salt serv e d as a n embl e m of bapti s m, whic h was a sacr a me n t thou g ht to be a powe r f u l prote c ti o n agai nst the evil eye. Baptism puts a pers o n unde r the pro te cti o n of God, it sanc ti fi e s hi m, and it besto w s upo n hi m di vi ne gra ce tha t str e ng the ns hi s b ody and soul . 81. Byn um (19 8 7 , esp . p. 261 -9 ) poi nt s out tha t thi s vie w doe s no t nec e s sa r i l y imp l y a tota l deval u a ti o n of the fe ma l e . In the co smi c dicho to my divin e / hu ma n, the fema l e could , be cau s e of her empha s i s e d phy si c a l i ty , symb o l i s e hu ma ni ty — a huma ni ty whi ch is sinf ul and su ffe r i ng but also longi ng for its pr omi s e d salv a - ti o n. A trai n of thou g ht foll o w i n g from thi s is that carna l i ty is a prer e qu i s i te of salv a ti o n and tha t the emp ha s i s e d phy si c a l i ty o f wome n thus allo w s the m an expe r i e nc e of salv a ti o n that i s ric he r tha n that o f men. The fema l e was also , i n an ideal i s e d form, a force f u l symb o l for love , compa s s i o n and ferti l i ty . On By nym’ s arg ume n t, see als o Cha p te r 7, foo t no te 68. 82. Bar ne s 197 3 ; Ortne r 197 4 . See also de Bea uv o i r 195 3 : boo k 1, par t 1, ch. 1. 83. As exa mpl e s of per so ns havi ng fame fo r being a sorc e r e r of this kind can be menti o n e d Pietr o Berli a r i o (see Amalf i 1890: 169ff ) a nd Rutil i o Benin c a s a (see Di Fra nc i a 1935 : 265 ff, 272 ff; Pag a n o da Dia ma nte 190 2 , vol . 2: 301 f; Renda 189 4 a ). The Roma n poet Ovid had a repu ta ti o n for havi n g been a stregone , espec i a l l y in 256 Notes to Chapter 7 Abruz z o and in the are a of his nat i v e tow n Sul mo n a (De Nino 188 6 ). Chapter 7 1 . An exte n si v e bib l i o g r a p hy is fou n d in S. Wil so n (e d.) 198 3 . 2. Cf. Ban fi e l d 195 8 : 130 ff; Di Tota 198 1 : 321 f; Gow e r Cha p ma n 197 3 : 163 ; Moss & Cap p a nna r i 198 2: 67; Pitr è 189 9 : xxi x ; Riv e r a 1988 : 278 . 3. Salo mo ne -M a r i no 1897 : 173 (fr e e transl a ti o n) . See also : Banfi e l d 1958 : 130ff; Pitr è 189 9 : xxi x . 4. For examp l e , the Mado nna dei Marti r i , patr o n of Molfe tta (Pug l i a ) , is said to have: ‘... resu sci ta ted sever a l de a d pe op l e , libe r a te d conv i c te d pris o ne r s fro m thei r shac k l e s, insta ntl y heal e d wound s and inju r i e s , stra i g h te n e d out limb s of monstr o u s crip p l e s and lame s , heal e d per so ns su ffer i ng fro m con su mptive a nd incur a b l e disea s e s , resto r e d vi sio n to the blind , hea r i ng to the deaf and spee c h to the dumb , save d the life of wo me n in chil d b e d , prote c te d sea me n from dange r s and from the misf o r tu ne s inhe r e nt in thei r mari ti me life , and to have give n mira c u l o u s assi s ta nc e in thou s a nd s of othe r case s of illne s s and calami ti e s ’ (Ri c a g ni 196 1 : 48, fre e tra nsl a ti o n). 5. Gal a sso 198 2 : 84. 6. With the ter m ‘lo ca l Catho l i ci sm’ i s he r e inte nde d Roma n Cat ho l i ci sm as ac tua l l y prac ti s e d in the loca l commu ni ti e s . The rela ti o n betwe e n ‘off i c i a l ’ reli g i o n and ‘loca l ’ (or ‘popu la r ’ , or ‘folk ’ ) relig i o n ha s been de ba ted dur i ng the past deca de s, and the disti nc t i o n made earl i er , betwe e n a ‘p ur e ’ and ‘o ff i c i a l ’ reli g i o n as oppo s e d to a ‘p op u l a r ’ reli g i o n char a c te r i z e d by devi a ti o n s fro m the offi c i a l relig i o n , has been criti c i s e d (see Carro l l 1992: 6ff). Michae l Ca rr o l l (ibi d . ) poin t s out tha t the Ro ma n Cat ho l i c Chu r c h is rathe r bro a d mi nd e d whe n it co me s to what prac ti c e s a nd beli e f s are acce p ta b l e ; ‘loc a l Catho l i c i s m’ , the r e f o r e , can be unde r s to o d as ‘r el i g i o n that deve l o p s withi n the s e allo w a b l e limi ts’ . T his deve l - o p m e n t , as Edw a rd Sh ils (1981 : 94ff) obser v e s , is of a differ e n t nature than that whic h take s plac e withi n the Chur c h. Ther e , the reli g i o u s know l e d g e is conti nu - o u s l y subj e c t to a ‘… proc e s s of rati o na l i z a ti o n — clari f y i ng , refi ni n g , and maki ng logi c a l l y consi s te nt’ , wher e a s ‘the tradi t i o ns of reli g i o u s know l e d g e are recei v e d and affir me d in muc h vag ue r , in less differ e n ti a ted and mor e patchy for ms among ordi na r y beli e v e r s than they are amo n g the lear ne d . In both case s , howe v e r , the ma inte na nce of the cons ta nt eleme nt in the trad i ti o n is supp o r te d by relig i o u s practi c e ’ (p . 95). 7. L. Lomb a r di Satr i a ni (ed.) 197 1 : 112 . See also the sta ti sti c s compi l e d by Gal a sso 198 2 : 113 for info r ma ti o n on the rel a ti v e pop ul a r ity of patr o n sai n ts in di ffe r e n t regi o ns . A fe w of the loca l l y vene r a te d imag e s did not portr a y sain ts i n the prop e r sense of the ter m, but figu r e s who were ne ve r the l e s s patr o n s of commu ni - ti e s and the obje c t of a cul t impo s s i b l e to disti ng u i s h from cult s of saint s prop e r . Thes e imag e s de pi c te d the cruc i f i e d Chri s t , the Archa ng e l s Gabr i e l and Mic ha e l , the Holy Trini ty , the Holy Spir i t or the Holy Sacr a me nt . In the fol l o w i ng di sc u s - s i o n, the cul ts o f suc h images will be trea te d as inst a nce s of sain ts’ cults . 8. In Sici l y , for inst a nc e , amo ng the 150 communi ti e s on the isl a nd at the tur n of the cent u r y , the Bles s e d Virg i n Mar y was the patr o n of 45 (30% ) , whil e 88 were devo te d to one of 50 othe r saints (a mo ng the se San Giuse ppe was the mos t commo n, bein g the patr o n o f 13 c o m m u n i t i e s , 7 % ) a n d 1 7 t o a p a t r o n o t h e r tha n a prop e r sai nt, suc h as the Cr u c i fi x (Pi tr è 189 9 : xxx -x x x i ). Also in conti ne nta l Southe r n Italy the Bless e d Virgi n is the mo st popu l a r patro n sa i nt , patr o n of 17% Notes to Chapter 7 257 of the comm u ni t i e s , whil e San Nico l a is th e seco nd most pop ul a r , patr o n of 8% (Ga l a sso 198 2 : 83). 9. Will i a m Chri sti a n (197 2 : 44-8 ) disti ng u i she s betwe e n two type s of cult of saints in nor the r n Spa i n . One is ‘g e n e r a l i s e d d e v o t i o n ’ , i n w h i c h t h e r e i s l i t t l e c o n c e r n with i mag e s ; indi v i d u a l s medi ta t e upon the saint ’ s life and pray to him fore mo s t in spiri tu a l matte r s , such as for rede mp ti o n and sa lv a ti o n. The o the r is the coll e c - ti v e cults of ‘shr i ne image s ’ , whi ch ar e focus e d upon wonde r - w o r k i ng image s and reli c s that are typi c a l l y appr oa c he d in mund a ne matte r s , su ch as prote c ti o n from mi sf o r tu ne , heal i ng from illne s s , fi nd i n g lost lives to c k and so on. In Chris - ti a n’s ter mi no l o gy, we are thu s he r e co nce r ne d with cults of ‘shr i ne imag e s ’ . 10. Fina mo r e 189 0 : 20f. 11. Conce r ni ng typ i c a l compo ne nt s of these leg e n ds, see : Pitr è 189 9 : xvi i -x x v i i ; Pro fe ta 197 0 . 12. For deta i l s, see the info r ma ti o n a nd sta ti sti c s co mp l i e d by Carr o l l (199 2 : 61-64 ). 13. Ang a r a no 197 3 : 130 , Mar za no 191 2 : 51; Fri e dma nn 195 3 : 228 . Gow e r Cha p ma n (19 7 3 : 182 ) rel a tes tha t in Milo c c a (Si c i l y ) San Cal o g e r o was ‘sa i d to have bee n a her mi t, or possi b l y seve n her mi ts, all of the m b ro the r s and bea r i ng the same name . His mul ti p l i c i ty is due to the fac t that ther e are well - k no w n shri ne s to hi m at Nar o and at Gir g e nti [no w a da y s rena me d as Ag r i g e nto ], a nd oth e r s hav e bee n hea r d of.’ 14. Gia nc r i sto fa r o 197 1 : 121 f (fr e e transl a ti o n ). See also ibid . , p. 139, 309 and Vince l l i 195 8 : 188 , conce r ni ng simi l a r so ngs and pra y e r s exp r e ssi ng de v o ti o n to San Dona to , San Nic o l a and San Mic h e l e . 15. Byn um 198 7 , esp . p. 211 , 273 ; Ca mpo r e si 198 8 a , esp e c i a l l y ch. 1. 16. Alle g r i 1986 : 66, 76. For a disc u s s i o n of the psyc ho - p hy s i o l o g i c a l dime n s i o n of sti g ma ti sa ti o n , see I. Wil so n 199 1 . 17. The info r ma ti o n on Padr e Pio is extr a c te d from Alle g r i 1986 . Conce r ni ng compa - r a b l e mira c u l o u s blee d i ng s in Southe r n It al y in mode r n ti me s , see L. Lomb a r d i Satr i a ni 197 9 : 84ff; Ros si 196 9 : 67ff ; I. Wil so n 199 1 : 61, 145 . 18. For insta n c e , acc o r d i ng to the le ge nd, the painti ng of the Ma do nna dell ’ Ar c o , vene r a te d i n San t’ A na sta si a (Ca m p a ni a ), sta r te d to ble e d on Eas te r Monda y 145 0 as a resu l t of be ing hit by a ball hurl e d by an infu r i a te d ball p l a y e r (Sor r e nti no 1950 : 111). The painti ng o f the Mado nna di Costa nti no p o l i , vene r a te d in Bari l e , bled from a knif e cut infl i c te d b y an enra g e d lose r of a card game (Cer v e l l i no 196 2a : 10f); t h e p a i n t i n g o f t h e M a d o n n a d i R i p a l t a , rev e re d in Cer i g no l a (Pugl i a ), ble d fro m an acc i de n ta l kni fe cut (La Sor sa 195 8 : 96). 19. The pai nti ng of the Mar i a dei Mir a c o l i in Colle s a n o (Sici l y ) sweat profu s e l y when an upr i si ng a mo ng the pea sa n ts was immi ne nt in 164 3 (Pi tr è 1899 : 486 f), and the pai nti ng o f the Mad o nna del l ’ A r c o (se e pre v i o u s no te ) ble d in 1643 in anti c i p a - ti o n of 20 tro ub l e so me yea r s for the peo p l e of Nap l e s (So r r e nti no 195 0 : 108 -1 1 1 ). Sec r e ti o n of swe a t, blo o d or tear s is al so menti o ne d in the lege nd s of the foll o w - i ng sta tu e s , painti ng s and cruci fi x e s : t h e s t a t u e o f t h e Ma d o n n a d e l P i a n t o in Diso (La Sor sa 195 8 : 97); ima g e s of the Mado n na in the chur c he s of Pie di g r o tta and San t’ A g a ta in Pal e r mo (Pi tr è 188 1 : 325 f; Id. 189 4 : 66); the ima g e of the Mado nna del Ba l z o in Bisa c qui n o (Pi tr è 189 8 : 162 ); the pai nti n g of the Mado nna dell e Neve in Franc o fo nte (Sor r e nto n. d.: 266); cruc i fi x e s of Colo nna (Tra ni ), Mol fe tta and Tor r e Santa Susa nn a (La Sor sa 195 8: 79-8 4 ); an ima g e of Chr i st in Bor g e tto (Pi tr è 188 4 : 595 ) and ano the r in Pal e r mo (Pi tr è 189 9 : 472 f); a bust of San Genna r o in Pozzu o l i (Po z z o l i ni Sic i l i a no 188 2 : 144f); the imag e of S. Mari a del le Gra z ie , Gala to ne (Ma z z e i 198 8 : 218 ); the ima g e of Mar ia di Fonti , Tri c a ri c o (Ib i d. 258 Notes to Chapter 7 p. 227); the sta tu e of Santi ssi ma Annu nz i a ta , Fic a r r a (Ibi d. p. 223 ); the sta t ue of the Mado n na dell e grotte in Fossa (Pansa 1924 : 184); the sta tu e of Verg i ne di S. Mar i a , Lor e to Apr u ti no (Ib i d.) ; the image of the Madonna del Sudor e , Ripa Teati na (Ibi d . ) ; a cruc i f i x in Orto na a Ma r e (Ib i d.); the sta t ue of San Cesidio in Tra sa cco (Ib i d.). 20. Sco g na mi g l i o 192 5 . 21. Rossi 196 9 : 148 ff (ci ti ng a work by D. Da mi a n o ); Sco g na mi g l i o 192 5 : 17. In addi ti o n to the two examp l e s give n abov e , mirac u l o u s liqui d s we re thoug h t also to emana te from the foll o w i ng imag e s or reli c s : from the sarc o p ha g i of the mar- tyr s S. Nica ndr o , S. Marc i a no and S. Dari a in Vena f r o , Moli s e (G. Cire l l i 1968 : 75, 88); from the bone s o f the apos t l e S. Andr e a in Amal f i , Ca mpa n i a (Col l i n de Pla nc y 198 2 : 28f; S c o g n a m i g l i o 1 9 2 5 : 1 7 ) , fr o m t h e s t a t u e o f S . E g i d i o in Latr o ni c o , Basi l i c a ta (F. Cire l l i [ed. ] 1853 , vol. 6: 29; Scog na mi g l i o 1925 : 17); from S. Feli c e in Nola, Campa ni a (Mang a ne l l i 1975 ); from the bone s of S. Matte o in Sale r no , Campa ni a (Sc o g na mi g l i o 1925 : 17); and fro m the sta t ue of S. Miche l e Arca nge l o in Sala Consi l i na , Camp a ni a (Sco g na mi gl i o 1925 : 17). On the feas t day of the Mado n na dell ’ Ar c o in Sant’ Ana s ta s i a , Ca mpa ni a , the firs t pilg r i ms who arri v e to the chur c h have the favo u r of coll e c ti ng her ‘swe a t’ o r ‘tea r s ’ whic h tri c k l e ove r the wal l behi nd the pai nti ng (Te n to r i 197 6 a : 123 ). Co n c e r ni ng exu da - ti o n of blesse d substa n c e s from the reli c s of saints in olde r time s, see Jone s 1978 : 66-7 3 , 144 -1 52 . In mor e rec e n t tim e s, whe n extr a -l i t ur g i c a l cul t s hav e inc r e a se d i n impo r ta nc e , we also find examp l e s of how imag e s kept i n the home s of lay pers o ns are thou g ht to have swea t, bled and she d tear s . The best know n of thes e cases is tha t of a sma ll gyps um sta t ue, ke p t in the home of a day labo u r e r in Sir a c usa , tha t be g a n to exc r e te te a r s in 195 3 and soo n bec a me fa m o us i n Ita l y a nd abr o a d. The tea r s wer e attr i b ute d mir a c ul o u s capa c i ti e s , such as he al i ng the sick . This mira c l e was foll o w e d by simi l a r ones in Sici l y and else w he r e (Cip r i a ni 1979 : 48-5 4 ; Rive r a 1988 : 340 ). Conce r ni ng two pic tur e s of the Vir g i n Ma r y , kep t in the home of lay pers o ns in Cala b r i a , that ar e suppo s e d to shed tears and to bleed , see L. Lomb a r di Satr i a ni 197 9 : 86f. 22. Pitr è 189 9 : 357 , 375 , 382 , 384 , 544 . Simi l a r e x u d a t i o n s a r e a l s o he l d t o t a k e pla c e in othe r regi o ns of Sout he r n Ital y . 23. For some exa mp l e s, see : Pi tr è 189 9 : 86, 1 0 0 f ; I d . 1 9 1 3 a : 2 6 6 ; G o w e r C h a p m a n 197 3 : 174 ; Too r 195 3 : 155 . 24. Rossi 196 9 : 93. 25. Alfa no & Amitr a no 195 0 ; Poz z o l ini Sic i l i a no 188 2 : 131 -7 3 . The cel e b r a ti o ns of San Genna r o are held over thre e peri o d s each year , fo r a tota l of 18 da ys . 26. Alfa no & Ami tr a no 195 0 : 231 -4 2 . 27. Alfa no & Ami tr a no 195 0 : 247 -5 1 . 28. L. Lomb a r di Satr i a ni (ed. ) 197 1 : 205 . 29. Alfa no & Ami tr a no 195 0 : 249 . 30. Alfa no & Ami tr a no 195 0 : 249 . 31. N. Dougl a s 195 5: 261 . Mic ha e l Car r o ll (198 9 , chapte r 4) discus se s in deta i l bloo d mira c l e s of the past and pres e nt i n the area of Napl e s . From a nu mb e r of Ital i a n liter a r y works on blood reli c s , he compi l e s a list of 17 such relic s that were suppo s e d to lique f y regu l a r l y and predi c ta b l y . 32. Rivi e l l o 1893 : 130- 4 . 33. Alfa no & Ami tr a no 195 0 : 248 . 34. Roc c a 193 4 : 57-63 . 35. Cf. Gea r y 197 8 : 33. Notes to Chapter 7 259 36. Pul c i 189 4 : 495 f, see also Pi tr è 189 6 b : 64. In mo de r n ti me s , the wate r has bee n foun d to be bitt e r and disgu sti n g, bu t it was bel i e v e d that i t tur ne d swee t and bles s e d at the mome nt when the Holy Host was elev a te d duri ng Mass at the annua l cele b r a ti o n of the saint . Many beli e v e r s hurr i e d to obta i n the wate r , and thos e who had the oppo r tu ni t y to taste i t were ‘ble s s e d ’ (Ibi d . ) . 37. Some othe r Sic i l i a n exa mp l e s of wells and sprin g s asso c i a te d wi th the death of a saint are give n by Pitr è (189 6 b ): the well of Santa Oliv a in Pale r mo , the well of San Plac i d o in Mess i na , the spri ng at the plac e in Mine o wher e Santa Luci a and San Gemi g na no are suppo se d to have been mar ty r e d, and the spr i ng of San Alfi o in Le nti ni . 38. Coll i n de Planc y 1982 : 186. 39. Byn um 198 7 : 273. 40. Riv e r a 1988 : 310 . 41. Cite d fro m N. Dougl a s 195 5 : 274 . 42. The Sici l i a n ethno g r a p hy is, if not othe r w i se state d , from: Varv e ssi s 1890 ; Har tl a nd 191 0 ; Pitr è 188 9 , vol . 4: 4-2 5 , Id. 190 4 , vol . 2: 304 -3 3 1 ; Id. 191 3 a : 185 -90 . 43. An exam p l e is Birritta russa (‘red bere t’ ) , who wa s beli e v e d to ha unt the area of Monte Eric e and to be the spec tr e of a Spani s h sold i e r who had died unre p e n ta nt at the gallo w s (Pi tr è 1889, vol. 4: 36ff) . 44. Pitr è 188 9 , vol . 4: 9; Id. 190 4 , vol . 2: 316 f. 45. The cul t of anime purganti (‘sou l s in purg a to r y ’ ) i n Napl e s i s ano t he r insta nc e of how the cult of soul s i n Purg a to r y coul d merg e with a cult o f wonde r - w o r k i ng dea d, of which some wer e vene ra te d as th oug h they had been saints . This cult focuse d on hu m a n skulls fou nd in old su b te r r a ne a n bur i a l gro und s in Nap l e s. Thes e rema i ns o f dead peop l e were beli e v e d to perta i n to soul s that were eter - na l l y in Purg a to r y beca u s e they had been aband o ne d by rela ti v e s and frie n d s . Desc r i p ti o n s of the cult as it appe a r e d in the 1970 s are found in Ciamb e l l i 1980 ; De Simo ne 1978 ; Mari ni e l l o 1982 : 45-5 2 ; Par d o 1989 : 115 ff; Id. 1982 : 563 -6 9 . 46. Vince l l i 1958 : 155f. 47. Dor sa 188 4 : 138 ; Padul a 196 7 : 247 . On the ide a in othe r Eur o p e a n soc i e ti e s tha t obje c ts rela te d to execu ti o ns are imbu e d with heal i ng and unus u a l powe r s , see Peac o c k 1896 . 48. Amal fi 189 0 : 177 f; Bel l i z z i 189 4 : 458 f; Chia p p a r o 1958 ; Di Maur o 1982 : 39; L. Lomb a r d i Satr i ani & Meli g r a na 1982 : 220f (citi ng an unpu b l i she d thesi s by M. G . Iuli a no ) . Pray e r s conta i ni ng suc h an evoc a ti o n have also been docu me nte d i n Sici l y , see : L. Lomb a r d i Satr i a ni & Meli g r a na 198 2 : 219 f (citi n g unp u b l i s he d wor k s by V. G. Gug l i a ndo and M. C. Raffo ne ); Pitr è 188 9 , vol . 4: 18-2 2 ; Id. 191 0 : 416 ff. 49. Dor sa 188 4 : 74f. In some Cal a b r i an tow n s, a livi ng lamb or kid, tied with a rope , was the tar g e t of sho o ti ng ga me s (Do r sa 188 4 : 74). A co mmo n ga m e was to bur y a cock aliv e so that only its head was abov e the earth. Me n then to ok turn s tryi n g to hit its hea d wi th sto ne s hur l e d fro m a d i s t a n c e o r b y b l i n d f o l d e d t r y i n g to hit it with a stic k ; if succ e ss ful , they won the bird as a priz e (Ca ste l l i 1878 : 92; De Nino 1879 : 15f; Dor sa 188 4 : 145 f; L. Lomb a r di Satr i a ni [ed.] 197 1 : 383 ). Duc k l i ng s could be suspe n ded from a rope and wo n as a priz e by thos e who mana g e d to climb along the rope and tear them l oos e (Cas te l l i 1878 : 92f) . A goos e with a soap e d neck coul d be hu ng from its legs on a rope and won by the one who manag e d to gra b hold of its nec k and te ar it lose (Pit r è 1899 : 546f f ) . The viol e n t killi ng of birds at saints’ feast s could , at leas t in Sici l y , take othe r form s than game s . Ac co r d i n g to the lege n d , the patr o n e s s of Sir a c usa , Santa Luc i a , answe r e d 260 Notes to Chapter 7 the pra ye r s of the citi z e ns dur i ng a fami ne by pro duci n g a ‘ra i n’ o f an imme nse nu mb e r of exhau s te d migr a ti ng quai l s , allo w i ng the star v i ng pe op l e to sati a te thei r hu nge r with the bird s whi ch were so fati g ue d that they coul d easi l y be pick e d up from the grou nd. This lege n d a r y even t was cele b r a te d in May by a fea st whi ch rea c he d its cli ma x whe n nu ns, s t a n d i n g o n a b a l c o n y o f t h e i r con- ve n t , threw down hundre d s of quai l s , dove s , turtl e dove s and othe r kind s of birds , of which almo s t all had their wings clipp e d , to a great crowd that ha d asse mb l e d i n the squa r e belo w . Some bird s ma na g e d to flee on their pini o ne d wings , but most of the m beco m e the prey of the cro wd as they wer e caught, kill e d and fo ug h t over so that they were bru ta l l y tor n apa r t (Pi tr è 189 9 : 278 f). Also at the fea s t of San Gio va n ni in Rag u s a , and at the feas t of San Silv e s tr o in Troi na , livi ng birds were distr i b u te d to an exci t e d crowd , massa c r e d and tor n into piec e s in fig ht s over them (Pitr è 1899 : 268f , 329f ) . In thes e case s , the viol e nc e is prod u c e d by a discr e p a ncy betwe e n th e idea behi nd the dist r i b u ti o n of the bird s — that they were give n away gratu i to u s l y in grea t numb e r s to all who wishe d for them — and the actu a l cir cumsta n ce tha t the bir ds wer e not grea t enou g h in nu mb e r to suff i c e for all. 50. The compe ti ti o n over valu a b l e reli c s , so me ti me s lea di ng to the ft s and assa ul ts , is a commo n the me in the his to r y of Chr i s ti a ni ty, see Gea r y 197 8 . 51. Dor sa 188 4 : 145 . 52. See , for ins ta nc e , Roc c a 193 4 . 53. Thes e devo ti o ns , as well as the feas t, deve l o p e d in the earl y 1800 s and were offic i a l l y disc o n ti nue d afte r the Se cond Vatican Co uncil. 54. Pitr è (18 9 9 : 101 ), for insta n c e , wri te s con c e r ni ng the Cruci fi x in Monr e a l e , Sic i l y , on the thir d day of its feas t (Ma y 3): ‘T he woun d s o n the sacr e d ches t are con- ti nuo u s l y touc h e d by delic a te finge r s a nd fur r o w e d hand s , b y brand new handk e r c hi e f s and worn- o u t clot h s ’ . On the inte ns e devo ti o n to Chri s t’ s wound s in the Mid dl e Ag e s, see Rub i n 199 1 : 302 -6 . 55. See Car r o l l 198 9 : 138 f. 56. Conce r ni ng fas ti ng, foo d a sce ti ci s m and the Euc ha r i s ti c devoti o n o f fema l e saint s in the Middl e Age s, see By nu m 198 7 . In conte m p o r a r y nor thw e s te r n Por t uga l (Pi na - Ca b r a l 1980 ; Id. 198 6 , ch. 19), the r e is a cult of wome n who are sup p o se d neithe r to eat nor drink , and ther e fo r e not to have norma l bodi l y functi o n s . Thes e wome n are consi d e r e d to be virgins and sexu a l l y ‘pur e ’ and are attr i b u te d saint - l i ne s s . 57. Gow e r Cha p ma n 197 3 : 185 . 58. Santa Lu c i a is sai d to hav e tor n out her ey es to avoid ge tti ng marr i e d . Sant’A ga tha reje cte d the love o f a Roma n co nsul , a n d w a s t h e r e f o r e t o r t u r e d , had her breas ts cut off and died i n priso n . 59. See Car r o l l 198 6 : 5ff. 60. Pitr è 189 9 : 297 . 61. Ciamb e l l i 1980 : 50; Musco 196 5 . Othe r simi l a r exa mp l e s are the ‘Sp o sa Bia n c a ’ (‘W hi te Bri de ) i n Torr e Annu n z i a ta (Ro ssi 196 9 : 56f), ‘Vi nc e nz o Camu so ’ in Boni to (Ro s si 196 9 : 49-54 ), ‘Be a to Giul i o ’ in Monte Ver g i ne (Ro ssi 196 9 : 55) and a young gir l in Vil l a San Leo na r do (Fi na mo r e 189 4 : 173 , her name is not men ti o ne d by the ethno g r a p he r ) . Some of the se pers o n s were said by belie v e r s to be souls in Purga to r y , but the cults were essenti a l l y si mi l a r to the cult of saint s . In a work conce r ne d wi th belie f s and custo ms i n Somma Ve suv i a na (Camp a ni a ) , Angel o Di Maur o (19 8 2 : 125 ) men ti o ns tha t the cor p se s of ‘il mona c o del Casa ma l e ’ and ‘Don Pasqu a l e Copp o l a ’ had not deco mpo s e d but inste a d shri v e l l e d up and tha t Notes to Chapter 7 261 these pers o n s had been attr i b u te d saintl i ne s s for that reas o n. 62. Pitr è 189 9 : 310 ff. Othe r exa mp l e s are the patr o n sai nt of Meli l l i (Si c i l y ), San Sebas ti a no , who is depic te d in the villa g e churc h as a grace f u l and livel y child (Pi tr è 189 9 : 286 ). The sta tue of San Dona to in Monte sa no (Pu g l i a ) por tr a y s the sai nt as a youth (Ro ssi 196 9 : 27), as do the ima g e s of Santa Fil o me n a in Mug na no del Card i na l e (Camp a ni a , Ibid . p. 38f) an d of Santa Resti tu ta in Pale r mo (Pitr è 191 3a : 250 f). The se two sai nt s are both sup p o se d to hav e bee n mar ty r e d at the age of thir te e n . Cala b r i a n imag es of Sa n Mic he l e have been desc r i b e d as ‘ultr a - y o u th fu l , almo st infa nti l e ’ (N. Doug l a s 1955 : 20), and a certa i n kind of imag e of sai nt s in the chur c he s o f Nap l e s por tr a y s the m as youth ful (To o r 195 8 : 108 ). 63. This was very commo n. In Sicil y , child r e n seem to have been pres e nt near the ima g e at most sa i nts’ fea s ts (se e Pitr è 189 9 ). 64. Pitr è 189 9 : 302 , and pic tur e s on pag e 24f and 35. 65. For a bri e f discu s si o n of putti in Weste r n art, see Ar i è s 196 2 : 43-4 6 . 66. Mar k 10: 15. 67. Gow e r Cha p ma n 197 3 : 34, 75. 68. Car o l i ne Bynu m (19 8 7 ) exp lo r e s yet ano the r se n se in whi c h car na l i ty may be ambi g u o u s in Ca tho l i c i s m. If the carna l aspe ct of man is to be reje cte d so tha t the spir i tu a l aspe c t can gain prio r i ty , the n the fles h b eco me s a princ i p a l instr u me n t for atta i ni ng spir i tu a l perf e c ti o n. Beca u s e it can be morti f i e d , the car na l atta i ns a positive value and morti f i c a ti o n i tse l f may beco m e a meani ng fu l and enjo y a b l e conce r n with that whic h is bodi l y . In he r work on the reli g i o u s signi f i c a nc e of foo d to medi e va l wome n, By nu m sho w s how the b ody as both a prob l e m and an oppo r tu ni ty gave rise to an imag e r y in whic h plea s u r e and pai n blend e d , i n which self- d i s c i p l i ne became a prof o u nd exp e r i e nc i ng of the bodi l y tha t ha d eroti c and se ns u a l over to ne s . The autho r conc l u d e s , whil e refe r r i ng to me ta p ho r s of suff e r i ng s used in reli g i o u s lite r a tu r e at that time : ‘I n a reli g i o s i ty wher e wound s are the sourc e of a mothe r ’ s milk , fata l dise a s e is a brida l chamb e r , pain or insa ni ty cling s to the brea s t like perf u m e , phy si c a l i ty is hard l y reje c te d or tran- sce n de d. Rat he r it is exp l o r e d and emb r a c e d’ (B y nu m 198 7 : 249 f). In the ethno - g r a p hi c sour c e s on tradi ti o na l Southe r n Ital y , ho we v e r , we find li ttl e info r ma ti o n as to wha t exte n t such imag e r y was pres e n t amo ng thos e who pr ac ti s e d morti f i - ca ti o n of thei r flesh a s a de vo ti o n to sain ts or Chr i s t. 69. Pitr è 189 9 : 135 . 70. For insta nc e , the fea st of San Cal o g e r o in Scia c c a , Sic i l y (Pi tr è 189 9 : 383 ). 71. Pitr è 189 9 : 238 , citi ng a nar r a ti o n by A. Gange mi . 72. For insta nc e , see Rengo 198 8 : 390 . 73. E. g. Gow e r Cha p ma n 197 3 : 180 f. 74. On Ita l i a n cul ts , see Di Tota 198 1 ; Riv e r a 1988 : 278 ; Rossi 196 9: 145 . On cul ts else w he r e , see Boisse v a i n 1977 ; Campb e l l 196 4 : 342 -6 ; Chr i sti a n 197 2 : 118 -12 8 ; Cuti l e i r o 197 1 : 270 ff; Foste r 1963 ; Id. 1967 : 233-2 4 3 ; Pina -Ca b r a l 1986 , ch. 14; Rie g e l ha ub t 197 3: 847 f. 75. Cf. Ste w a r t 199 1 : 80-8 3 . 76. For an exte n si v e list of diffe r e n t ki nd s of voti v e off e r i ngs, see Ros si 196 9 : 167 -7 2 . 77. Pitr è 191 3 b : 173 . 78. In Sicil y , two princ i p a l types of peni te n ti a l instr u me n ts were use d : the secr e t cilici and the pub l i c disci p l i ne s (Pi tr è 191 3 b : 182 ). The cilice was a belt wor n nex t to the skin, unde r the clothe s. It wa s made of knitte d ir on- or copp e r -th r e a d , of whic h shar p poin ts ha d been bent so as to poin t towa r d s the skin. It was pref e r a b l y worn arou nd the trun k or a thig h, caus i n g pain at the slig hte st move me nt . The 262 Notes to Chapter 8 disci pl i ne s wer e of man y kin ds : a rope with kno t s, a cha i n with fla t te ne d rings , a littl e chai n with shar p point s at its end, a littl e chai n with spik e d lead e n ball s atta che d , a sco ur ge made of rope with sm all spik e d disk s , and a scour g e with a disc in which ve ry sharp fragme nt s of glass , capa b l e of pene tr a ti ng the ski n to a dept h of o ne ce nt i me tr e , had been inse r te d . 79. Pitr è 188 1 : 173 -7 ; Id. 189 9 : 283 -9 2 . Simi l a r mor ti fi c a ti o ns wer e also per fo r me d in conne c ti o n wi th the fea st of San t’ Al fi o in Tre c a sta g ne , Sic i l y (Ib i d.: 234 -4 0 ). Since Sant’ Al fi o is sup po s e d to have been ma r ty r e d by, amo ng o the r tor me n ts, hav i n g receiv e d lashes on his naked bo dy, it seem s prob a b l e that the nake d ne s s of the men in thi s case also is an imita ti o n of the sai n t. 80. Cf. Pi na -Ca b r a l (19 8 6 : 171 ), disc us si ng Por tug ue se cul ts of sai nt s. 81. Ang a r a no 197 3 : 180 f; Cor so 1959; D e G i a c o m o 1 8 9 9 : 1 2 4 ; D i T o t a 1 9 8 1 : 3 2 7 f ; Dor sa 188 4 : 71; N. Dougl a s 195 5 : 258 ; Fal b o 189 9: 5; Fina mo r e 189 0 : 28f; Fra z e r 190 7 -36 , par t 1, vol . 1: 299 f; Pitr è 1 88 9 , vol . 3: 143 f; Id. 191 3 a : 267 . 82. See Car r o l l 199 2 : 72ff. 83. E. g. Pi tr è 189 9 : xvi -x v i i . 84. Pitr è 189 9 : xlv i i . 85. L. Lomb a r di Satr i a ni (ed. ) 197 1 : 235 , 277 , 289 , 317 . 86. Pitr è 189 9 : xlv i ii. See also Pitr è 188 9 , vol . 2: 249 for deta i l s on thi s pra c ti c e in Sic i l y , and Ro ssi 196 9 : 92f conce r ni ng its imp o r ta nc e in Sou the r n Ita l y at lar g e . 87. Acoc e l l a 1936 : 63; Rossi 1969 : 92. 88. De Bla si o 190 3 . 89. L. Lo mb a r di Satr i a ni (ed.) 197 1 : 261 f. See also Pitr è (18 8 9 , vol . 3: 142 f), who desc r i b e s si mi l a r morti f i c a ti o ns in Nico si a and in the are a of Si r a c usa , whe n cruci f i x e s were carri e d in proc e ssi o ns for me d to ask for rai n. 90. Rivi e l l o 1893 : 134- 4 0 . 91. Cf. Tur ne r & Turne r (19 7 8 ), cons tr ui ng Chr i s ti a n pil g r i ma g e as a ‘limi no i d pheno me no n’ invo l v i ng the temp o r a r y forma ti on of ‘com mu ni ta s ’ , an ‘ord e r e d anti s tr uc t ur e ’ to pro fa ne soc i a l str uc tur e . Ea de & Sall no w (19 9 1 ) rev i e w the anthr o p o l o g i c a l appr o a c he s to Chri s ti a n pilg r i ma g e and incl u d e the Tur ne r s ’ mode l in thei r view of pilg r i ma ge as a ‘r ealm of compe ti ng disco ur s e s ’ . See also Tri p a l di 199 8 92. Blo c h 199 2 . Chapter 8 1 . Car r o l l 199 2 : 25, who der i v e s hi s info r ma ti o n fro m a work by D. Ma r c uc c i . 2. Brel i c h 195 3 -5 4 . 3. Brel i c h 1953 -5 4 : 40. 4. Rossi 196 9 is a good sour c e on pilg r i ma g e s to sa nc tua r i e s in So ut h e r n Ita l y in the 196 0 s. 5. On loca l lege nd s of saint s in Cal a b r i a and Abru z z o , see Basi l e 1956 and Prof e ta 197 0 . 6. Car r o l l 1992 : 53 (ci ti ng G. Me di c a ) info r ms tha t in a sampl e of 697 Mar ia n sanc- tua r i e s in Ita l y , 1 12 (16 % ) had bee n ere c te d on the site of an app a r i t i o n. 7. E. g.: Pitr è 189 6 b : 59, 62; Id. 189 9 : 359 . 8. M a d o n n a d e l L a u r o , C a s t e l l a m m a r e ( A m a l f i 1 8 9 0 : 1 8 1 f ) ; M a d o n n a d e l l e Morte l l e , Vill a fra nc a (Pitr è 1899 : 406); Mado nna dell a Neve , Franc o fo nte (Ibi d : 407); Mado nna dei Mira c o l i , Alca mo (Ibi d : 478f); Mado nna di Caste l l a na , Caste l l a na (Ve r l e ng i a 195 8 : 47); S. Mari a in Basi l i c a , Monte fe r r a nte (Ibi d : 55); Notes to Chapter 8 263 Madonna dell a Mazz a , Preto ro (Ibi d : 63); Santa Repa r a ta , Casol i (Ibi d : 85); Mado nna dell ’ I nc o r o na ta , Fogg i a (La Sorsa 1958 : 97); S. Mari a del Monte , Casti gl i o ne M e s s e r M a r i n o ( M a z z e i 1 9 8 8 : 2 1 3 ) ; M a d o n n a d e i S e t t e D o l o r i , Pesca r a Coll i (Ibid : 215); S. Maria Verg i ne , Anza no di Pugl i a (Ibi d : 217); S. Mari a del Laur o , Meta di Sorr e nto (Ib i d: 221 ); S. Mari a di Avig na no , Campa g na ; Mado nna di Co s ta nti no p o l i , Fel i tto (Ib i d: 222 ); Santi s si mo Cro c i fi s so , Ter r a no v a Sap p o Minul i o (L. Lomb a r di Satr i a ni [ed.] 197 1 : 297 ); Mado n na del Bo sco , Spi na z z o l a (Medi c a 196 5 : 598 ); Mar i a del la Cate na , Laur i g na no (Ib i d: 609 ); Mado nna dell e Graz i e , Modi c a (Ibi d : 648); S. Mari a dei Mira c o l i , Acir e a le (Rac c u g l i a 1903 : 237); Mado nna dell e Graz i e , Carp a nz a no (Pad u l a 1977 : 27). 9. Santa Mar i a del Tor o , Vic o Eque nse (Ama l fi 189 0: 185 ); Mado nna di Pie di g r o tta , Nap l e s (To o r 195 3 : 98);M a do nna del Belve d e r e , Carov i g no (L. Lo mb a r d i Satr i a ni [ed . ] 197 1 : 225 f); Mar i a del l a Gro tta , Pra i a a Mare (Ibi d . : 316); S. Giov a nni , Ragu sa (Pi tr è 189 9 : 325 ); Santi ssi mo Cro c i fi sso , S. Mar g he r i ta (Ib i d.: 386 f); Mar i a del Monte , Rac a l mu to (Ib i d. : 422 ); Mado nna del Maz z ar o , Maz z ar ino (Ib i d: 531 f); Mar i a del la Gro tta , Car p i g na no Sal e nti no (La Sor s a 1958 : 92); Mado nna di Bu ti r - r i to , Cegli e (Ibid. : 95f); Madonna di Ripa l ta , Cerig no l a (Ibid . : 96f); Madonna di Mele nd u g no , Mele nd u g no (Ibi d . : 104f; Mari a di Sove r e to , Terl i zzi (Ibi d . : 113f); Sant’ O r o nz o , Tur i (Ib i d.: 172 f); Sant’ El i sa b e t ta , Cre c c hi o (Ve r l e ngi a 195 8 : 95); Mado nna del Poll i no , San S e ve r i n o L u c a n o ( R o s s i 1 9 6 9 : 8 5 ) ; M a r i a d e l l a Grot- te l l a , Cop e r ti no (Ma z z e i 198 8 : 218); San ta Vene r a , Gro tte (Go w e r Cha p ma n 197 3 : 162 ); Mar ia del Tab ur no , Buc c i a no (Me di c a 196 5 : 526 ); Mar ia dei Làtta ni , Rocc a mo nfi a (Ibi d . : 537); Mari a dell a Vigna , Pietr a v a i r a no (Ibi d . : 539; Mari a degl i Ange l i , Cassa no dell e Murg e (I bi d . : 565); Santa Mari a Celi ma nna , Supe r sa no (Ibi d . : 581); Mado nna di Costa n ti no p o l i , Bari l e (C er v e l l i no 1962a : 10f); Santa Lia, Cassa no Irpi no (Fal b o 1899 : 4); Il Croc i fi sso di Bili c i , Petr a l i a Sotta na (Pul c i 1894 : 502 ). 10. S. Rosa l i a , Pal e rmo (Pi tr è 189 9 : 5f); S. Sil v e str o , Tro i na (Ib i d: 264f); S. Col a g e r o , Nar o (Ib i d.: 379 ). 11. For insta nc e : the cav e s of Frate Alfi o and of San Gugl i e l mo in N oto (Pu l c i 189 4 : 490 -3 ), the cav e o f Sant ’ A nge l o in Sant’ A nge l o Mu x a r o (Pi tr è 189 9 : 420 ). 12. Mado nna dei Se tte Veli , Fogg i a (Vita l e 1894 ); Mado nna dell a La vi na , Cera mi (Pi tr è 189 9 : 241 f); Mar i a del Bosco , Nisce mi (Ib i d.: 527 f); Mado n na del Ponte , Lanci a no (Gi a nc r i sto fa r o 197 1 : 121 ); Mar i a di Po zz a no , Caste l l a m ma r e di Stab i a (Me di c a 196 5 : 542 ) Mar i a del Pozz o , Cap ur so (Ib i d.: 564 ); Santa Fil o me na , Santa Sev e r i na (De Gia c o mo 189 9 : 113-9 ); San Mar ti no , Far a San Mar ti no (Fi na mo r e 189 0 : 186 f); Mad o nna di Al to ma r e , Andr i a (La Sor sa 195 8 : 88f); Santa Mar i a dei Gra c i , Tao r mi na (Ra c c ug l i a 190 0 : 119 f). 13. Mado nna dell e Gall i ne , Paga ni (Ama l fi 189 0 : 188 f), Mad o n na del l ’ Ag r i c o l tu r a , Par a b i ta (Ri v e r a 198 8 : 344 ); S. Mar i a dei Mir a co l i , Aci r e a l e (Ra c c ug l i a 190 3 : 237 ); Spir i to Santo , Gangi ( P i t r è 1 8 9 9 : 1 2 0 f f ) ; M a d o n n a d e l l ’ U d i e n z a , S a m b u c a di Sici l i a (Ibi d . : 432f); Mari a dell ’ Al e ma n na , Gela (Ibi d . : 534f); Santi s si mo Croc i fi sso , Palo del Coll e (La Sors a 1958 : 80f) Mado nna de l Pianto , Diso (I bid.: 97), San- ti s s i mo Croc i f i s s o , Tara nta Peli g na (Ver l e ng i a 1958 : 83), Mado nna dell a Conso l a - z i o ne , Reg g i o Ca l a b r ia (Ba si l e 1956 : 9); S. Mari a del l a Bai a , Bar r e a (Ma z z e i 198 8 : 214); Maria Mate r Domi ni , Noce r a ; (Ibi d . : 222); Mado nna dell a Luce , Mistr e tta (Ca t ta b i a ni 198 8 : 285 ); Mad o n na del l a Lib e r a , Cer c e ma g g i o r e (Me di c a 196 5 : 514 ); Mari a del Carp ine l l o , Visci a no (Ibi d . : 558); Mado nna dell a Rocc a , Alessa ndr i a dell a Rocc a (Ibi d . : 630); Mado n na di Picc i a no , Mate r a (Tento r i : 1971 : 135); Verg i ne dell ’ A ss u nta , Guar d i a Sa nfr a mo n d i (De Blasi o 1903 : 364). 264 Notes to Chapter 8 14. Verg i ne dei Marti r i , Molf e tta (La So rs a 1958 : 105f ) ; Mado nna dell a Serra di Tric a se , Tric a se (Ibi d . : 114f); Mado nna del Polsi , San Luca (Bas i l e 1956 : 15); Mado nna dell a Madi a , Mono p o l i (L. Lo mb a r d i Satr i a ni [ed. ] 1971 : 216); Mado n na Bulu me d , Pagl i a r a (Rac c u g l i a 1900 : 120f); Mado nna dell a Neve , Torr e Annu nz i a ta (Ma z z e i 198 8 : 221 ); S. Mar i a a Mar e , Mai o r i (Ib i d.: 222 ; Mar i a d’I tr i , Cir ò Mar i na (Ib i d.: 223 ); Mado nna Gre c a , Iso l a Cap o Rizz uto (Ib i d.: 224 ); Madonna di Lor e to , Alta v i l l a Milic i a (L. Lomb a r d i Satr i a ni [ed . ] 1 97 1 : 348 ); San- ti ssi mo Cro c i fi s s o , Menfi (Pi tr è 189 9 : 119 ); San Roc c o , Bute r a (I b i d.: 541 f). An alleg e d relic of one of S. Agata ’ s breas ts , vene r a te d in Galli p o l i , is said to have once fall e n of a ship and late r been fo un d on the se asho r e (La Sorsa 1958 : 144). 15. Eli a de 197 8 is a funda me n ta l wor k on the sy mb o l i sm of the chtho ni c rea l m. 16. An examp l e of such being s is the vuvitini in Sici l i a n pop u l a r bel i e f (Pi tr è 188 9 , vol . 4: 192 f). 17. Coc c hi a r a 198 0 , cha p te r 4. 18. L. Lomb a r d i Satr i a ni & Meli g r a na 1982 : 72ff. 19. Gig l i 1893 : 94f; Pi tr è 188 9 , vol . 4: 194 -9 ; Simi a ni 188 9 b : 484 -8 . 20. A pers o ni fi c a ti o n of the fo rc e s of the well , found in certa i n parts of Sici l y , was the Monacella della fontana (the ‘li t tl e nu n of the foun t a i n ’ ), see Pi tr è 188 9 , vol . 4: 187 - 1 9 1 . 21. Conce r ni ng symb o l i s a ti o n of the sea as a sour c e of merc a n ti l e weal th in the Rena i ssa nce , see Boho l m 199 0 , ch. 14; Mui r 198 1 : 131 . 22. Fra z e r 190 7 -36 , par t I, vol . II, ch. i x-x . 23. The albero della cuccagna is an eleme n t in the imag e r y of the paese di cuccagna , a land of plenty with lake s of fat, moun ta i n s of chees e , river s of wi ne or milk and so on. See Bronz i ni 197 9 ; Coc c hi a r a 198 0 ; ‘Cuc c a g n a ’ , in Enci c l o p e di a Ita l i a na . 24. On the sancti ty o f gro v e s in Ita l i an anti q ui ty , see Edl un d 198 7 : 51-4 . 25. Arm str o ng 197 3 . 26. Gré g o r i e 199 0 . 27. The olde r lite ratu r e on the se subj e c ts is exte ns i v e . The most compr e he n s i v e sour c e s are Fra z e r 190 7 -36 , par t V, and Ma nn ha r dt 190 4 -05 . 28. Pitr è 188 9 , vol . 3: 157 . De Mar ti no (19 5 8 : 250 ) wri te s tha t , in Pug l i a , fu ne r a l lame nta ti o n s co ul d occa s i o na l l y b e into ne d duri ng the harve s t. 29. De Nino 188 1 : 158 f. 30. Tancr e di 194 0 : 100 . 31. Cf. Acoc e l l a 1936 ; Rive r a 1988 : 351ff. 32. Brel i c h 1953 -5 4 . See also : La Sors a 1930 : 107; Rivi e l l o 1893 : 137f; Rossi 1969 : 94f. 33. Nume r o u s exam p l e s of su ch be ha v i o u r in cave s at sa nct u a r i e s are rela te d by Rossi 1969 , see also Acoc e l l a 1936 : 66 and Brel i c h 1953 -5 4 . 34. Rossi 196 9 : 28ff. 35. Pansa 192 4 : 129 . 36. For some exa mp l e s, see Rossi 196 9: 175 f. 37. Exa mp l e s are rela te d by: G. Cir e l li 196 8 : 95; Cor r a in & Ritta to r e & Zampi ni 196 7 ; Gia nc r i sto fa r o 197 8 : 187 ; Pitr è 1896 b . 38. Hami l to n 190 6 . 39. Gia nc r i sto fa r o 196 5 : 127 ; Id. 197 1 : 116 ; Pansa 192 4 : 112 -5 . 40. Riv e r a 1988 : 308 . 41. Dor sa 1884 : 71. For mor e info r ma ti o n con c e r ni ng the pra c ti c e of inc ub a ti o n in South Ita l i a n chu r c he s and sa nct u a r i e s, see Hami l to n 190 6 : 182 -8 and Ros si 196 9 : 36f, 98f. 42. Cf. Pan sa 192 4 : 113 . Notes to Chapter 8 265 43. For a compr e he nsi v e acco u nt of the disc o ur s e a b o u t d r e a m s i n S o u t h e r n I t a l y , see L. Lo mb a r d i Satr i a ni & Meli g r a na 1982 , ch. IV. 44. Ame l u ng 190 7 is a centr a l wor k on thi s sy mb o l i sm . S e e a l s o : G i n z b u r g 1 9 9 0 , ch. 2; Maye r 1936 : 30f; Till ha g e n 1989 : 246ff, 263. 45. Ame l u ng 190 7 : 128 ; Cohn 197 5 : 251 f; Lew y 1933 ; May e r 193 6 : 55-6 1 . Ano the r expr e s s i o n of the chtho ni c asso c i a ti o n of the witch , found i n South Ital i a n ethno g r a p hy , is the idea tha t an a tta c k i n g witc h coul d be immo b i l i s e d if a kni fe (or a pie c e of iron) wa s thr us t int o the gro u nd (Ama l fi 189 0 : 164 ; Fina mo r e 188 4 : 226 ). 46. See Edlu nd 198 7 . 47. For a discussi o n of Ital i a n ‘Bl a c k Mado nna s ’ i n this histor i c a l perspe c ti v e , see Moss & Cap p a n na r i 198 2 . 48. Moss & Cap p a n na r i 198 2 : 61f. 49. See , for insta nc e , Ama l fi 189 0 : 74; Ang a r a no 197 3 : 142 ; De Mar ti no 195 8 : 104 f; Dor sa 188 4 : 80; Pitr è 188 9 , vol . 4: 33. 50. De Mar ti no 195 8 : 107 ; Pitr è 188 9 , vol . 4: 39. 51. L. Lomb a r d i Satr i a ni & Meli g r a na 1982 : 64. 52. Fina mo r e 189 0 : 9; Pitr è 188 9 , vol . 4: 33. 53. Cf. By nu m 198 7 : 246 -5 1 . As men ti o ne d i n Cha p te r 5, the ini ti a ti o n o f a nun coul d invo l v e a sy mb o l i c marr i a g e with Chri s t. 54. Cf. Boho l m 199 3 : 95-1 0 1 . For des c r i p ti o ns of Sout h Ita l i a n Car ni v a l fig ur e s, see : De Simo ne & Rossi (eds .) 197 7 ; Toschi 195 5 , ch. 5 and 6. 55. Exa mp l e s of suc h pra c ti c e s are found in: Ang a r a no 197 3 : 308 ; Ama l fi 1890 : 40; De Nino 188 1 : 199 f; Toschi 195 5 , ch. 9. 56. For a bri e f ethn o g r a p hi c d e s c r i p t i o n o f t h e s e p r a c t i c e s , s e e : De G i a c o m o 189 9 , vol . 2: 79f. 57. On the Chur c h’ s regu l a ti o ns co nc e r ni ng this type of fast, see ‘Dig u no ’ , i n Enci c - l o p e d i a Catto l i c a . 58. ‘Di g uno ’ , in Enc i c l o p e di a Catto l i c a (vo l . IV, p. 159 0). 59. Ibi d. p. 159 5 . 60. In Naple s it is said that: carne fa àuta carne (mea t/ f l e sh make s othe r mea t/ fl e sh ) and carne fa carne e vino fa sango (mea t make s fle s h and wine make s blo o d; Alta - mur a & Giul i a ni 196 6 : 134 ). 61. Fina mo r e 189 0 : 120 f; Pitr è 188 1 : 216 . 62. L. Lomb a r di Satr i a ni (ed. ) 197 1 : 392 ; Per r o tta 198 6 : 16f. 63. L. Lomb a r d i Satr i a ni & Meli g r a n a 1982 : 39 8, citi n g an unpu b l i she d thesi s by F. Laga nà . 64. E. g.: Bronz i ni 1953 : 222; Ce rv e l l i no 1962a : 14; Perr o tta 1986 : 23. 65. Cerv e l l i no 1962 a : 14; Galt 1991 c : 201f; Perr o tta 1986 : 14. 66. Toschi 196 3 : 301 . 67. Toschi 196 3 : 301 f. 68. Here the desc r i p ti o ns rela ti ng to the litu r g y of the Chur c h conce r n the mi ss a l of Pius V, intr o d u c e d in the 16th ce ntu r y and in use until the ‘Resto r e d Order of the Hol y Wee k ’ of the missa l of Pi us XII bec a me ob l i g a to r y in 1955 . In thi s lat te r orde r , the litur gy of Easte r was revi se d to bette r confo r m to the seque nce of event s desc r i b e d in the Scri p tu r e . One im p o r ta n t cha ng e is tha t the resur r e c ti o n of Chris t is celeb r a te d , not at Satur d a y noon as in the old order , but inste a d imme d i a te l y afte r midni g h t on Ea ste r Sunda y . 69. For descr i p ti o ns of sepolcri , see: Acoc e l l a 1936 : 32f; De Fabr i z io 1907 : 392f; Gowe r Cha p ma n 197 3 : 167 ; Pitr è 188 1 : 210 ff; Tancr e di 194 0 : 29. 266 Notes to Chapter 8 70. Cf. Bu tti tta 197 8 : 29. 71. For descr i p ti o ns of suc h ena c t m e nts , see : Ac qua vi v a 198 1 ; Butti t ta 197 8 ; Cer - v e l l i no 1962 a : 15-2 4 ; De Fabri z i o 190 7 ; Go w e r Cha p ma n 197 3 : 168; Per r o tta 1986 : 24-4 4 ; Sci a sci a 196 5 . 72. In Ci mi n na (Sic i l y ) , o nly chil d r e n were allo w e d to parti c i p a te in the proc e s s i o n (Sc i a sc i a 196 5 ). 73. Vent u r i 1901 : 359f, the name of the vill a g e is not menti o ne d . 74. De Fab r i z i o 1907 : 393 f. Othe r descr i p ti o ns of sev e r e sel f- mo r ti fi c a ti o n at Easte r ar e found in: Bo r r e l l o 18 9 9 ; L. L o m b a r d i Sa t r i a n i ( e d . ) 19 7 1 : 21 7 , 3 2 1 ; Pa d u l a 197 7 : 24; Pell i zza r i 188 9 ; Pitr è 191 3 b : 182 ; Tosch i 195 5 : 707 (ci ti n g wor k s by S. Guas te l l a and A. Lumi ni ) . 75. This asso c i a ti o n is also expr e s s e d by the reli g i o u s song s and vers e s of Easte r , popu l a r espe c i a ll y among wo me n, many of whic h rela te the Pass i o n from the poi nt of vie w of the Mado n na (se e Gow e r Cha p ma n 197 3 : 175 ). 76. Fina mo r e 1890 : 122; L. Lomb a r d i Satr i a ni & Meli g r a na 198 2 : 398 , citi ng a n unp ub l i s he d the si s by F. Laga nà . 77. Fina mo r e 189 0 : 123 f; Dor sa 188 4 : 48; Pitr è 188 1 : 220 . 78. See: Cerv e l l i no 1962 a : 42; De Nino 1881 : 215; Finamo r e 1890 : 124f; R. Lomb a r d i Satr i a ni 196 9 : 15, 17, 45; Dor sa 1884 : 48. 79. Pitr è 188 9 , vol . 3: 145 . 80. Sal e r no 1988 : 126. 81. But ti t ta 197 8 : 25; L. Lomb a r di Satr i a ni (ed. ) 197 1 : 260 , 375 . 82. E.g . Ac ts 8: 32-3 5 . 83. L. Lomb a r d i Satr i a ni & Meli g r a na 1982 : 368, citi ng an unpub l i s he d the si s by S. Tri mb o l i . 84. For descr i p ti o n s of the se bre a ds, see : Ang a r a no 197 3 : 319 ; Butt i tta 197 8 : 19f; Cir e se 197 1 : 49-5 2 ; De Fab r iz i o 190 7 : 396 ; Dor sa 188 4 : 49; Fina mo r e 189 0 : 126 f; Perr o tta 1986 : 22; Pitr è 1881 : 224ff; Ucce l l o 1976 : 82-9 3 . 85. See , for insta nc e : Fina mo r e 189 0 : 128 ; Sor di 198 6: 63f. Pitr è 188 1 : 128 -3 2 , 222 f; Vent ur i 190 1 : 363f. 86. Conce r ni ng su c h pic ni c s, see Fin a mo r e 189 0 : 130-4 ; Pitr è 188 1 : 227 ff; Tanc r e di 194 0 : 26. 87. Pitr è 188 1 : 227 . 88. Cf. Campb e l l 1964 : 349, who discu sse d the e ver y d a y cult of saint s a nd the annua l cele b r a ti o n of Easte r in a Gree k vill a g e . He concl u d e s that both conce r n the reco nci l i a ti o n betwe e n man and G od and diff e r me re l y as to scal e . 89. On the symb o l i s m of the egg i n Eur o p e , see : Eli a de 197 6 : 427 -3 1 ; New a l l 198 4 . Easte r bread s conta i ni ng whole eggs we re , at leas t in Cala b r ia , trad i ti o na l l y offe r e d to the fami l i e s that mo ur ne d a dece a se d rela ti v e (Dor sa 1884 : 49). This cus to m can be und e r s to o d as ano the r exp r e ssi o n o f the noti o n tha t foo d offe r i ngs to a berea v e d fami l y confe r to it vita l an d gener a t i ve for ce (cf. the discu ssio n of the consuolo , Cha pte r 4 abo v e ). 90. Vent ur i 190 1 : 363, we are not info r me d o f the name of the co m mu ni t y . 91. Cf. Blo c h 199 2 , ch. 3. 92. Cf. Boho l m 199 2 . The moo n cal e nda r is also made to con v e r g e with Chr i st’ s Passi o n , si nce Easte r is celeb r a te d the fi rs t Sund a y afte r the firs t full moon fol- l o w i ng the spri n g equi no x . Thi s means that the triduo sacro is cele b r a te d at a full moo n or so sho r tl y afte r w a r ds th a t the moo n ten ds to appe a r to the eye as full altho u g h it in fact has begu n to wane . A beli e f has been doc ume nte d amon g the Sici l i a ns that Ea ste r Eve alwa y s was cele b r a te d at a full moon (Pitr è 1881 : 222). Notes to Chapter 8 267 93. Cf. By nu m 198 7 , ch. 2. 94. ‘Euca r i sti a ’ , i n Enc i c l o p e di a Cat t o l i c a (vo l . 5, p. 739 ). 95. Cf. Rub i n 199 1 . 96. Acco r d i n g to the Luthe r a n noti o n of God’ s ubi qu i t y , Chris t is prese nt e very - w he r e , he nce also in the brea d and wi ne of the Mass ; ther e is no trans u b s ta nti a - ti o n but inste a d a ‘cons u b s ta nti o n’ , whic h is re ve a l e d and acce ntu a te d by the words of the offi c i a ti ng pries t at the mome nt of the Eucha r i s ti c sac r i f i c e in Mass. Apar t from when being used in Mass, con secr a ted brea d and wine are not consi d e r e d to rela te diff e r e n tl y to Chri s t than ordi na r y food s tu f fs a nd e nti ti e s in the worl d . Ther e can thus be no cult of the conse cr a te d Host. 97. On the Ro ma n Catho l i c cul t of the Euc ha r i st, see Ki ng 196 5 and Rub i n 199 1 . 98. See Bro w e 193 8 ; Rub i n 199 1 : 108 -2 9 . 99. In Tra ni (Pugl i a ), for e x a m p l e , i t w a s t o l d t h a t a nu n , w h o o n c e l i v e d i n t ha t town, had doub t s abo ut the dog ma of tra nsub s ta nti a ti o n an d did not cons ume the Holy Host when she parti c i p a te d in Co mm u ni o n but inste a d coll e c te d it in secr e c y . Whe n she had coll e c te d a nu mb e r of Hosts , she put them in a fryi ng pa n and sta r ted to fr y them. Su ddenl y the Host s tra n sfo r med into blo o d, so copio us tha t i t pou r e d out of the pan and flo o d e d the roo m. The ter r i f i e d nu n beg g e d God for pard o n, a nd by His grac e she was save d . The peop l e of Trani were so impr e s s e d by thi s mira c l e that they buil t the chur c h of Sa n Salv a to r e at the plac e wher e it had occ ur r e d and wher e one to da y can see a wall painti n g depi c ti ng the mir a c l e of the H ost (La Sor sa 195 8 , leg e nd no. 230 ). 100 . Conce r ni ng die t in tra di ti o na l Southe r n Ita l y , se e : Cav a l c a nti 198 4 : 27-57 ; Teti 197 8 . 101. Acoc e l l a 1936 : 130. 102 . Cav a l c a nti 198 4 : 105 . 103. The Sici l i a n ethn o g r a p hy is extr acte d fr om : Caste l l i 1902 : 405; Pitrè 1889 , vol. 4: 339 f. 104 . Cav a l c a nti 198 4 : 105 f; Den to ni - L i tta 198 2 : 85f; Fi na mo r e 189 4 : 18f; R. Lo mb a r di Satr i a ni 196 9 : 18f. 105. The Sici l i a n ethno g r a p hy is extr a c te d from: Gowe r Chap ma n 1 973 : 186f; Pitr è 188 9 , vol . 3: 158 -6 6 , 174 -8 ; Pul c i 189 5 : 16-3 0 ; Sal o mo ne -M a r i no 189 7: 50-6 2 . 106 . Cav a l c a nti 198 4 : 105 f. 107 . Pitr è 188 9 , vol . 3: 182 . 108 . Jur l a r o 1983 : 28. 109 . Pitr è 188 9 , vol . 4: 331 . 110 . De Nino 188 1 : 209 . 111 . Cf. Bossy 198 3 , who mak e s a di sti n c ti o n betwe e n the sac r i fi c i a l and the sac r a - me n ta l aspe ct o f the m e d i e v a l M a s s . T h e fo r m e r a s p e c t i s ex p r e s s e d i n the Cano n , whil e the latte r is expr e s s e d in Commu ni o n . Boss y argu e s that ‘…the di s- ti nc ti o n betwe e n sacr i f i c e and sacr a me nt i n the mass of the wa ni n g midd l e age s … [is] … equi v a l e nt to a di sti nc ti o n betwe e n the Chri s ti a n co mmu n i ty cons i d e r e d as an asse mb l y of dis ti nc t par ts a nd tha t co mm uni ty con si de r e d as a tra nsce n de n t whol e ’ (p. 35). Boss y concl ud e s that the cele b r a ti o n of the Ma ss had soci a l l y inte g r a ti v e powe r s . 112. Ucce l l o 1976 : 23. 113. L. Lo mb a r d i Satr i a ni 1971 (ed. ): 1 15; Moss & Capp a nna r i 198 2 : 61ff; Ucc e l l o 197 6 : 23. 114 . Coc c hi a r a 198 0 : 14; Pitr è 188 1 : 452f. 115 . Gow e r Cha p ma n 197 3 : 165 . 268 Notes to Chapter 9 116. Catta b i a ni 198 8 : 84. 117 . Jame s 195 9 ; Fra z e r 190 7 -36 , par t IV. Chapter 9 1 . A law stati ng tha t no buri a l s wer e to take pla c e in chur c he s and wer e to be no clo se r tha n one mil e (18 5 2 m.) fr o m urb a n set ti ng s was leg i sl a te d i n the ki ngd o m of Napl e s and Si ci l y as earl y as 1 710 . (Far e l l a 1982 : 84f). It wa s, ho we v e r , inef fe c - ti v e . In Napl e s , wher e the grow i ng pop ul a ti o n ca us e d incr e a s i ng prob l e ms with buri a l in chur c h, this t y p e o f b u r i a l w a s a b o l i s h e d in 1836 (Lanc e l l o tti 1951 , vol. 2: 221 ). 2. N. Dougl a s 195 5 : 314 . 3. Cf. Ari è s 198 3 , esp . ch. 11; Etl i n 198 4 , ch. 1; Pi na -Ca b r a l & Fei j ó 198 3 : 20ff. 4. F. Cire l l i (ed. ) 18 53 , vol. 21: 71; Garg a no 1981 : 69f; Pa du l a 1967 : 78f; Rivi e l l o 1893 : 46. 5. De Rosa 197 8 : 36. 6. Thi s was the pr a c ti c e in Ver b i c ar o , Cal a b ri a , see : Cor so 1911 : 147; Padul a 197 7 : 282 . 7. Cav a l c a nti 198 4 : 66; Pitr è 188 9 , vol . 4: 471 . 8. For some descr i p ti o ns , see : Fina mo r e 1894 : 89; Bro nz i ni 1964 : 428f (ci ti n g a work by F. Gianno ne ) ; Rivi e l l o 1893 : 46. 9. Cf. Blo c h 197 1 (esp. p. 114 , 166 ), discus si ng the Me r i na of Mada g a sc a r . 10. The info r ma ti o n on Capu c hi n bur i a l is extr a c te d fr om: Fare l l a 1982 ; Finca ti 1881 : 153 ; Pitr è 190 4 , vol . 1: 382 f; Sac c à 189 4a : 946 f. 11. Padul a 196 7 : 77f. 12. Bro nz i ni 196 4 : 428 f (ci ti ng a work by F. Gia nno ne ). 13. Mari ni e l l o 1982 : 23ff . 14. Mar g u e r i te Gar di ne r : The Idler in Italy (193 9 , wri tte n 183 9 -4 0 ), cite d in Andr é n 197 0 : 107 ff. 15. Fuci ni 1976 : 77-8 3 ; Lanc e l l o tti 1951 , vol. 2: 220f. 16. F. Cire l l i (ed. ) 1853 , vol. 6: 50; N. Doug l a s 1955: 314; Gissi ng 1921 : 87; Rivi e ll o 189 3 : 45, 47. 17. Bronz i ni 1964 : 408; L. Lomb a r d i Satr i a ni & Meli g r a na 1982 : 171. 18. Mini c uc i 198 1 : 37. 19. Cf. Goo dy & Pop p i 199 4 . 20. Wal sh (19 1 4 : 31) cite s a newsp a p e r fro m 188 8 whe r e it is sai d tha t the Nea p o l i - ta ns : ‘…ex hu me a cor pse a yea r or two afte r i t has been bur i e d … [and] have the skel e to n take n to piec e s and the b one s care f u l l y clea ne d …’ . 21. The descr i p ti o n of buri a l custo m s in Napl e s is base d on Mari ni e l l o (198 2 : 38-4 2 ) and Par do (19 8 9 : 106 -1 1 3 ), who both refe r to the si tua ti o n in the 197 0 s and 198 0 s. 22. Par do 198 9 : 110 . 23. Mari ni e l l o 1982 : 41. 24. Ciamb e l l i 1980 : 53; Rossi 1977 : 52. Ital o Pa r d o (19 8 2 : 556 ) doc u me n t e d a case of a woma n who cla i me d tha t her dece a se d hu sb a n d freque ntl y ap pe a r e d in her drea ms a nd compl a i ne d to be suff e r i ng from wetne s s i n his buri a l niche . Hi s pains coul d be relie v e d , she thoug ht, if his wrap p i n g was chang e d . 25. On Roma n bur i a l custo m s, see Toynb e e 1971 (on crema ti o n ver su s inhu ma ti o n, esp . p. 39ff ). 26. Permi s s i o n to pe rf o r m crema ti o n coul d , howe ver , be gra nted in individ u a l cases and ge ne r a l l y in exce p ti o na l circ u ms ta nc e s , suc h a s epid e mi c s a nd war. Notes to Chapter 9 269 27. Mari ni e l l o 1982 : 52. 28. Jame s 193 3 : 190 . 29. ‘Cre ma z i o ne ’ , in Enci c l o p e d i a Catto l i c a . 30. For an exa mp l e of anti -cr e ma ti o n sen ti me nt s in Ita l y at the tur n of the cen tur y , expo s i ng an arra y of mora l i s ti c , theo l o g i c a l , hi sto r i c a l , econo m i c a l , poli ti c a l , soci o l o g i c a l , jurid i c a l , biol o g i ca l , ecol o g i c a l and hygi e ni c argu me n ts , see Rote l l a 189 5 . 31. Par do 198 9 : 107 ; Id. 198 2 : 559 f. 32. Guaste l l a 1976 : 178; Pitr è 1889 , vol. 2: 242. 33. L. Lomb a r d i Satr i a ni & M eli g r a na 1982 : 14; Pard o 1989 : 110. 34. Pitr è 188 9 , vol . 4: 27. 35. Cf. Par do 198 3 : 117 . 36. See , for insta nc e , Bro nz i ni 195 3 : 245 ; R. Lomb a r di Satr i a ni 1969 : 26f; Pan sa 192 4 : 61ff; Pi tr è 191 3 a : 289 ; Roma no 188 4 ; Tancr e di 194 0 : 98. 37. L. Lomb a r d i Satr i a ni & Meli g r a na 1982 : 180. 38. Basi l e 195 8 : 104 ; Caste l l i 187 8 : 18, 70; M a r z a n o 1 9 1 2 : 4 8 ; M c Da n i e l 1 9 2 5 : 1 9 6 ; Pitr è 188 9 , vol . 4: 26f, 40-5 8 ; Roma no 188 4 . 39. Ang a r a no 197 3 : 123 ; Dor sa 1884 : 93f. Acc o r di n g to L. Lomb a r di Satr i a ni & Meli g r a na (198 2 : 26), the prac ti si n g of do me s ti c mour ni ng cere mo n i e s despi te the abse nce of the cor p se was qui te a wide -sp r e a d custo m in the 197 0 s, but we are not info r me d whe the r so me sor t of rep r e s e nta ti o n of the dece a s e d was prep a r e d for the se occa sio ns. 40. Sal o mo ne -M a r i no 188 6a : 37f. 41. Par do 198 2 : 537 . 42. Mar z a no 191 2 : 55f. 43. Dor sa 188 4 : 92. 44. Gri sa nti 189 8 : 323 . 45. Fina mo r e 1894 : 91; Nobi l i o 1962 : 55; Prio r i 1964 : 326. 46. It may be note d tha t a folk ta l e fr o m Abr uz z o (‘T he Resu sci ta te d King’ ) has a s a core event that a dead king is br ou g ht ba ck to life by a gir l who , cryi ng by his grav e , fill s a pot with her tear s (D e Nino 1883 , tale no. 73). In thi s tale , a copio u s shed di ng of tea r s thus not only hinde r s a depa r t e d per so n fro m findi ng pea ce afte r death , but b ring s him back to life . 47. Caste l l i 187 8 : 70; D ’ A m a t o 1 9 3 3 : 1 5 8 ; F i n a m o r e 1 8 9 4 : 1 0 3 f ; G o w e r C h a p m a n 1973 : 197; L. Lo mb a r d i Satr i a ni & Meli g r a na 1982 : 64; R. Lomb a r d i Satr i a ni 1969 : 27; McDa ni e l 192 5 : 196 ; N o b i l i o 1 9 6 2 : 5 5 ; P i tr è 1 8 8 9 , v o l . 4 : 2 6 f . T h e b e l i e f h a s also been repo r ted in Cala b r i a that the soul of a murde r e d pers o n woul d wand e r on earth unti l the day of the offe nde r ’ s deat h and that it tor me n t e d him merc i - l e s s l y (R. Lomb a r d i Satr i a ni 1969 : 27). Th is beli e f refl e c ts the ideo l o g y of the vendetta . The victi m hi mse l f take s revenge on his slaye r , and the soul’ s woefu l and restl e s s co nd i ti o n call s for a swift reta l i a ti o n fr om its livi ng rela ti v e s so that it shal l be rele a s e d from this worl d . 48. See, for insta nce , B r o n z i n i 1 9 5 3 : 2 4 5 ; F i n a m o r e 1 8 9 4 : 1 0 3 - 1 0 ; Pi t r è 1 8 8 9 , vol. 2: 243 . 49. Par do 198 9 : 114 . 50. This belie f was docume nte d i n Abru z z o (whe r e the chil d spir i t was call e d mazzamaurello ), C a m p a n i a , P u g l i a a n d Ba s i l i c a t a ( B r o n z i n i 1 9 5 3 : 2 4 6 f f ; Pr i o r i 1964 : 502-5 ; River a 1988 : 102). The beli e f in the monachiello was, howeve r , sprea d over vast area s of Southe r n Ital y , but it wa s no t he ld ever y w he r e that this bei ng was the spir i t of an u n b a p t i z e d c h i l d . I t c o ul d b e t h o u g h t t o b e a ‘ r e b e l l i o u s 270 Notes to Chapter 9 angel ’ or ‘spi r i t’ from the time when Sata n was expe l l e d from the heav e ns (De Gia c o mo 1899 : 201 -6 ; Dor sa 188 4 : 113 ff; Simi a ni 188 9 a ), or a cap r ici o us and res t- l e ss spi r i t cre a te d by the ‘ba d’ de a th of an adul t (Pa r do 198 9 : 114 ). 51. On the orig i n and dev e l o p me nt of the doctr i ne of Purg a to r y , see Le Goff 198 4. The doc tr i ne of the Chur c h i s tha t only pers o n s who die i n a sta te of grac e , i. e. with all morta l sins confe s s e d and abso l v e d , ente r Purg a to r y . T her e the soul i s purg e d from all stai n s of forg i v e n morta l sin s, una b so lved venia l sins and imper - f e c ti o n s . Among the laity , the view appe a r s simpl y to have been that in Purg a - to r y the soul atone d for its sins . 52. Conte 191 0 : 67. 53. Bro nz i ni 196 4 : 432 ; P r i o r i 1 9 6 4 : 3 2 5 . C h a p t e r 4 d i s c u s s e d t h e s i n i s t e r conse - que nc e s of taki n g back food stu f f s offe r e d as consuolo. Begg a r s, howe v e r , were evide ntl y not tho ught to suf fe r any harm by cons u mi ng lefto v e r s from consuolo food, nor was thei r taki ng away of food tho ug h t to bring anothe r death in the bere a v e d fami l y . Thes e fact s are in line with the ar gu me nt s pres e nt e d earl i e r . The poo r have not offer e d the famil y foo d-c u m-vi ta lity thr o ugh consuolo gif ts , and hence are not sugg e s ti v e of null i f y i ng an inp ut of vita l forc e to the bere a v e d famil y . As prese ntl y will be argue d , they them s e l v e s are alre a d y asso c i a te d with death and are ther e f o r e ‘immune ’ to the omino us infl u e n c e of the lefto v e r fune r - a r y food . Furt he r mo r e , begg a r s , and thei r even t u a l fami l i e s , are too far from being on a par with the bere a v e d fami l y with resp e c t to hu ma n reso u r c e s to be invol v e d in a sy mb o l i c bala nci ng of lives . 54. Pitr è 189 5 : 123 . 55. This thi nk i ng co uld be expre s s e d by pr epar i ng the dead perso n’ s favou r i te dish and offe r i ng it to a beg g a r (Do r sa 188 4 : 96). 56. De Mar ti no 195 8 : 82. 57. Nobi l i o 1962 : 58; L. Lomb a r d i Satr i a ni & Meli g ra na 1982 : 176 (ref e r r i ng to an unpu b l i she d the si s by A. Rome o ) ; Vinc e l l i 1958 : 197. 58. Cf. L. Lo mb a r d i Satr i a ni & Meli g r a na 1982 : 100. 59. Oex l e 198 3 : 52f. 60. It may be no te d tha t a the me fou nd in a numb e r of popu l a r lege n d s reco r d e d in the Sou the r n reg i o ns is tha t fav o ur s made tow a r ds a dea d per s o n are sub se - que ntl y richl y r ewa r d e d . In the coll e c ti o n of Calv i no (197 1 ), for insta n c e , this moti v e is pre se nt in leg e n ds n. 32, 45 and 108 . 61. The Roma n Cath o l i c Chur c h neit he r re co mmen ds pra yer s addr essed to souls in Purg a to r y nor prohi b i ts the m. Au tho r i ta ti v e theo l o g i a ns in the Chur c h have diffe r e n t opini o n s : while so me di sav o w suc h pray e r s , othe r s admi t them . 62. See , for ins ta nc e , Dor sa 188 4 : 96, Di Maur o 198 2 : 123 . 63. Conce r ni ng the fir st the me , see , for insta nc e , Dor s a 188 4 : 96; Fae ta 197 9 : 79; Pitr è 1889 , vol. 4: 40. Conce r ni ng the seco nd the me , see Bell i z z i 1894 : 459 ; Ciamb e l li 1980 : 159; Di Maur o 1982 : 123; Fina mo r e 1894 : 86; Fuci ni 1976 : 80f; Lance l l o tti 195 1 , vol . 2: 222 ; Mig l i a c c i o 1891 : 34. 64. Ther e is a co nfl i c t betwe e n the prac ti c e of besto w i ng the dead with spir i tu a l meri ts and the Scri p tu r a l text tha t ever y man is judg e d by God acco r d i ng to his own work s. Bos sy (19 8 3 : 43) brie fl y comme nt s on how the confl i c t has been theo l o g i c a l l y solv e d . 65. Pitr è 188 9 , vol . 2: 243 . 66. Ther e is a simi l a r ambi g u i ty of inco r r u p t bod i e s in north w e s te r n Por tu g a l (Pi na - Ca b r a l 1980 ; Id. 198 6 : 230 -2 3 3 ). The lai ty vie w e d suc h a bod y as tha t of a saint. The pries t s , howev e r , assumi ng th at it belo nge d to a grea t sinne r , per- Notes to Chapter 9 271 forme d a ritua l of ‘lif ti ng exco m mu ni c a t i o n’ , cons i s ti ng of pray e r s and flag e l l a - ti o n of the corp s e . Ther e b y the dece a s e d was sup po s e d to be unif i e d with the Chur ch and the soul allo we d to go to Heav e n. As Pina - C a b r a l note s , the Roma n Catho l i c Churc h has since long held co nfl i c ti ng view s of incor r u p t bodi e s a s those of eithe r sa ints or great si nn e r s . 67. A sec ul a r repr e s e nta ti o n o f fa mi l y cont i nu i t y by mea ns of per so n a l por tr a i ts has for a long ti me been the custo m of Ital i a n nobl e fami l i e s , whic h at a promi ne n t loca ti o n of the ho me di sp l a y e d a colle c ti o n of painting s o f de ad fami l y memb e r s . 68. Cf. Lang 198 5 . 69. The abste n ti o n fr om cook i ng is no t a co nse qu e n c e of the exti ngu i s h e d hear t h. T he intr o d u c ti o n of gas and elec tr i c i ty in mode r n ti me s has not cha ng e d this custo m, and peop l e stil l refr a i n from cook i ng for so me days if a fa mil y me mb e r has died . 70. Conce r ni ng the s e lame nta ti o ns, see De Mar ti no 195 8 . 71. A nota b l e exc e p ti o n was the prefiche , prof e s s i o n a l fema l e weep e r s , who were commo nl y enga ge d at fune r a l s in so me regi o ns in olde r time s. T hey dis pl a ye d sign s of grief in excha ng e for payme n t. For a compr e he n s i v e acco u nt of Sici l i a n prefiche , see Sal o mo ne -M a r i no 18 8 6 a . 72. Conce r ni ng suc h sel f- mu ti l a ti o ns , see : Amal fi 189 2: 67; Basi l e 195 9 ; Bro nz i ni 196 4 : 394 -7 ; De Mar ti no 1958 : 84, 94f, 362 f; Dor sa 1884 : 90f; Mar z a no 1912 : 8; Pitr è 188 9, vol. 2: 214ff, 232; Rivi e l l o 189 3 : 37; Sorr e nto n. d.: 85. 73. Cor so 195 0 : 100 8 . 74. Lumi ni 188 9 : 83. This prac ti c e has also been docu me n te d i n Sici l i a n comm u ni ti e s with inha b i ta nt s of Alb a ni a n ori g i n (Pi tr è 188 9 , vol . 2: 231 ; Sal o mo ne -M a r i no 188 6a : 41). 75. For some descr i p ti o ns o f code s for mour ni ng , se e : Bro nz i ni 196 4 : 439 ff; Cor r a i n 1968 : 118; Gowe r Chap ma n 1973 : 86; Pitr è 1889 , vol. 2: 238; Vince l l i 1968 : 195. 76. Amal fi 189 2 : 75f; Bronz i ni 196 4 : 438 (citi n g works by L. Martusc e l l i , N. Caputi , P. De Grazi a , and C. Ce nto l a ); Dor sa 1884 : 88f; L. Lomb a r d i Satr i ani & Meli g r a na 198 2 : 174 (ci ti ng unp ub l i she d wo r k s by A. Fe mi a and C. Lasca l a ); Mar z a no 191 2 : 11; Prato 1939 : 190; Rivi e l l o 1893 : 46f. 77. Ama l fi 189 2 : 69; Bro nz i ni 1964 : 439 f; Cor r ai n 196 2 : 118 ; Dol c i 196 0 : 72; Nob il i o 196 2 : 56; Pitr è 188 9 , vol . 2: 238 ; Pr a to 193 9 : 190 . 78. Bro nz i ni 196 4 : 437 ; Dol c i 196 0 : 71f; Fina mo r e 189 4 : 92; Par do 198 3 : 114 f. 79. Dol c i 196 0 : 71f. 80. Cf. L. Lo mb a r d i Satr i a ni & Meli g r a na 1982 : 174. 81. E. g. Grisa nti 1896 : 479; L. Lomb a r d i Satr i a ni & Meli g r a na 1982 . 29, 194ff. 82. It mig ht for insta nc e be reca l l e d from Ch ap te r 3 that all the wate r of vess e l s kep t in the home had to be pour e d ou t when a dea t h had occur r e d. 83. Conce r ni ng wak e s and fu ne r a l s for chi l dr e n, see : Alto ma r e 189 4 ; Ama l fi 189 2 : 64; Gigl i 1893 : 40; La Sorsa 1930 : 43; Mari ni e l l o 1982 : 36; Pitr è 1889 , vol. 2: 240ff; Pri o r i 196 4 : 313 ; Sal o mo ne -M a r i no 189 7 : 224 f; Tancr e di 194 0 : 170 . Gow er Cha p ma n (19 7 3 : 34) info r ms tha t in Mil o c c a , Sic i l y , fu ne r a l s of chi l dr e n unde r 14 year s of age were occa si o ns for rejo i c i ng . 84. The corp s e of an unma r r i e d daug hte r wa s ofte n dress e d in white , not seldo m in clo the s tha t wou l d have been prope r as weddi ng clo the s , or in a weddi ng dres s that ha d alre a d y been proc u r e d (Bro nz i n i 196 4 : 391 ; La Sorsa 1930 : 39; Mari ni e l l o 198 2 : 36; Fina mo r e 1894 : 87). In fune r a l lame nta ti o ns, her dea t h was some ti me s descr i b e d as a matr i mo n y with dea th (De Mar t i no 195 8 : 92). The weddi ng-l i k e asp e c t of her fu ne r a l cou l d be furthe r exp r e sse d by the inc o r p o r a ti o n of othe r xxx x 272 Notes to Chapter 10 eleme nt s of marr i a g e cere mo ni a li s m, such as pla ci ng a part of the alre a d y pre- p a r e d trous s e a u in the coffi n; thr o w i ng confetti and coins to specta to r s dur i ng the funer a l pro cessi o n, jus t as was done at wedd i n g s ; the parti c i p a t i o n of damigelle d’onore (brides m a i ds) at the fu n e r a l; and the cons u mp ti o n o f food s typi c a l of wedd i ng s (Bro n z i ni 1964 : 408; Corr a i n 196 2 : 116; Fina mo r e 1894 : 93; Mari ni e l l o 198 2 : 36; Salo mo ne -M a r i no 189 7 : 223 f). For compa r a ti v e Eur o p e a n eth no g r a p hy rega r d i ng fune r a l s of unma r r i e d youth s cele b r a te d as weddi ng s , see, conce r ni ng Gre e c e , Danfo r th 198 2 , ch. 4, a nd, conce r ni ng Tra ns y l v a ni a , Kli g ma n 198 8 , ch. 4. 85. Par do 198 3 : 116 . 86. Bro nz i ni 196 4 : 57; Gia nc r i sto fa r o 1971 : 180 ; L. Lomb a r di Satr i a ni (ed.) 197 1 : 373 ; Pitr è 188 1 : 458 . 87. Di Mar ti no 189 1 : 560 ; Pitr è 188 9 , vol . 2: 244 f. 88. Gow e r Cha p ma n 197 3 : 187 ff. Chapter 10 1 . Cia mb e l l i 198 0 : 51; Bronz i ni 195 3 : 243 ; Fina mo r e 189 0 : 183; Rivi el l o 1893 : 200; Vince l l i 1958 : 195. 2. Acoc e l l a 1936 : 115ff; De Nino 1879: 98, 141. 3. De Nino 187 9 : 97f; Gra z i a no 193 5 : 27. 4. De Nino 187 9 : 141 . 5. Cf. Lo mb r o so 188 4 : 191 . 6. L. Lomb a r di Satr i a ni (ed. ) 197 1 : 235 . 7. Dor sa 188 4 : 32f; Fina mo r e 189 0 : 65; Gig l i 189 3 : 85; Pitr è 188 1 : 458 . 8. G. Cire l l i 1968 : 85f; Corr a i n 1962 : 119; Di Maur o 1982 : 125f; Maone 1979 : 52. 9. Vol p e 197 9 : 132 f. 10. Moss 196 3 : 134 ; Moss & Cap p a n na r i 196 0 : 98 11. Fina mo r e 189 0 : 181 f, 184 ; Conte 191 0 : 38f. 12. Cf. Pri o r i 1964 : 333 . Moss & Capp a nna r i (196 0 : 98) repo r t, from a vill a g e in the Moli s e - Ab r u z z o highl a n d s , that the visi t to the fa mi l y grav e s o n All Soul s Day was ma de to pla cat e the ‘spiri t s ’ of the dead . 13. La Sor sa 195 8 : 192 . 14. Conce r ni ng the ima ge r y of gi ft s fro m the dead to chil d r e n o n All Soul s Day, see: Bell u c c i & La Sala ndr a 1937 : 60f; Cas te l l i 187 8 : 58; Cor r ai n 1962: 119 ; Gow e r Cha p ma n 197 3 : 191 ; La Sor sa 193 0 : 55; Pia g g i a 185 3 : 217 ; Pitr è 188 1 : 394 -40 3 ; Sac c à 189 4a : 942 f; Tancr e di 194 0 : 63f. 15. Bell u c c i & La Sal a ndr a 1937 : 61. 16. Gia nc r i sto fa r o 197 8 : 55 (thi s inf o r ma ti o n conce r ns Urur i in eas t e r n Mol i se , a vill a g e near the b ord e r of Pugl i a ); Tancr e d i 1940 : 63. 17. For descr i p ti o ns of these swee ts, see: Ciamb e l l i 1980 : 51; D’Ago s ti n o 1988 ; Rive ra 1988 : 122; Sacc à 1894 b ; Ucce l l o 1976 : 53-6 3 . 18. Mar z a no 191 2 : 132 . 19. Catta b i a ni 198 8 : 59; La Sor sa 191 7: 475 . 20. Bute r a 190 7 ; Grisa nti 189 5 : 78f; Pati r i 1884 ; Pitr è 1881 : 403 -6 . Thi s my tho l o g i c a l old woma n could also be calle d La vecchia strenna , tha t is, ‘the old strenna’ ) or La Vecchia di Natale (‘The Old Chri s tma s Wo ma n’ ) . We are info r me d by La Sorsa (19 3 0 : 55) tha t, in cer ta i n par ts o f Pug l i a , chi l dr e n rec e i v e d gi ft s i n soc k s a t New Year , but it is not me nti o ne d what imag e r y was conne c te d to thes e gifts . 21. The name Strenna is in tur n der i ve d fro m the Lati n strena (si g nifyi ng gift s excha ng e d at mid-w i n te r time ) , whic h is relate d to the Lati n strenuus , signi fying Notes to Chapter 10 273 ‘str o ng ;’ ‘liv e l y , ’ and thus conne c ti ng wi th the go od wishe s of he alth and well - b e i ng whic h wer e addre s s e d to relati v e s an d fri e n ds at tha t time of the yea r . 22. See , for insta n c e : Ama l fi 189 0 : 158 ; De Gia c o mo 189 9 : 56f; Fasu l o 1906 : 390 ; Mao ne 197 9 : 53; Pri o r i 196 4 : 53f. In so me are a s of Pug l i a , how e v e r , chi l dr e n wer e mad e to beli e v e tha t the i r dec e a s e d rel a ti v e s bro u g ht the m gif ts dur i ng the nig ht pre c e di ng Epi p h a ny (Co r r a i n 1962 : 119 ). 23. Thes e two figu r e s are a conti nu a t i o n of an anci e n t trad i ti o n of rep r e s e nti n g the old yea r , whic h s h o u l d b e r e p l a c e d b y a ne w y e a r w h e n v e g e t a t i o n wi l l b e rebo r n and flo u r i sh (fo r a brie f sur v e y of the lite r a tur e on the ‘ol d hag ’ , see Boho l m 199 3 : 127 -3 0 ). The i r fema l e gende r can be unde r sto o d as refl e c ti ng the conce p ti o n of the fecun d force s of natur e as fe mal e ; the ‘old hag’ was hence an imag e of ‘Mothe r Natur e ’ , who had passe d her prod u c ti v e seaso n . As prese ntl y will be argue d , life cycle s and annua l cy cl e s sy mb o l i c a l l y merg e , and the ‘old hag’ in thi s conte x t repr e s e n ts both the old ye ar and the old gene r a ti o n. The asso c i a ti o n betw e e n ‘old hags ’ a nd the dead has b een expr e s s e d in centr a l Euro - p e a n cult u r e s by the beli e f that Perc ht or Hold a le d the spir i ts o f the dead in the ‘wil d hunt’ , parti c u l a r l y on the ni ght s betwe e n Chr i stma s and Epip ha ny. 24. On the do me s ti c fir e as a cen tr e of fami l y life , se e , for ins ta nc e : Mar z a no 191 2 : 126 ; Pome t ti 189 4 ; Pra to 194 0 : 44-5 1 . 25. Fina mo r e 189 4 : 11. 26. Fina mo r e 189 4 : 13f. 27. Fina mo r e 189 4 : 12. 28. Fina mo r e 189 4 : 67f. Thi s was don e , it wa s sai d , to har de n the bo ne s of the chi l d. 29. Piri l l o 1988 : 363. 30. Fina mo r e 189 4 : 232 . 31. De Nino 1879 : 141; Fina mo r e 1890 : 31, 183; Id . 1894 : 14; Prio r i 1964 : 329; Vince l l i 195 8 : 197 . In Abruz z o , it was a co mmo n to try to ward off an appr o a c hi ng sto r m by remo vi ng the fir e pl a c e cha i n and bringi ng it out do o r s or to confr o n t the frig hte ni ng clou d s wi th othe r iron ute ns ils fro m the hea r th (su c h as fir e -pla ce tong s) whi c h we r e pla c e d to for m a cro s s (De Ni no 187 9 : 20f; Fin a mo r e 189 0 : 24f, 31; Gia nc r i sto fa r o 197 1 : 265 f). Pre suma b l y thi s custo m rel a te s to the ide a tha t sto r m s wer e cau se d by s p i r i t s o f t h e d e a d . T o co n f r o n t t h e s e s p i r i t s w i t h the chai n from the hear th may be see n as a sy mb o l i c ‘dome s ti c a ti o n’ a nd encha i ni ng of the m, m a k i n g t h e m l e s s h a r m f u l , a n d t h e c r o s s fo r m e d o f i r o n s fro m the hea r th fuse s me a ni ngs of dome s ti ca ti o n wit h the pro te c ti ve pow e r of the Chr i s - ti a n cro s s. 32. Bell i z z i 1894 : 459. 33. Fina mo r e 189 4 : 15. 34. D’A ma to 193 3 : 155 . 35. Fina mo r e 189 4 : 11. 36. Pitr è 188 9 , vol . 4: 458 . 37. Fina mo r e 189 0 : 64. 38. Dor sa 188 4 : 20; Mao ne & Mao ne 196 6 : 16. 39. Ang a r a no 197 3 : 125 . 40. Fina mo r e 189 4 : 15. 41. De Mar ti no 198 7 : 46. 42. Ama l fi 189 2 : 12. 43. On suc h coll e c ti o ns of gifts , doc ume nte d i n Abr uz z o , Cala b r ia , Campa ni a and Pugl i a , see: C o n t e 1 9 1 0 : 4 0 ; C o r r a i n 1 9 6 2 : 1 1 9 ; G i a n c r i s t o f a r o 1 9 7 8 : 2 2 6 ; Lan- c e l l o tti 1951 , vol. 2: 223; L. Lo mb a r d i Satr i a ni & Meli g r a na 1982 : 112f; L. 274 Notes to Chapter 10 Lomba r di Satr i a ni (ed .) 197 1 : 297 ; Tancr e di 194 0 : 64. 44. Sac c à 189 4a : 943 . 45. Pitr è 188 1 : 396 . 46. Pia g g i a 185 3 : 217. 47. Bute r a 190 7 . 48. Acoc e l l a 1936 : 117; F. Cir e l l i (ed. ) 1853 , vol. 2: 24; Do r sa 188 4 : 98; Gia nc r i sto fa r o 197 8 : 55, 226 ; Gra z ia no 1935 : 27; Lomb r o so 1863 : 406 f; Pitr è 188 1 : 407 , 428 ; Rivi e l l o 1893 : 201f . 49. La Sor sa 193 0 : 67. 50. Tancr e di 194 0 : 63. 51. Vince nz o Dor sa (18 8 4 : 67) sug g e st s tha t thi s ter m der i v e s fro m the Gre e k wor d cuamos , signif y i n g ‘broad bean’. 52. See, for insta nc e , Acoc e l l a 1936 : 117; Gia nc r i sto f a r o 197 8 : 55; Pitr è 188 1 : 407 ; Ucce l l o 1976 : 60. 53. In Pol l utr i (Ab r uz z o ), hug e a mo unt s of broa d beans were publ i c l y cook e d and distr i b u te d to the poor whil e , in some othe r vill a g e s of Abru z z o , whol e a nd cook e d grai n or corn kerne l s were custo ma r y alms to the poor (De Nino 1879 : 118 ; Gia nc r i sto fa r o 197 8 : 226 , 228 ). I n p a r t s o f Si c i l y a n d C a l a b r i a c u c c i a w a s eate n and giv e n to the poo r (L. Lo mb a r di Satr i a ni [ed.] 197 1 : 297 ; Pit r è 188 1 : 428 ). 54. Rossi 197 7 : 57. 55. Acc o r di n g to Ca va l c a nti (19 8 4 : 84), cuccia was eate n ‘nea r l y all over Southe r n Italy’ on thi s day . 56. Gow e r Cha p ma n 197 3 : 180 ; Pitr è 188 1 : 427 -30 ; Id. 1 89 9 : 282 . 57. Cav a l c a nti 198 4 : 83-6 ; Dor sa 188 4 : 67. 58. Tancr e di 194 0 : 65 59. Fina mo r e 1890 : 86f; Gia nc r i sto fa r o 197 8 : 226 . Dishe s base d on lenti l s wer e eate n by the fami l y on thi s day in the hope that thi s consu mp ti o n wo ul d fore b o d e a good and pro sp e r o us yea r to com e (L. Lomb a r di Satr i a ni [ed.] 197 1 : 384 ; Sal e mi 198 8 : 541 ). 60. Gianc r i sto fa r o 1978 : 226; L. Lo mb a r d i Satr i a ni (ed. ) 1971 : 127. In one Sici l i a n comm u ni ty , broad beans , as well as salt and brea d , wer e take n to the chur c h and ble sse d by the pri e st (Go w e r Cha p ma n 197 3 : 180). The bre a d wa s eate n by the fami l y or give n to neig hb o u r s , whi l e the salt and beans wer e fed to the beas ts of burd e n. T hes e bl es s e d food s t u ff s were supp o se d to be good for all who ate the m. 61. Pitr è 188 1 : 171 . 62. Vince l l i 1958 : 196. 63. Mar z a no 191 2 : 34. 64. Pitr è 188 1 : 407 . The se fie l d s had bee n re nte d to the poo r on the condi ti o n tha t legu me s were culti v a te d , so that the owne r the foll o w i ng year coul d sow grai n in the enri c he d earth. 65. F. Cire l l i (ed. ) 18 53 , vol. 14: 24; Marz a no 1912 : 34; Vince l l i 1958 : 195f. 66. F. Cirel l i (ed.) 18 53, vol. 14: 24; Marz a no 1912 : 34. 67. For some exa mp l e s, see : Cav a l c a n ti 198 4 : 79-8 6 ; Pitr è 188 1 : 428 f. 68. L. Lomb a r di Satr i a ni (ed. ) 197 1 : 177 . 69. The cuccia corr e spo nds to the Ru ssia n kut’ja , a dis h ma de fro m who l e gra i n and cer e mo ni o usl y eate n at mid -wi n t e r which, as in Ita l y, was a time when the dea d were belie v e d to be prese n t on earth (Pro p p 1978: 46ff) . It also corre s p o n d s to the Gree k koliva, made from boile d whole grain (ofte n mixed with ci nna mo n, almo nd s , rais i ns or pome g r a na te ) . This di s h is eate n afte r a fu ne r a l and is the foo d pro p e r of the com me mo r a ti ve mea l s eate n o n cer ta i n day s afte r a death has Notes to Chapter 10 275 taken plac e , as well as of the annu a l se r v i c e s for the sou l s of the dea d in the Church calen d a r ; koliva in the fo rm of boile d whea t may also be offer e d to the dead at Easte r (see Campb e l l 1964 : 348; Danfo r t h 198 2 : 21, 56; Kenna 199 1 : 104 ff; Law so n 191 0 : 534 f). 70. The Greg o r ia n cale nd a r repl a c e d the Ju li a n cale n d a r , whic h had been used from the ti me of Juliu s Caes a r . Due to a discr e p a ncy betwe e n the Juli a n year and the sol a r yea r of one day in 128 yea r s, the Jul i a n cal e nda r slo w l y dri ft e d for w a r d in the sola r year . 71. Pitr è 188 1 : 430 . 72. Bell i z z i 1894 : 458; Caste l l i 1878 : 59; Fina mo r e 1890 : 189. 73. Catta b i a ni 198 8 : 68. Pre suma b l y bec a use of her ass o c i a ti o n with lig ht, Sa nta Lu c i a has long been rega r d e d as the patr o ne s s of those suffe r i ng from illne s s of the eyes. As Catta b i a ni (ibid . ) argue s , this p a t r o n a g e p r o b a b l y i n s p i r e d the leg- e nd a r y acco u nt that she once tor e out her own eyes in orde r to avoi d marr y i ng and ther e a f te r had her visi o n mi ra c u l o u s l y resto r e d by God. The idea of a par- ti c u l a r saint bein g the patr o n of thos e su ff e r i ng from a certa i n ailme n t is usua l l y insp i r e d by events in the lege nd of the sa int’ s life but, in this case , the patr o na g e prob a b l y insp i r es the crea ti o n of the lege n d . 74. Dor sa 188 4 : 31; Fina mo r e 189 0 : 80f; R. L o m b a r d i S a t r i a n i 1 9 6 9 : 2 1 ; Pi t r è 1 8 8 1 : 456 f. Acc o r d i ng to a repo r t fro m Grima l d i (Ca l a b ri a ), some wome n col l e c te d wa- te r from the well at midni g ht, beli e v i ng that it had the capa c i ty to cure infi r mi ti e s (Do r sa 188 4 : 31). In Sic i l y , it was sai d tha t an ‘encha nte d fai r ’ , hel d by the dwa r fish mercanti being s, too k plac e on Chri s tma s nig ht. T he one who was for- tuna te eno ug h to happe n to come upo n this fai r coul d, acco r di ng to nu me r o us loca l lege nd s , fo r a small coin buy preci o u s jew els, dome sti c ani mals or fruits , whi c h wer e late r fou nd to con si s t of sol i d gol d (Pi tr è 188 1 : 457 ; Id. 188 9 , vol . 4: 192, 374ff ) . 75. For some exa mp l e s, see : Fina mo r e 189 0 : 71-4 ; Pri o r i 196 4 : 39f. 76. Fina mo r e 189 0 : 86. 77. Fina mo r e 189 0 : 85. 78. Fina mo r e 189 0 : 189 f. 79. Fina mo r e 189 0 : 83f; Tosc hi 196 3 : 237 -4 0 . 80. De Gia c o mo 1899 : 57; Dor sa 188 4 : 31, 35; R. Lo mb a r di Satr i a ni 196 9 : 21f. 81. De Nino 1881 : 24; Fina mo r e 1890 : 90f; L. Lomb a r d i Satr i a ni & Meli g r a na 1982 : 232 f. 82. Cor r a i n 196 2 : 119. 83. Leg u me s, as wel l as certa i n spe c i e s of whea t, cou l d also be sown in the spri n g (duri ng Febru a r y and March) , but this was le ss commo n in tradi ti o na l agric u l - tur e . 84. This custo m is menti o ne d by, a mong othe r s: Basi l e 1957 : 202; Brög g e r 1972 : 226; Caste l l i 1878 : 53f; Corr a i n 1962 : 108; Dors a 1884 : 86; Pitr è 1889 , vol. 2 : 73f. 85. Cor r a i n 196 2 : 108; Dor sa 188 4 : 86; Pitr è 188 9 , vol . 2: 72ff. 86. Pitr è 191 3 a : 208 . 87. See, for insta nc e : Lance l l o tti 1951 , vol. 2: 207f; Mall i ng e r 1971 , ch. 1. 88. Fol l o w e r s of the Gre e k phi l o so p h e r Pyt ha g o r a s (c a . 570 -4 9 7 B . C .), at fir st for min g smal l and close d commu ni ti e s , but con sti t uti ng in the fir s t cen tur i e s A . D . an infl u e n ti a l phil o s o p hi c a l and reli g i o u s move me nt i n the Ro ma n Empi r e . 89. On the Pytha g o r e a n vie w of beans, see : Deti e n ne 1994 , ch. 2; Mal li ng e r 1971 , ch. 1. 90. Fro m the Sacred Speeches of the Pytha g o r e a ns, cite d in Deti e n ne 199 4 : 50. 276 Notes to Chapter 10 91. Cite d fro m Deti e nne 199 4 : 51. 92. Cf. Pro p p 197 8 : 47f. 93. Cf. Pri o r i 196 4 : 498 94. An eth no g r a p hi c acco unt fro m B a s i l i c a t a s t a t e s t h a t t h e c h i c k - p e a w a s consi d- e r e d to be ‘cur sed ’ (Cer v e l l i no 1962 a : 15). This may indi c a te tha t it was attr i b u te d omino u s sig ni f i c a nc e s co nne c ti ng with death. 95. Aug us ti ne use d the wal nu t as an im ag e for the hu ma n bein g : its fles h cor- r e s p o nd s to the skin, the shel l to the skel e to n and the seed to the so ul . 96. Fina mo r e 189 4 : 221 ; R. Lomb a r di Satr i a ni 196 9 : 29; Pitr è 188 9 , vol. 3: 280 ; Pri o r i 196 4 : 396 f. 97. See , for insta n c e : Bo no mo 195 9 : 456 -6 2 ; D’Ama to 193 3 : 157 ; De Gia c o mo 189 9 : 208 ; Pitr è 188 9 , vol . 3: 280 f, vol . 4: 111 ff. 98. Pitr è 1889 , vol. 3: 295f. In one parti c u l a r vill a g e , a caro b tree was thou g h t to be hau n te d by spi r i ts o f the dea d (Go w e r Cha p ma n 197 3 : 197 ). A se t of bel i e fs and pra c ti c e s, doc u m e nte d alr e a dy in anti qui ty and o f inte r e st i n the conte x t of the symb o l i s m of seeds , is the use of beans as orac l e s. Two reaso ns can be prop o se d for this use. Fir s t, the s eed carr i e s the p o t e n t i a l f o r a pl a n t to ge r m i n a t e a n d grow ; in a myste r i o u s way, it thus conta i ns the fu tur e . Seco n d, a t lea st in a nti q- u i ty , when bean s were inti ma te l y and expl i c i tl y link e d with the dead , we may assu me tha t bea n ora c l e s wer e a mea ns to acce s s the othe r w o r l d l y know l e d g e of the dead . In trad i ti o na l Sout he r n Ital y , beans were commo nl y used in proc e d u r e s for revea l i ng the futur e . The most wide spr e a d use of bea ns as ora c l e s was inte n d e d to unve i l to a girl the cha r a c te r of her futur e hu sb a nd . In Abru z z o , for insta nc e , a girl coul d plac e thre e broa d beans unde r her pill o w on the Eve of Epip ha n y , one unshe l l e d , one ha lf - s he l l e d and o ne enti r e l y shel l e d . Whe n she woke in the morni ng , she reac he d unde r the pill o w and by chan c e seiz e d one of the beans . If she happ e ne d to pick the unshe l l e d bean, her futu r e husb a nd wo ul d be rich, if she picke d the shell e d one, he would be poor. Shoul d she pick the half- s he l l e d one, then he woul d be ne ithe r rich nor po or (Fina mo r e 1890 : 91, nume r - o us ver si o ns of this pro c e dur e hav e bee n doc ume n te d, see : Ama l fi 189 2 : 24; Caste l l i 187 8 : 80; G. Cire l l i 196 8 : 87; Lori a 190 7 : 43; Nobi l io 196 2 : 50; Pitr è 188 9 , vol . 2: 5f) . 99. Cf. Toschi 196 3 : 217 f. 100. Bell 1979 , ch. 4; Padu l a 1967 : 77. 101 . La Sor sa 195 0 : 134 . 102. Cf. Elia d e 1976 : 363- 6 , and also Prop p ’ s (197 8 : 59) inte r p r e t a t i o n of gifts o f food consi s ti ng of see ds a nd egg s to the dead in Russ i a . 103. Eliad e (1976 : 204ff ) argue s tha t offerings of water to the dead, which are qui te commo n in Indo -Eur o p e a n soc i e t i e s , conne c t to noti o ns of diss o l u ti o n, ger mi na - ti o n and rebi r th. If thi s is true , then the offe r i n g of wate r has a doub l e sig ni f i - c a nce : to quenc h the imag i ne d thi r s t of the dece a s e d suff e r i ng fro m the ‘dry ne s s ’ of deat h, whil e at the sa me ti me movi n g the m towa r d s a rege ne r a ti v e state beyo nd dea t h. 104. Cre ma z i o ne , in Enc i c l o p e di a Cat t o l i c a (vo l . IV, p. 838 ). 105 . ‘Li g h t lie the eart h upo n the e . ’ 106 . Toy nb e e 197 1 : 37. 107 . Oni a ns 195 1 : 267 ; Toy nb e e 197 1 : 49. 108 . Cf. Oni a n s 195 1 : 267 . 109. Cava l c a nti 1984 : 126; Ciam b e l l i 1980 : 51; Rossi 1977 : 59f. 110 . Blo c h 198 9 ; De Cop p e t 198 1 ; Hunt i ng to n & Metca l f 197 9 : 89-9 2 . Notes to Chapter 10 277 111. The r e was a prohi b i ti o n in the are a of Gar g a no (Pugl i a ) not onl y to eat mea t but also to eat leg um e s in the house whe r e a corp se was pre se n t (Co r r a i n 1962 : 115 ). From the mate r i a l rela te d in Cha pte r 4 on food prohi b i ti o ns afte r a death, it was clea r that meat was identi f i e d with the fles h of the dece a s e d , a nd the reas o n for also prohi b i ti ng the co ns u m p ti o n of legu me s o ug ht to be a si mi l a r identi f i c a ti o n. Imme d i a te l y afte r death, a nd with the corp s e pre se nt in the home , the legu me s asso c i a te to the dea d in a sta te o f putr e fa c ti o n rathe r tha n reg e ne r a ti o n, and are hence not goo d for eati ng. 112 . See , for ins ta nc e , Bro nz i ni 196 4 : 52; Den to ni - Li t ta 198 2 : 27; Pitr è 1889 vol . 2: 162 . 113 . Cf. Bel l 197 9 : 44f. Kenna (19 7 6 , 199 1 ) an d du Boul a y & Will i a ms 1987 descr i b e simi l a r nami n g syste m s in Gree c e . On the isla n d stud i e d by Kenna , gran d c hi l - d r e n are said to ‘resu r r e c t’ the name s of thei r grand p a r e nt s and to ‘ensu r e thei r phy si c a l co nti nui ty afte r dea th’ (1 9 7 6 : 24). 114 . Bro nz i ni 196 4 : 53; La Sor sa 193 0 : 50. 115 . Pri o r i 1964 : 190 . 116 . Bro nz i ni 196 4 : 57. 117. Bronz i ni 1964 : 75; G. Cire l l i 1968 : 83; Cor r a i n 196 2 : 114 ; Dento ni -L i t ta 198 2 : 29; Fina mo r e 189 4 : 73; Pitr è 188 9 , vol . 2: 158 . 118. A Sici l i a n beli e f was that the pers o n who help e d a preg na nt woma n to pick up an obje ct she had d r o p p e d o n t h e g r o u n d s o t h a t s h e d i d n o t h a v e to b e n d down for it her se l f sav e d a soul fro m Pur g a to r y (Pi tr è 1 88 9 , vol . 2: 129 ). Since the hel p exte nde d to the woma n impl i e s that she is safe g u a r d e d from the r isk of abor ti o n cause d by bendi ng down i n w h a t t y p i c a l l y o u g h t t o h a v e b e e n a n a d v a n c e d stag e of preg na ncy , it mean s ai di ng i n the comi ng into exis te nc e of a heal thy chil d . T his in turn impl i e s tha t the chil d inhe r i ts life pote n ti a l from a dece a s e d perso n, who ther e f o r e become s ‘fi na l l y dead ’ and is relea s e d from Purga to r y . 119 . L. Lomb a r di Satr i a ni (ed. ) 197 1 : 373 . 120 . Thi s cer e mo ny is quite si mi l a r to a Gree k pra c ti c e descr i b e d by Marg a r e t Kenna (19 9 1 : 106 ). Mour ne r s wis h chi l d r e n to eat the koliva (see foo t no t e 69) tha t has bee n pre p a r e d afte r a dea th , and the rati o n a l e for this is that the chi l d r e n’ s pray - e r s for the soul of the dece a s e d are a n s w e r e d i m m e d i a t e l y b y th e a n g e l s , w h o will help it asc e nd, from its positi o n of being susp e nd e d betw e e n Hell and Hea ve n, towa r d s the latte r loca ti o n. 121 . See note 63, Ch. 3. 122 . For fur the r obse r v a ti o ns on the asso c i a ti o n betw e e n chi l dr e n and dea th, see L. Lomb a r d i Satr i a ni & Meli g r a na 1982 : 107-11 6 . 123 . Cf. Bel l 197 9 : 66 (co nc e r ni ng the Ita l i a n fami l y ) and N. Dav i s 197 7 (co nc e r ni ng the Frenc h fami l y i n Earl y Mode r n ti me s ) . 12 4 . Docume nte d fro m Ab r u z z o : F i n a m o r e 18 9 4 : 23 7 a n d P r o f e t a 1 9 6 4 : 2 1 f f ; Basi l i - ca ta : P a s q u a r e l l i 1 8 9 7 : 5 4 ; C a l a b r i a : A d r i a n o 1 9 3 2 : 1 3 2 f f , D o r s a 1 8 8 4 : 1 4 5 , Mini c uc i 198 1 : 121 ; Campa ni a : Di Maur o 1982 : 161 ff and Den to ni - Li tta 198 2 : 28; Mol i se : Riv e r a 198 8 : 210 ; and Sic i l y : Pi tr è 188 9 , vol . 3: 357 . 125 . It suffi c e s to reca l l the our o b o r o ima g e — the sna ke eati ng its own tai l in a neve r endi ng cycl e of si mul ta ne o u s dyi n g and re-c r e a ti o n. 126. Repo r ts from Sici l y , Cala b r ia and Basi l i c a ta (Adr i a no 1932 : 129ff; Anga r a no 1973 : 140; Basi l e 1958 : 96f; Bronz i ni 1953 : 243; Caste l l i 1 878 : 9; De Giac o mo 1899 : 206; Dorsa 1884 : 27f; R. Lomb a r d i Satr i a ni 1969 : 60f; Pasqu a r e l l i 1894 : 637). This ambig u i ty was ofte n proje c te d upon a di sti n c ti o n betwe e n ‘w hite ’ and ‘blac k ’ snak e s . Othe r mani f e s ta ti o ns of the conne c ti o n be twe e n snak e s a nd the rege ne r a - ti o n of life from death are the foll o w i ng . Snak e s were thou g h t to be very diff i c u l t 278 Notes to Chapter 11 to kill and, if kill e d , to have the powe r to re-a ni ma te (Adr i a no 1932 : 130; Pitr è 188 9 , vol . 3: 358 ) and the y we r e use d as heal i ng reme di e s i n folk medi c i ne (Adr i a no 1932 : 135 -9 ; Coc c hi a r a 193 8 : 91; Dor sa 188 4 : 141 ; R. Lomb a r di Satr i a ni 1969 : 46). Snak e s were spec ta c u l a r l y displ a y e d in some cele b r a ti o ns of loca l cults of saint s , suc h as that of San Dome ni c o in Coc ul l o and Vill a l ag o in Abru z z o , whe r e sna k e s wer e hun g on the sai nt ’ s st a tu e (F . Cire l l i [ed. ] 18 53 , vol. 4: 130; Gia nc r i sto fa r o 197 8 : 68-76 ; Riv e r a 1988 : 232 -9 , for othe r exa mp l e s of suc h fea s ts , see Gia nc r i sto fa r o 197 8 : 70; Riv e ra 198 8 : 239 ff; Pit r è 189 9 : 349 -6 1 ). The rea so n for this conne c ti o n b etwe e n snak e and saint i s pres u ma b l y that the snak e , just as the sai nt, emb o di e s noti o n s of rege n e r a ti o n an d abun d a nt vita l i ty . In folk ta l e s it was told how tran s f o r ma ti o ns from snak e to hu ma n being coul d take plac e when a snak e she ds i ts skin and that snak e s were in poss e s s i o n o f the erba di salute (‘t he gras s of heal th’ ), havi ng the pow e r to cure ever y illne s s and resu r r e c t the dead (se e Cal v i no 197 1 , tal e s 144 and 1 79 ; De Nino 188 3, tal e 44). 127 . A simi l a r conste l l a ti o n of noti o ns is found in a folk tal e rec or de d in Abr uz z o . It narr a te s that a littl e girl is devo u r e d by an evil man, a habi tua l eate r of smal l gir l s, who at nig ht e nte r s into he r bed-c ha mb e r thr o u g h the key h o l e of the doo r . In the morni ng , her mothe r fin d s wha t is left of her among the beds he e ts , a few smal l bone s and, cryi ng, she thro w s the bone s out the wind o w . T he bone s fall to the eart h belo w , whic h happ e n s to be the gard e n of the King , a nd from the m grow s an orang e tree . The tree bear s frui t, and one day the son of the King pick s one of thes e . When he peel s the orang e , the littl e girl emer g e s fr om withi n the frui t, e ve n mor e bea uti ful and cha r mi ng tha n be fo r e , and the Pri nc e dec i de s to marr y her (De N ino 188 1 : 42f). In this tal e , the evi l man, who , lik e a witc h, e nte r s the room thro u g h the key ho l e , repr e s e nt s a wicke d form of indiv i d u a l prese r v a - ti o n: he eat s you ng gir l s. This be ha vi o ur contr a st s with wha t coul d othe r w i se be expe cte d to take pla ce betwe e n a man and a gir l in her bedcha mb e r at night: sex - u a l inte r c o u r s e , whic h impl i c a t e s hu ma n pro cr e a ti o n thr o ug h mar r i a g e . The wic k e d act of ant hr o p o p ha g y is counte r a c te d by a mode of reg e ne r a ti o n tha t als o deni e s hu ma n se xu a l i ty . The girl ’ s bone s germi na te as tho ug h the y were seed s , and from the m grow s a tree that bear s deli c a te frui t — it may be note d that thi s part of the tale expr e s s e s the prev i o u s l y disc u s s e d asso c i a ti o n betwe e n huma n bone s and see d s . From one of these , the girl is ‘rebo r n’ . Whe n thus wic ke d anthr o p o p ha g y has bee n cou n t e r b a la nc e d by natur a l reg e ne r ati o n, ordi na r y hu ma n pro cr e a ti o n can be com me nce d: the Prince mar r i e s the gir l . 128 . Cf. Boho l m 199 2 . 129 . It may be note d tha t a deni a l of huma n pro c r e a ti on thr o ugh sex ua l i ty inspi r e d a n imag e r y deri v e d from the natu r a l and vege ta l doma i n in anothe r conte x t . Whe n a child aske d an a dult wher e babi e s came from, the answe r , inte nde d to prese r v e the inno c e nce of the chil d , coul d be that ba b i e s wer e fou nd at the bank of a rive r , in a bush or a thi ck e t, unde r a tre e or a grap e pla nt, in a bunc h of gra p e s, insi de a pump ki n, a cu cu mb e r or a caul i fl o w e r , or tha t the y wer e bor n ou t of a sta n d of par sl e y (Ama l fi 189 0 : 7; Coc c hi a r a 198 0 : 13f; Cont e 191 0 : 45; Finamo r e 1894 : 56; Pitr è 188 9 , vol . 2: 141). For sur v e y s on this ima g e r y in Euro p e , see Nyb e r g 193 1 : 25-7 9 ; Till ha g e n 1983 : 264-7 . Chapter 11 1 . Cf. du Boul a y & Will i a ms 1987 . REFERENCES Abbrevia tions: ASTP: Archivio per lo studio delle tradizioni popolari RTPI: Rivista delle tradizioni popolari italiane Ackerknecht, Erwi n, 1982 . A Short History of Medicine. Balti m o r e and London: The Johns Hopkins University Press. Acocell a , V., 1936. Tradizioni popolari di Calitri. Napoli : P. Federi co & G. Ardi a. Acqu a vi va , Giova n n i, 198 1. La Settima Santa a Taranto . Fasano di Pugl ia: Schena editore. Adria no, Alessa ndro, 1932. Carmi, tradizioni, pregiudizi nella medicina popolare calabrese. Cosenza : Tipografia Commerciale. Agosti n o, Vince n z o , 189 1. Usi e costumi di Serra S. Bruno IV. La Calabria 3 : 82. Alberoni , Francesco, 196 1. Saggi o cri ti co sull e differenz e soci o- cultu- r a li fra due regio n i ‘meri di o n al i ’ . Rivista Internazionale di Scienze Sociali 6 9 : 69-8 0. Alfano, Giovanni & Amit rano, Antonio, 1950. Il miracolo di S. Gennaro. Documentazione storica e scientifica. Napoli : Arti graf ich e Vince nz o Scarpa t i . Allegri , Renzo, 1986 . Padre Pio. L’Uomo della speranza. Milano: Monda- dori. Altamu r a , Antonio & Giulia ni , Vincenz o , 1966. Proverbi napoletani. Napol i : Fausto Fiorenti no. Altom a r e, M., 1894 . Usi funeb r i nell e Pugli e. Due bambi n i morti . RTPI 1 : 947-9 Amalf i, Gaeta n o , 1890 . Tradizioni ed usi nella penisola sorrentina (Curio s i tà popol a ri tradizion a li , vol. 8, ed. G. Pitrè . ) Paler m o: Carlo Cla u sen.  1892 . La culla, il talam o e la tomba nel napol e ta no. Pompe i : G. M. Priore. Amel ung, Wal ther, 1907 . Di alcune scul ture anti che e di un rito del culto delle divin tà sotter rane e . Dissertazioni della Pontificia Accade- mia Romana di Archeologia, series 2, vol. 9 : 115-3 5. Andrén, Arvid (ed. ), 1970. Italiensk mosaik. S tock hol m: P. A. Norsted t & Söner. Angara no, Fra ncesco, 197 3. Vita tradizionale dei contadini e pastori calabresi. Firenze: Leo S. Olschki. 280 References A ppel , Willa , 1976. The Myth of the Jett a tu ra . In The Evil Eye (ed.) C. Maloney . New York: Columbi a Universi ty Pres s.  1977. Idioms of Power in Southern Italy. Dialectical Anthropology 2 : 74-8 0. Appel l, Laura , 1988 . Menstrua ti on among the Rungus of Borneo: An Unmarked Category. In Blood Magic. The Anthropology of Menstrua- tion (eds) T. Buckle y & A. Gottli e b . Berke l e y: Unive rs i ty of Cali - fornia Press. Ariès , Phili pp e , 196 2. Centuries of Childhood. A Social History of Family Life. New York: Vintage Books.  1983 . The Hour of Our Death. Harmondsworth: Penguin. Arla cchi, Pino, 198 3. Mafia, Peasants, and Great Estates. Society in Tradi- tional Calabria. Cambri dge: Cambridge University Press. Armstrong, Edwa rd, 197 3. Saint Francis: Nature Mystic. The Derivation and Significance of the Nature Stories in the Franciscan Legend. Ber- ke l e y: Unive rs i ty of Cali f o rni a Press . Banfi el d , Edwar d , 1958. The Moral Basis of a Backward Society. Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press. Barba g li , Marz i o, 198 4. Sotto lo stesso tetto. Mutamenti della famiglia in Italia dal XV al XX secolo . Bolog na : Il Mulin o .  1991. Three Househol d Formatio n Systems in Eighteenth- and Nineteenth-Century Italy. In The Family in Italy from Antiquity to the Present (eds) D. Kerz er & R. Saller. New Haven and London: Yale Univers ity Press . Barl e y , Nigel , 1983. Symbolic Structures. An Exploration of the Culture of the Dowayos. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Barnes , J. A., 1973. Genetrix : Geni tor :: Nature : Culture . In The Char- acter of Kinship (ed.) J. Goody. London & New York: Cambridge University Press. Barth, Fredrik, 196 6. Models of Social Organization (Occasional Paper No. 23.) Roya l Anthr o p o log i ca l Insti tute of Grea t Brita i n and Ire- l a n d. Basile, Antonino, 1956. Apparizioni prodigiose e istituzioni di santuari nelle tradizioni popolari calabresi. Folklore della Calabria 1 : 9-21.  1957. Il folkl or e . In Capire la Calabria (eds) L. Sinis ga lli & V. Frecci a . Milano: Editori Distributori Associati.  1958 . Animi sm o in Cala b r ia . Folklore della Calabria 3 : 87-105 .  1959 . Dello svelle rs i i capelli nel compian to funebr e in Calabria. Folklore della Calabria 4 : 45-6 4. Bell, Rudolph , 1979. Fate and Honor, Family and Village. Demographic and Cultural Change in Rural Italy since 1800. Chicago: The Univer- s i t y of Chicago Press. References 281 Bel liz zi , F., 189 4. Credenz e e superstiz i oni pugliesi. RTPI 1 : 458 -9 . Bellu c c i, Giuse p p e , 190 9. Sul bisog n o di disse ta r si attri b u i to all’a nima dei morti. Archivio per l’Antropologia e la Etnologia 39 : 213-2 9.  1910 . La Pla centa nell e tradi z ioni italiane e nell’etnografia. Archivio per l’Antropologia e la Etnologia, vol. 4 0 : 316-5 2. Bel lucci, M. & La Sala ndra , 193 7. Massi me e costumi di Manf redoni a. Archivio per la raccolta e lo studio delle tradizioni popolari italiane 1 2 : 57-6 2. Beni gno, Francesco, 198 9. The Southern Ita l ia n Fami l y in the Earl y Modern Period: A Discussi o n of Co-R esi dential Patterns. Continu- ity and Change 4 : 165 -94 . Berko w i tz , Susa n , 1984 . Famil i s m, Kinsh i p and Sex Roles in South e r n Italy: Contrad i c to r y Ideals and Real Contra d i c ti o ns . Anthropologi- cal Quarterly 5 7 : 83-9 2. Berry , Veronic a , 1968 . Neapo l i ta n Charm s Agai n s t the Evil Eye. Folk- Lore 7 9 : 250 -56 . Bloch, Maurice, 1971 . Placing the Dead. Tombs, Ancestral Villages, and Kinship Organization in Madagascar. London and New York: Semi- nar Press.  1982 . Death, Women and Power. In Death and the Regeneration of Life (eds) M. Bloch & J. Parry . Cambridg e: Cambri dge University Press.  1989 . Almost Eati ng the Dea d. In Ritual, History and Power: Selected Papers in Anthropology . London: The Athlone Press.  1992 . Prey Into Hunter: The Politics of Religious Experience. Cam- brid g e : Cambrid g e Universi ty Pres s. Bloch, Maurice & Guggenhei m, S., 1981. Compa drazgo, Bapti s m and the Symboli sm of a Second Birth. Man 1 6 : 376- 86 . Bloch, Maurice & Parry, Jona tha n, 1982 . Introducti on: Dea th and the Regeneration of Life. In Death and the Regeneration of Life (eds) M. Bloch & J. Parry . Cambridge: Cambri dge University Press. Blok, Anton, 1969. South Italian Agro-Tow n s . Comparative Studies in Society and History 11 : 121 -13 5.  1974 . The Mafia of a Sicilian Village: A Study of Violent Peasant Entre- preneurs . Oxford: Basil Blackwell.  1981 . Rams and Bill y- Goa ts : A Key to the Medi terranea n Code of Honour. Man 16 : 427-4 0. Blum, Richa rd & Blum, Eva , 1965 . Health and Healing in Rural Greece: A Study of Three Communities . Stanf o rd: Stanf o rd Univers i t y Press . Bohol m, Åsa, 1987. The Symbo l i s m of Lights and Candl e s. In Symbolic Textures: Studies in Cultural Meaning (ed.) G. Aijmer. Gothenb u r g : Acta Universita ti s Gothoburgensi s . 282 References  1990 . The Doge of Venice. The Symbolism of State Power in the Renais- sance. Göteborg: IASSA.  1992 . The Feast as a Conflux of Cycles. In A Conciliation of Powers. The Force of Religion in Society (ed.) G. Aijmer . Göteborg: IASSA.  1993 . Venetian Worlds: Nobility and the Cultural Construction of Society. Göteborg: IASSA. Boissev ai n , Jerem y , 1966 . Patro n a ge in Sicil y. Man 1 : 18-33 .  1975 . Introducti on: Towa rds a Socia l Anthropol ogy of Europe. In Beyond the Community: Social Process in Europe (eds) J. Boissev ai n & J. Frie dl . T he Hague: Depa rtm e n t of Educati o n al Science of the Netherlands.  1977 . When the Saints Go Marchi ng Out: Refl ections on the Decline of Patrona g e in Malta. In Patrons and Clients in Mediterra- nean Societies (eds) E. Gell ner & J. Waterbu r y . London: Duckworth. Bonomo, Gius eppe, 1959. Caccia alle streghe. La credenza nelle streghe dal sec. XIII al XIX con particolare riferimento all’Italia . Palermo : Palumbo.  1978 . Scongiuri del popolo siciliano . Palermo: Palumbo. Borre ll i, Nicol a, 1936 . Scong i u ri in Terra di Lavor o. Archivio per la raccolta e lo studio delle tradizioni popolari italiane XI : 44-5 2. Borrell o, L., 1899 . I dici pli na nti in Nocera Tiri nes e. ASTP 18 : 37. Bossy, John, 1983 . The Mass as a Socia l Insti tuti on 120 0-1 700 . Past and Present 1 00 : 29-61 . Bra cci li , Luigi, 197 3. Folk Abruzzo. Pesca ra : Arte della stampa . Bra ndes, Stanl ey, 198 1a . Gender Di stinc ti o n s in Monter o s Mortua ry Ritua l. Ethnology 20 : 177 -190 .  1981 b. Like Wounde d Stags . Male Sexu al Ideol og y in an Andalu- sian Town. In Sexual Meanings. The Cultural Construction of Gender and Sexuality (eds) S. Ortner & H. Whitehea d . Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Breli ch, Angel o, 1953- 54 . Un culto prei stori co vivente nell ’Ita li a centr a l e. Studi e materiali di storia delle religioni 24-25 : 36-59 . Briffa ul t , Robert , 1927. The Mothers. A Study of the Origins of Sentiments and Institutions (3 vols.) . London: George Allen & Unwin. Bronzi ni , Giova nni Batti sta , 1951 . Malatti e dei bambi ni e metodi di cura. Lares 1 7 , No. i-iv: 45-51 .  1953 . Tradizioni popolari in Lucania. Ciclo della ‘vita umana’. Matera: Montemurro.  1964 . Vita tradizionale in Basilicata. Matera : Montermurro.  1979 . Accetura — Il contadino — L’albero — Il santo. Gala ti na: Congedo.  1982 . Cultura contadina e idea meridionalistica. Bari : Deda l o. References 283 Browe, Peter, 193 8. Die Eucharistischen Wunder des Mittelalters. Breslau: Müller & Seiffert. Brögger, Jan, 1968 . The Evil Eye in a Cala brese Vill age. Folk 10 : 13-2 4.  1971 . Montevarese. A Study of Peasant Society and Culture in Southern Italy. Oslo: Univer si tets f o rl a ge t.  1972 . Jomf ru Mari a og surdei gen. Norveg: Folkelivsgranskning 15 : 221- 227 . Butera , 1907. La Strina , ossi a festa di rega li in Vica ri. ASTP 23 : 126 -7 . Butti tta , Antoni no, 1978 . Pasqua in Sicilia . Paler mo : Grafi n d ustr i a edi toria le. Bynum , Carol i n e Walker, 1987 . Holy Feast and Holy Fast: The Religious Significance of Food to Medieval Women. Berkel ey: Universi t y of Calif orni a Press. Cal vi no, Ital o, 197 1. Fiabe italiane. Torino: Eina udi. Campbel l, J. K., 1964. Honour, Family and Patronage. A Study of Institu- tions and Moral Values in a Greek Mountain Community. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Camporesi, Piero, 198 8a . The Incorruptible Flesh. Bodily Mutation and Mortification in Religion and Folklore. Cambridge: Cambridge Uni- versity Press.  1988 b. Il sugo della vita. Simbolismo e magia del sangue. Mila no: Mondador i.  1993 . The Magical Harvest: Food, Folklore and Society. Cambridge: Polit y Press . Cara cci ol o di Fori no, Enrichetta , 186 5. Neapolitanska klosterlifvets mys- terier . Stockhol m : P. G. Berg. Caro Baroja , Jul io, 196 4. The World of the Witches. London: Weidenf el d and Nicols o n.  1990 . Witchc ra f t and Cathol i c Theolo g y. In Early Modern European Witchcraft. Centres and Peripheries (eds) B. Ankarl oo & G. Henningsen . Oxford: Cla rendon Pres s . Carroll , Micha el, 1986 . The Cult of the Virgin Mary: Psychological Ori- gins. Princeton : Prince ton Univer si ty Press.  1989 . Catholic Cults and Devotions. A Psychological Inquiry. Kingston, Montreal, London: McGi ll-Queen’s University Pres s.  1992 . Madonnas that Maim. Popular Catholicism in Italy since the Fif- teenth Century. Baltimore and London: The Johns Hopkins Univer- s i t y Press . Caste ll i, Raffa e le, 1878. Credenze ed usi popolari siciliane. Palermo: Monaina.  1902 . Modi di dire e consu etu di ni relig i os e del popol o. ASTP 21 : 405- 17 . 284 References Cá tedra, Mari a, 1984 . Death as a Cultural Process. The Vaqueiros de Alzada, Spain. Ann Arbor: Universi ty Microfi l m s Interna ti o na l . Catta bi a ni , Alfredo, 1988 . Calendario. Le feste, i miti, le leggende e i riti dell’anno. Mila no: Rusconi. Caval ca nti, Otta vi o, 1984 . Il materiale, il corporeo, il simbolico. Cultura alimentare ed eros nel sud. Bari: Gange mi . Cervel li no, Enz o, 1962 a. Reliquie viventi del dramma sacro in Lucania. La processione dei misteri a Barile del Vulture. Cava dei Tirreni: E. di Mauro.  1962 b . Lucania tradizionale: Preliminari ad uno studio di antropologia culturale lucana. Cava dei Tirreni: E. di Mauro. Chia ppa ro, Giuseppe, 1958 . Pra tiche superstiz i ose di ascolto in Tropea. Folklore della Calabria 2 : 22-28 . Chri stia n, Wil lia m, 197 2. Person and God in a Spanish Valley. New York: Seminar Press. Cia mbell i, Patri z ia , 1980 . Quelle Figlie Quelle Spose. Il culto delle Anime Purganti a Napoli. Roma : De Luca . Cipri a ni , Rober to , 1979 . Intro d u zi o n e . Cultu ra popol a r e e orienta - m e n ti ideolog i c i. In Sociologia della cultura popolare in Italia (ed.) R. Cipria ni . Napol i : Ligu o ri . Cirell i, Fil i ppo (ed. ) 1853 . Il regno delle due Sicilie descritto ed illustrato. Napoli: Gaetano Nobile . Cirell i, Giova nni, 1968 . La superstizione a Venafro. Campoba s so: Isti tu to edito ri al e del mediter r a n e o. Cirese, Alberto , 1971. Aspetti della ritualità magica e religiosa nel tarantino. Manduria: Lacaita editore. Cocchiara , Giuseppe, 1938. La vita e l’arte del popolo siciliano nel Museo Pitrè. Palermo : F. Ciuni.  1980 . Il paese di cuccagna e altri studi di folklore. Torino: Paolo Boringhi eri. Cohn, Norma n, 1975 . Europe’s Inner Demons. An Enquiry Inspired by the Great Witch-Hunt. London: Sussex University Press. Col cl ough, Nevil l , 197 1. Social Mobil i ty and Soci al Control in a Southern Ital ia n Vill a ge. In Gifts and Poison. The Politics of Reputation (ed.) F. G. Bail ey . Oxford: Blackwell. Coll i n de Planc y , J.-A. -S . 1982 [1821 ]. Dizionario delle reliquie e delle immagini miracolose. Culti e superstizioni nella storia della Chiesa. Roma: Newton Compton. Connerton, Paul , 198 9. How Societies Remember. Cambridge: Cam- bridge University Press. Conte, Maria, 1910 . Tradizioni popolari di Cerignola. Cerignola : Tip. ‘Scienza e diletto’. References 285 Cornel isen, Ann, 197 1. Torregreca. A World in Southern Italy. London: Panther Books. Corra i n, C., & Ritta tore, F. & Zampi ni, P., 1967 . Fonti e grotte latta i e nell’Europa occidentale. Etnoiatria 1 , no. 2. Corra in, Cleto, 1962 . Ricerche etno grafiche nel Gargano — La cultura spiritu al e . Rivista di etnografia 1 6 100-1 26 . Corso, Raff aele , 191 1. Vom Geschlec htl e b e n in Kalabrie n . Anthro- pophyteia 8 : 137 -15 9.  1950. Le tradiz ioni popola ri . Il Ponte 6 , no. 9-1 0: 1004 -1 013 .  1959 . Santi pluvia li in Calabr i a . Folklore della Calabria 4 , no. 1: 1-6. Coss, Richard , 1981. Reflec t i o n s on the Evil Eye. In The Evil Eye. A Folklore Casebook (ed.) A. Dunde s . New York: Garland Publ ishing. Cronin, Consta nce, 1970 . The Sting of Change: Sicilians in Sicily and Australia. Chicago : Univer si ty of Chicago Press. Crump, Thoma s , 1975 . The Context of Europea n Anthropology: The Lesson from Italy. In Beyond the Community: Social Process in Europe (eds) J. Boissev a i n & J. Fried l . The Hagu e: Department of Educa- ti ona l Sci ence of the Netherl a nds. C u t i l e i r o , J o s é , 1 9 7 1 . A Portuguese Rural Society. Oxf o r d : Cl a r e n d o n P r e s s . D’Agosti n o , Gabriel la , 198 8. I dolcier i e i torrona ri. In Le forme del lavoro. Mestieri tradizionali in Sicilia (ed.) A. Butti tta . Pal ermo: S. F. Flaccovio. D’Aloi, Antonino, 1956. Folklore nipi ologico del nicoterese. Folklore della Calabria 1 : 34-54 . D’Amato, Antonio, 1933. Nuovo co ntr ib u to al folkl or e irpin o. Il folk- lore italiano 8 : 141- 67 . Danfor t h , Loring , 1982. The Death Rituals of Rural Greece. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Davis, John, 1969. Honour and Politics in Pisticci. Proceedings of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain for 1969. London: RAI.  1973 . Land and Family in Pisticci. London: The Athl one Press. Davi s, Natal ie, 197 7. Ghosts, Kin, and Progeny: Some Features of Family Life in Earl y Modern France. Daedalus 10 6 , no. 2: 87-1 14. De Bea u voir, Simone, 195 3. The Second Sex . London: Jonatha n Cape. De Bla si o, A., 1897 . Usi e costumi dei camorristi. Napoli : Luigi Pierr o .  1900. Inciarmatori, Maghi e Streghe di Benevento. Napoli: Luigi Pierro.  1903 . I disci p l i na n ti in Guardi a Sanf ram o n d i (Beneve n to) . ASTP 2 2 : 362- 4 De Coppet, Dani el , 198 1. Th e Life-G ivi n g Death. In Mortality and Immortality: The Anthropology and Archaeology of Death (eds) S. C. Humphreys & H. King . London: Academic Press. 286 References De Fabrizio, Angelo, 1907. Saggi di folklore salentino. ASTP 23 : 389-98. De Giacomo, Giovanni, 1899. Il popolo di Calabria, vol. 2. Trani: V. Vecchi. De Marti no, Ernesto, 1958. Morte e pianto rituale nel mondo antico. Dal lamento pagano al pianto di Maria. Tori no: Einaud i.  1987 [195 9] . Sud e magia. Milano: Feltr i n ell i . De Nino, Antonio, 1879. Usi abruzzesi (vol. 1). Firenze: G. Barbèra.  1881 . Usi e costumi abruzzesi (vol. 2) . Firenz e: G. Barbèra.  1883 . Usi e costumi abruzzesi (vol. 3), Fiabe . Firenz e: G. Barbèra.  1886 . Ovidio nella tradizione popolare di Sulmona. Casa l bor di no.  1887 . Usi e costumi abruzzesi (vol. 4), Sacre leggende. Firenz e : G. Barbèra.  1891 . Usi e costumi abruzzesi (vol. 5), Malattie e rimedii. Firenze: G. Barbèra. De Rosa , Gabri el e, 197 8. Chiesa e religione popolare nel mezzogiorno. Bari : Laterz a. De Simone , Roberto , 1977 . Pulcin ell a. In Carnevale si chiamava vincenzo. Rituali di carnevale in Campania (eds) R. de Simon e & A. Rossi . Roma : De Luca .  1978 . Il culto ritu al izz a to dei morti a Napoli . Rondanini 3 , no. 10/11 : 9-10 . De Simone, Roberto & Rossi, Anna bell a, 1977 . Carnevale si chiamava vincenzo. Rituali di carnevale in Campania. Roma: De Luca . Dendy, D. R. 1959. The Use of Lights in Christian Worship (Alcui n Club Collecti o n s , No. 61) . London: Alcuin Club. Dentoni - Li t t a , Fernand o, 1982. Tradizioni popolari salernitane (sputa, gràttate e fà’ corna), vol. 2. Salerno : Tip. Europa. Detien n e , Marcel , 1994. The Garden of Adonis. Spices in Greek Mythol- ogy. Princeton , New Jersey : Prince ton Univer si ty Press. Di Bell a, Mari a Pia, 1992 . Name, Blood and Mira cles: The Clai ms to Renow n in Tradi ti o n al Sicil y. In Honor and Grace in Anthropology (eds) J. G. Peristi a ny & J. Pitt-R i v e rs . Cambri d ge : Cambri d ge University Press. Di Francia , Letter i o , 1935 . Fiabe e novelle calabresi. (Vol . 1-2.) Tori no: G. Chiantore. Di Marti n o , Matti a, 1891 . Note folkl o ric h e prese in Canica ttì (Sici l ia) . ASTP 10 : 558 -6 9. Di Mauro, Angel o, 1982. L’uomo selvatico. Miti, riti e magia in Campania. Baroni s si : Edizioni anarc or d . Di Nola , Alfon s o , 1995. La morte trionfata. Antropologia del lutto. Roma : Newton Compton. Di Tota , Mia, 1981 . Saint Cults and Politi ca l Alignme n ts in South e r n Italy. Dialectical Anthropology 5 : 317-2 9. References 287 D o l c i , Dani l o, 1959 . Röster från Palermo [Inchies ta a Palermo ] . Stock- holm: Tidens bokförlag.  1960 . The Outlaws of Partinico. London: MacGibbon & Kee. Dorsa, Vincenz o, 188 4. La tradizione greco-latina negli usi e nelle credenze popolari della Calabria citeriore. Cosenza: Migliaccio. Dougla s, Mary, 1970 . Introducti on. Thi rty Yea rs after Witchcraft, Oracles and Magic. In Witchcraft. Confessions and Accusations (ed.) M. Douglas. London: Tavistock. Dougla s, Norma n, 1955 . Old Calabria. London: Secker & Warburg . Dougla ss , Willia m , 1975 . Issues in the Study of South Itali a n Socie ty . Current Anthropology 1 6 : 620 -22 .  1980 . The South Italia n Famil y : A Critiqu e . Journal of Family History 5 : 338- 359 .  1992 . Anthropol ogi ca l Methodol ogy in the European Context. In Europe Observed (eds) J. de Pina -Ca b ral & J. Campbe l l . Londo n : MacMi lla n. Du Boulay , Juliet & Will ia m s , Rory, 1987. Amoral Familis m and the Image of Limi ted Good: a Criti qu e from a European Perspec ti ve. Anthropological Quarterly 60 : 12-24 . Dugga n, Chri stopher, 1994 . A Concise History of Italy. Cambridg e: Cambridge University Press. Dundes, Allan, 1981. Wet and Dry, the Evil Eye: An Essay in Indo- Eur o p ea n and Semitic Worldvie w. In The Evil Eye. A Folklore Case- book (ed.) A. Dundes . New York: Garland Publ ishing.  (ed.), 1981. The Evil Eye. A Folklore Casebook. New York: Garland Publ i s h i ng . Eade, John & Sallnow, Michael, 1991. Introduction. In Contesting the Sacred. The Anthropology of Christian Pilgrimage (eds) J. Eade & M. Salln o w. Londo n : Routl edg e . Edlund , Ingrid , 1987. The Gods and the Place. Location and Function of Sanctuaries in the Countryside of Etruria and Magna Graecia (700-400 B. C.) (Skrif ter utgiv n a av svens ka insti tu te t i Rom, 4°, 43). Stock- hol m: Paul Åströms förla g . Elia de, Mircea , 197 6. Trattato di storia delle religioni. Torino: Boringhi eri.  1978 . The Forge and the Crucible. Chicago and London: The Univer- s i t y of Chica go Press . Elworthy, Frederi ck, 1958. The Evil Eye: The Origins and Practices of Superstition. New York: Julia n Press. Enciclopedia Cattolica , 194 8-1 954 . Città del Vati ca no: Ente per l’enci c l o p edia cattol i ca e per il libro cattol i c o . Enciclopedia Italiana, 1929- 39 . Roma : Isti tuto Giova nni Trecca ni. 288 References E t l i n , Richa r d, 1984. The Architecture of Death. The Transformation of the Cemetery in Eighteenth-Century Paris. Cambri dge, Mass a chu setts and London: MIT Press. Evans-Pritchard, Edward E., 1969 [1940]. The Nuer. New York & Oxford: Oxford University Press.  1937 . Witchcraft, Oracles and Magic among the Azande. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Faeta, Francesco, 1979. Melissa. Folklore, lotta di classe e modificazioni culturali in una comunità contadina meridionale. Firenze: La casa Usher. Fal bo, Gustavo, 189 9. Credenz e e superstizioni Cassanesi. La Calabria 1 2 : 3-5 . Farell a , Flavia n o , 1982. Cenni storici della chiesa e delle catacombe dei cappuccini di Palermo. Palermo: Fia mma Sera fi ca. Fasu l o, Manfr e d i , 1906. La penisola sorrentina. Istoria — Usi e costumi — Antichità. Napoli : Prior e . Finamore, Gennaro, 1884. Tradizioni popola ri abruzz e si . Stregh e — Stregh e ri e . ASTP 3 : 219-3 2.  1890 . Credenze usi e costumi abruzzesi. Palermo: Clausen.  1894 . Tradizioni popolari abruzzesi. Torino & Palermo: Clausen. Fincat i , Enrico , 1881. Un anno in Sicilia 1877-78. Ricordi di un bersagliere. Roma : Tipog ra fia Barbè ra . Finuca n e, R. C., 1981. Sacre d Corps e , Profa ne Carri on: Socia l Ideal s and Death Rituals in the Later Middle Ages . In Mirrors of Mortality. Studies in the Social History of Death (ed.) J. Whal ey . London : Europ a Publi ca ti on s . Foster , George M., 1961. The Dyadic Contra c t : A Model for the Social Structure of a Mexican Peasant Village. American Anthropologist 63: 1171 -92 .  1963 . The Dyadic Contrac t in Tzintzu n tz a n, II: Patron - Cl i e n t Rela ti ons h i p s. American Anthropologist 6 5 : 128 0-9 4.  1965 . Peasa n t Socie ty and the Image of a Limi ted Good. American Anthropologist 67 : 293-3 15 .  1967 . Tzintzuntzan: Mexican Peasants in a Changing World. Boston: Little, Brown and Company. Fraz er, James, 1907 -3 6. The Golden Bough. A Study in Magic and Religion (3d. ed.) . London: MacMillan.  1913 -24 . The Belief in Immortality and the Worship of the Dead . London: MacMillan. Freema n, Susa n T., 1973 . Studi e s in Rura l Europea n Socia l Orga n iz a- ti on. American Anthropologist 75 : 743 -50 . Fri edma nn, F. G., 195 3. The worl d of ‘La Miseria ’. Partisan Review 2 0 : 218- 31 . References 289 Fuci ni , Rena to, 197 6. Napoli a occhio nuda. Torino: Einaudi. Gala nti , Bia nca , 196 1. Vita tradizionale dell’Abruzzo e del Molise. Saggi storico-critici (Biblio te c a di Lares , vol. 7). Firenz e: Leo S. Olsch ki . Gala sso, Gui seppe, 198 2. L’altra Europa. Per un’antropologia storica del mezzogiorno d’Italia. Milano: Mondadori. Galt, Anthony , 1982 . The Evil Eye as Synthe ti c Image and Its Meanings on the Island of Pantelleri a, Italy. American Ethnologist 9 : 664- 81 .  1991 a. Magi ca l Misf ortune in Locorotondo. American Ethnologist 1 8 : 735- 750 .  1991 b. Mari ta l Property in an Apulian Town during the Eight- eenth and Early Nineteenth Centuries. In The Family in Italy from Antiquity to the Present (eds) D. Kerzer & R. Saller. New Haven and London: Yale Univers i t y Press.  1991 c. Far From the Church Bells: Settlement and Society in an Apulian Town. Cambri dge: Cambridge University Press. Gargan o , Michel e , 1981. Terlizzi. Le chiese, i conditori e il cimitero di Santa Maria delle Grazie. Molfetta : Mezz ina . Garrison , Vivian & Arensber g , Conrad , 1976. The Evil Eye: Envy or Risk of Seizure? Para noia or Patronal Dependency? In The Evil Eye (ed.) C. Maloney. New York: Columbia Universi ty Press. Gatto Trocchi , Ceci li a, 1983 . Magia e medicina popolare in Italia. Roma : Newton Compton. Gea ry, Patri c, 1978 . ‘Furta Sacra’: Thefts of Relics in the Central Middle Ages . Princ e ton , New Jersey : Princ e ton Unive r si ty Press . Geraci, Placido , 195 7. La medici na del popolo in Cala br ia . Folklore della Calabria 2 : 17-44 . Giancri s t o fa ro, Emilia n o , 1965. Un ra ccolto di dolori nel Santuario di Casa lbordino. Rivista Abruzzese 18 : 115 -31 .  1967 . Il latte di Santa Scol asti ca. Sull a fasci naz i one del latte materno in Abruzzo . Rivista Abruzzese 2 0 : 60-68 .  1970 . Crede nz e popol ar i abruzz e si sulla perdi ta del latte mater no e su altri mali dell ’i n fa nz ia . Lares 36 : 383-9 0.  1971 . Il Mangiafavole. Inchiesta diretta sul folklore abruzzese (Bibli o - t e c a di Lares, vol. 32). Firenz e : Leo S. Olschk i .  1978 . Totemájje — Viaggio nella cultura popolare abruzzese. Lanciano: Rocco Carabba. Giangre g o ri o, Vincenz o , 1937 . Tradizi on i popola ri di Apice. Archivio per la raccolta e lo studio delle tradizioni popolari italiane 1 2 : 3 6 - 4 9 . Gigli , Giuseppe, 1893 . Superstizioni, pregiudizi e tradizioni in Terra d’Otranto. Firenze: Tipograf ia di G. Barbèra. 290 References Gi nz burg, Carl o, 1983 . The Night Battles. Witchcraft & Agrarian Cults in the Sixteenth & Seventeenth Centuries. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Univers i t y Press.  1990 . Ecstasies. Deciphering the Witches’ Sabbath . London: Hutchinson Radius. Giova nni ni , Maureen, 197 8. A Structur a l Analys is of Prove r bs in a Sici li a n Vill age. American Ethnologist 5 : 322 -33 .  1984. Woma n: A Dominant Symbol within the Cultural System of a Sici li a n Town . Man 1 6 : 408-2 6. Gissi ng, George, 1921 . By the Ionian Sea. London: Chapman and Hall. Goody, Jack & Poppi, Cesa re, 1994 . Flowers and Bones: Approa ches to the Dead in Anglo- A me r i ca n and Itali a n Cemeter i e s. Compara- tive Studies in Society and History 36 : 146 -17 5. Gowe r Chapma n , Charl o tte, 1973 . Milocca. A Sicilian Village. London: Allen & Unwi n. Grazi a no, Vito, 1935. Canti e leggende. Usi e costumi di Ciminna. Palermo: Gustavo Travi. Grégoi re, Régi nal d, 1990 . La foresta come esperi enz a reli gi osa. In L’Ambiente vegetale nell’alto medievo (Settimane di studio del Centro itali a n o di studi sull’a l to medie v o 3 7: 6 63- 703 ) . Spol eto: Centro itali a n o di studi sull ’ al to medie v o . Grisa n ti , Cristof o r o , 1895 . Usi e costu mi sicil ia n i in Isnell o . ASTP 1 4 : 76-8 3, 436 -44 .  1896 . Usi e costu m i sici li a ni d’Isn el l o . ASTP 1 5 : 474- 84 .  1898 . Crede nz e , pregi u dizi , supers tiz i oni in Isnel lo . ASTP 1 7 : 313- 3 24 . Gua s tel la , Sera fi no, 1976 [1884 ]. Le parità e le storie morali dei nostri villani. Mila no: Rizzol i. Gudeman, Stephen, 1972. The Comp ad r az g o as a reflec ti o n of the Natu ral and Spiri tu al Perso n . Proceedings of the Royal Anthropologi- cal Institute of Great Britain and Ireland for 1971. London: R.A.I. Guggin o, Elsa , 1978. Magia in Sicilia. Paler m o : Sell e r i o. Hal l , Thomas, 197 1. Life, Dea th and the Radi ca l Moi s tu re: A Study of Thema ti c Patter n in Medi eva l Medi c al Theor y . Clio Medica 6 : 3-23 . Hal l pike, C. R., 196 9. Socia l Hai r. Man 4 : 256-6 4. Hamilt o n , Mary, 1906. Incubation, or the Cure of Disease in Pagan Temples and Christian Churches. St. Andrews: W. C. Henderson & Son; London: Simpki n, Mars hall, Hamilton, Kent & Co. Hartla n d, E. S., 1910 . The Cult of Execu te d Crimi na ls at Palermo . Folk-Lore 21 : 168-7 9. Henningsen, Gustav, 1990. ‘The La dies from Outside’: An Archaic Pattern of the Witches’ Sabba th. In Early Modern European References 291 Witchcraft. Centres and Peripheries (eds) B. Ankarl oo & G. Henningsen . Oxford: Cla rendon Pres s . Hertz , Robert, 1960 [190 7, 1909] . Death and the Right Hand. London: Cohen & West. Hobsba wm, Eric, 1965 . Primitive Rebels. Studies in Archaic Forms of Social Movement in the 19th and 20th Centuries. New York: W. W. Norton. Hunti n g to n , Richa r d & Metca lf , Peter, 1979 . Celebrations of Death. The Anthropology of Mortuary Ritual. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Jacq ua r t, Dani e ll e & Thoma s set, Claude, 1988 . Sexuality and Medicine in the Middle Ages. Cambridge: Polity Press. James, E. O., 1933. Christian Myth and Ritual. London: John Murray.  1959 . The Cult of the Mother Goddess: An Archaeological and Docu- mentary Study. London: Tha mes and Huds on. Jones, Cha rles, 197 8. Saint Nicholas of Myra, Bari, and Manhattan. Biography of a Legend. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. Jurl aro, Rosari o, 1983 . La festa cresta. Dalle Palme al Sabato Santo con la gente del Sud. Ravenna: Longo Editore. Kemp, P., 1935. Healing Ritual: Studies in the Technique and Tradition of the Southern Slavs . London : Faber and Faber. Kenna , Marga ret, 1976 . Hous es, Fiel ds, and Gra ves : Property and Ritual Oblig ati o n on a Greek Islan d. Ethnology 15 : 21-3 4.  1991 . The Power of the Dea d: Cha nges in the Constructi on and Care of Gra ves and Fami ly Vaul ts on a Smal l Greek Isla nd. Journal of Mediterranean Studies 1 (1): 101- 119 . Kertz er, David, 198 9. The Joint Fa mily Household Revisited: Demo- graphic Constraints and Househol d Complexity in the European Past. Journal of Family History 1 4 : 1-15 . King, Archda l e, 1965. Eucharistic Reservation in the Western Church . London: A. R. Mowbra y. Klig ma n , Gail , 1988 . The Wedding of the Dead. Ritual, Poetics, and Popular Culture in Transylvania. Berkeley and Los Angeles: Univer- s i t y of Califo rni a Press . Kärf ve, Eva, 1992 . Den stora ondskan i Valais. Den första häxförföljelsen i Europa. Stockholm: Sympos ion. La Sorsa, Saveri o , 1917. Costum i e riti puglie si . Rivista italiana di sociologia 21 : 459- 78 .  1930 . Usi, costumi e feste del popolo pugliese. Milano & Napoli: Società anonim a editri c e Dante Alighi e ri .  1939 . Costumi garga n i ci . Archivio per la raccolta e lo studio delle tradizioni popolari italiane 14 : 25-42 . 292 References  1950 . Calendario agricolo popolare. B a ri : Arte Grafi ca Andr i o la .  1958 . Leggende di Puglia. Bari: Tipog ra fi a levan te . Lancel l otti , Arturo. 1951 . Feste tradizionali. Milan o: Socie tà editr i c e libra r ia . Lang, Bernhard, 1985. No Sex in He aven: The Logic of Procreation, Death, and Eterna l Life in the Judaeo- C h r i s ti a n Traditi o n . In Mélanges bibliques et orientaux en l’honneur de M. Mathias Delcor (eds) A. Caqu ot, S. Léga sse & M. Tardieu (‘Al ter Orient und Altes Testa me n t’, Band 215). Neuk i rs c h e n- Vlu y n : Neukir che n Verl ag — Verlag Butz on & Bercker Kevelaer. Lawren c e, Denise , 1988. Menstr ua l Poli ti c s : Women and Pigs in Rural Portugal. In Blood Magic. The Anthropology of Menstruation (eds) T. Buckle y & A. Gottli e b . Berke l y, Los Angeles , London: Unive r si ty of Califo r ni a Press. Lawson, John, 191 0. Modern Greek Folklore and Ancient Greek Religion. A Study in Survivals. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Le Goff , Jacques, 198 4. The Birth of Purgatory. London: Scolar Press. Lévi -Strauss, Claude, 1966 . The Savage Mind. Chicago : Unive rs i ty of Chica g o Press. Lewy, Heinrich, 1933. Zur Zauberkr aft der Erde. Archiv für Religions- wissenschaft 30 : 207-2 08 . Llobe ra , Joseph, 1986. Fiel d w o r k in South w e s ter n Europe. Anthro- p o l o g i ca l Panac ea or Epistem o l o gi ca l Strai tja c k e t? Critique of Anthropology 6 , No. 2: 25-33 . Lloyd, G. E. R., 1964. The Hot and the Cold, the Dry and the Wet in Greek Philosop h y . Journal of Hellenic Studies 8 4 : 92-1 06. Lomba r d i Satri a n i, Luigi , 1979 . Il silenzio, la memoria e lo sguardo. Palerm o : Selle r i o .  (ed), 197 1. Santi, streghe e diavoli. Il patrimonio delle tradizioni popolari nella società meridionale e in Sardegna. Firenze: Sans oni. Lomb a r d i Satri a ni , Luigi & Meligr a na , Mari a n o, 1982 . Il ponte di San Giacomo. Milano: Riz z ol i. Lomba rdi Satri a ni, Raffa el e, 196 9 [1940 ]. Credenze popolari calabresi. Messi n a: Pelor i ta na . Lombros o , Cesare, 1863. Tre mesi in Cala bria . Rivista contemporanea, anno 11, vol. 3 5 : 399- 435 . Loria , Lamberto, 1907 . Caltagirone. Cenni etnografici. Firenze: Tipogra - f ia gali leil a na. Lumbroso, Gia como, 1884 . Sca raf aggi e candel uz ze. ASTP 3 : 189-9 2. Lumini , Apoll o , 1889 . Le reputa tr i ci in Cala b r ia . La Calabria 2 , no. 9: 67-7 1; no. 11: 82-8 4; (con ti nu e s , still in vol. 2, in) no. 1: 6-7; no. 2: 9- 10; no. 3: 1-3. References 293 Lutz , Vera, 1962 . Italy. A Study in Economic Development. London — New York — Toronto: Oxford University Press. MacCul l o c h, J. A., 1913. Horns . In Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics (ed.) J. Hasti ng s . Edinburgh: T. & T. Clarc. Mal li nger, Jea n, 197 1. Några pytagoreiska hemligheter. Skel de r vi ke n : Förlaget Aletheia. Malon e y , Clare n c e (ed. ), 1976 . The Evil Eye. New York: Columbi a University Press. Mangan el li , Franco, 1975 . Reli gio n e e tradizione nell’agro nolano. La manna di San Felice. Sociologia (nuova serie) 9 : 111- 40 . Mann ha r d t, J. Willh el m, 1904-0 5. Wald- und Feldkulte (2nd ed.) . Berl i n: Borntrager . Maone, Giova n n i Batti s ta, 1979. Tradizioni popolari della Sila. Soveria Mannelli: Rubbettino. Maone, Peric l e & Maone , Giova n n i Batti s ta , 1966. Savelli nella tradizione e nella storia (2 vol s .) . Na pol i: Laure n zi a na . Mari ni el l o, Alfredo, 1982 . Il culto dei defunti a Napoli. Napoli : Rossi . Marza n o , G. B., 1912. Usi e costumi, pregiudizii e superstizioni. Meteoro- logia, terapia e fisionomia. Dialetto e letteratura popolare di Laureana di Borello e di alcuni paesi del suo mandamento. Monteleone di Calabria: Tipografia Giuseppe Raho fu Fra ncesco. Mayer, Anton, 1936 . Erdmutter und Hexe: Eine Untersuchung zur Geschichte des Hexenglaubens und zur Vorgeschichte der Hexenprozesse. München und Freising : Verlag von Dr. F. P Datterer & Cie. Mazze i , Rossa n a, 1988 . Le Madon n e degli itali a ni : i santua ri maria n i d’Italia. In La cultura folklorica (ed.) F. Cardi n i (Stor i a social e e cultu ral e d’Ita li a, vol. 6.) Busto Arsiz i o: Brama n te editr i c e . McDa ni el, Wal ton, 1925 ( ?) . Roman Private Life and Its Survivals . London, Calcutta , Sydney : George G. Harrap. McDonald , J. S., 1956. Italy’s Rura l Soci al Struct u re and Emigrat io n . Occidente 12 : 437- 455 . McKevitt, Christopher, 1991. To Suffer and Never to Die: The Concept of Suffering in the Cult of Padre Pio da Pietrelcina. Journal of Mediterranean Studies 1 : 54-67 . McVa ug h, Michael, 1974 . The ‘Humidum Radi cale ’ in Thirteen th- Century Medicine. Traditio. Studies in Ancient and Medieval History, Thought, and Religion 30 : 259 -83 . Medica , Giaco mo Maria , 1965 . I santuari mariani d’Italia. Colle Don Bosco: LDC. Migl iaccio, Eduardo, 1891. Nel paese dei luciani. Napol i: Frate l l i Contessa. 294 References M i l l e r, Roy & Miller, Maria, 1978. The Golden Chain: A Study of the Structure, Functi on, and Patterni ng of comparatico in a South Ital ia n Villa ge . American Ethnologist 5 : 116 -36 . Minicu c i, Maria , 1981. Le strategie matrimoniali in una comunità calabrese. Soveria Mannelli: Rubbettino. Monta l ba no, G., 1884 . Credenza popolare di Pia na de’Greci in Sici l ia. ASTP 3 : 298 . Moss, Leonard, 1963 . Observa ti ons on the ‘Da y of the Dead’ in Cata nia , Sicily. Journal of American Folklore 76 : 134 -5 . Moss, Leonard & Cappanari, Stephen, 1960. Folklore and Medi cine in an Itali a n Villa g e . Journal of American Folklore 73 : 95-102 .  1962 . Esta te and Class in a South Itali a n Hill Vill ag e . American Anthropologist 64 : 287-3 00 .  1982 . In Quest of the Black Virg in: She Is Black Because She Is Black . In Mother Worship. Theme and Variations (ed.) J. J. Preston . Chapel Hill: Univer si ty of North Carolina Press. Moss, Leonard & Thomson, W., 1 959. The South Ita l ia n Fami l y: Literature and Observation. Human Organization 1 8 : 35-41 . Muir, Edward , 1981. Civic Ritual in Renaissance Venice. Princeton: Princeton University Press.  1993 . Mad Blood Stirring. Vendetta & Factions in Friuli during the Renaissance . Baltimore and London: The Johns Hopkins University Press. Musco, A., 1965. Volo d’Angelo. Storia di una bambina di 12 anni. Na poli: La Rapida. Newal l, Venet i a , 1984. Easte r Eggs: Symbo l s of Life and Renewa l. Folklore 95 : 21-28 . Niebyl , Peter, 197 1. Old Age, Fever, and the Lamp Meta phor. Journal of the History of Medicine 2 6 : 351 -68 . Nobi li o, E., 1962 . Vita tradizionale dei contadini abruzzesi nel territorio di Penne. Fi renze: Olschki. Nyber g, Berte l , 1931. Kind und Erde. Ethnologische Studien zur Urgeschichte der Elternschaft und des Kinderschutzes. Helsin gf o r s: Druckerei - A . G. der Finnisc h en Litera turgesel lschaf t. Oexl e, Otto, 1983 . Die Gegenwa r t der Toten. In Death in the Middle Ages (eds) H. Braet and W. Verbek e. Leuven: Leuven University Press. Oni a ns, Richa rd, 195 1. The Origins of European Thought. Cambridg e: Cambridge University Press. Ortner, Sherry , 197 4. Is Fema l e to Male as Natu re Is to Cultu re? In Women, Culture and Society (eds) M. Rosa l do and L. Lamphere. Stanf or d , Calif . : Stanf o r d Unive r si t y Press . References 295 Pa dula , Vincenz o, 196 7. Persone in Calabria (Carlo Musce t t a , ed.). Roma: Edizi on i dell’ A te n eo.  1977 . Calabria prima e dopo l’Unità (A. Mari na ri , ed.) . Bari: Laterz a. Paga n o da Diaman t e , Leopo l d o , 1902. Studii su la Calabria ( V i n c en z o Paga no, ed.) , vol . 2. Napol i: Michel e d’Au ria . Pansa, Giovanni , 1924. Miti, leggende e superstizioni dell’Abruzzo, studi comparati. Vol. 1. S ul m o n a : Ubald o Carosel li . Pardo, Italo, 1981. Il tempo controllato. m/m (media e messagg i) 1 : 104- 9.  1982 . L’‘el a bor az i o n e ’ del lutto in un quarti e r e tradizi o n al e di Napol i . Rassegna italiana di sociologia 23 : 535- 69 .  1983 . L’esperienza popolare de lla morte. Tradizi o ne e moder- ni zza zi one in un qua rti ere di Napoli . La Ricerca Folklorica 4 , no. 7: 113- 22 .  1989 . Life, Death and Ambi g ui ty in the Soci al Dynamics of Inner Naples. Man 2 4 : 103- 24 .  1992. ‘Living ’ the House, ‘Feelin g ’ the House: Neapo l i ta n Issues in Thought, Organization and Structure. Archives Européennes de Sociologie 33 : 251- 79 . Pasqua rell i , Michel e, 1894 . Noterel l e fol k- l ori che per la Basil ica ta . RTPI 1 : 635-64 1.  1896 . Medicina popola re basilica tese. ASTP 1 5 : 322- 33 0, 494- 504 .  1897 . Medicina popola re basilica tese. ASTP 1 6 : 50-6 . Pati ri , Gius ep p e , 188 4. La Vecchia Strin a e le reputa tr i c i in Alia (Sicil ia ). ASTP 3 : 453 . Paz zi ni, Adal berto, 194 8. La medicina popolare in Italia (Storia — tradizioni — leggende). Trieste : F. Zigi ot t i . Peaco ck , Mabel , 1896 . Execu te d Crimina ls and Folk- M edi ci n e . Folk- Lore 7 : 268- 83 . Pell iz za ri , Pietro, 1889 . I fla g el lanti in Terra d’Otranto. ASTP 8 : 345- 5 3. Peris t i a ny , J. G. & Pitt-R i ver s , Julia n (eds) , 1992. Honor and Grace in Anthropology . Cambridge: Cambridg e University Press. Perotti De’ Mia ni , Ful via, 1894 . Credenz e e supersti zi oni di Cassa no Murge (Bari). RTPI 1 : 380 -2. Perrotta , Pietro, 1986. La Settimana Santa a Sessa Aurunca . Ferra ra : Gabriel e Corbo. Pia ggi a, Giuseppe, 185 3. Illustrazione di Milazzo e studj sulla morale e su’ costumi dei villani del suo territorio. Palermo: Tipografia di Pietro Morvill o . Pigna ta ri , F., 1895 . Medi ci na popol are. XII. Rimedi contro le febbri palustri. La Calabria 7 : 81-82 . 296 References Pi na - Ca bral , Joã o de, 198 0. Cul ts of Death in Northwestern Portugal. Journal of the Anthropological Society of Oxford 9 1-14 .  1986 . Sons of Adam, Daughters of Eve. The Peasant Worldview of the Alto Minho. Oxford: Clarendo n Press. Pina - Ca b r al , João de & Feijó , Rui, 1983 . Confl i c ti n g Atti tu d e s to Death in Modern Portugal: The Ques tion of Cemeteri es . In Death in Portugal. Studies in Portuguese Anthropology and Modern History (eds) R. Feijó & H. Marti n s & J. de Pina-Ca b r al . Oxford: JASO. Piril lo , Paolo , 1988. Le forme delle dimor e e degli insed ia m e n ti . In La cultura folklorica (ed.) F. Cardini (Storia sociale e culturale d’Italia, vol. 6.) Busto Arsizi o : Brama n te editr i c e. Pitrè, Giuseppe , 1881. Spettacoli e feste popolari siciliane. Palermo : Pedone Lauriel .  1884 . Il colera nell e credenze popol ari d’Ita l ia . ASTP 3 : 589-9 5.  1889 . Usi e costumi, credenze e pregiudizi del popolo siciliano (4 vols. ). Torino & Palermo: Carl o Clausen.  1894. Impront e mara vi gl i os e in Italia . ASTP 1 3 : 65-8 0.  1895 . Formole dei mendica n ti di Palermo nel chieder la elemosina . ASTP 14 : 120 -5 .  1896 a. Medicina popolare siciliana. Palermo: Carlo Clausen.  1896 b. Acqu e mira col ose in Sici lia . ASTP 15 : 56-67 .  1898. Impront e mara vi gl i os e in Italia . ASTP 1 7 : 162- 5.  1899 . Feste patronali in Sicilia. Palermo: Carlo Clausen.  1904 . La vita in Palermo cento e più anni fa. Palermo: A. Reber.  1910 . Proverbi, motti e scongiuri del popolo siciliano. Torino: Carlo Clausen.  1913 a. Cartelli, pasquinate, canti, leggende, usi del popolo siciliano. Palermo: A. Reber.  1913 b. La famiglia, la casa, la vita del popolo siciliano. Pa l er mo: A. Reber. Pitt- R i v e r s, Julia n, 1954. The People of the Sierra. London: Weidenfel d and Nicols o n.  1992. Postscript: The Place of Grace in Anthropology. In Honor and Grace in Anthropology (eds) J. G. Peris tia n y & J. Pitt- Ri v e rs . Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Pometti , F., 1894 . Il fuoco in alcu ne credenz e popola ri cala bresi . RTPI 1 : 382-4 . Pouch el l e, Marie - C h ri s ti n e, 1990 . The Body and Surgery in the Middle Ages. Cambridge: Polity Press. Pozz oli ni Sicil ia no, Cesi ra , 1882 . Feste e santuari. Bologna : Zanic he ll i. Prato , Luigi , 1939 . Gente e cose di Calab r i a . Archivio per la raccolta e lo studio delle tradizioni popolari italiane 17 : 167-9 7. References 297  1940. Gente e cose di Calabria. Archivio per la raccolta e lo studio delle tradizioni popolari italiane 18 : 41-51 . Priori , Domenico , 1964. Folklore abruzzese (Torino di Sangro) . Lanciano: Coopera ti va edi toria le tipograf ia .  1964 . Erbe, serpenti e tesori. Note di folklore abruzzese. Teramo: Ceti edizioni .  1970. Le leggen d e di fondaz i o n e dei santu a r i (Avvì o ad un’anal is i morfologica ) . Lares 36 : 245-5 8. Propp, Vla dimi r, 1978 . Feste agrarie russe. Bari: Dedalo. Pulci , Franc es c o , 1894 . Anti c h e legge n de devote di Sicil ia . ASTP 13 : 491- 504 .  1895 . Usi agra r i della provi n c ia di Calta n i s e tta. ASTP 14 : 13-30, 264- 76 . Raccuglia , Salvator e , 1900. Leggende popolari sici liane . ASTP 19 : 119- 2 5.  1903 . Leggende popola ri aci ta ne. ASTP 2 2 : 227- 44 , 313 -32 . Renda, Antonio, 1894a. La leggenda di Rutilio Benincasa. RTPI 1 : 191-3.  1894 b. Medicina popola re in Cala bria . RTPI 1 : 289 -2 92. Rengo, Mara, 1988 . Oggetti del la creati vi tà popol are. In La cultura folklorica (ed.) F. Cardi n i (Stor i a soci al e e cultu ral e d’Ita l ia , vol. 6). Busto Arsizio: Bramante. Rica g ni , Maria Laghe zza , 1961 . La festa della Mado nna dei Marti ri a Molfetta (8 settembre) . Lares 27 : 46-53 . Riege l ha u b t , Joyce , 1973. Fiesta s and Padres: The Organi z a t i o n of Religious Acti on in a Portuguese Parish. American Anthropologist 7 5 : 835- 52 . Rivera , Annama ria , 198 8. Il mago, il santo, la morte, la festa. Forme religiose nella cultura popolare . Ba ri: Ediz ioni Deda l o. Rivi e ll o , Raffa e le, 1893. Ricordi e note su costumanze, vita e pregiudizii del popolo potentino. Potenza: Marchesiello. Rocca, Angelo, 1934. Le reliquie del Preziosissimo Sangue e della Passione di N. S. Gesù Cristo. Vince nz a: Soci e tà anon i ma tipog ra fi c a. Romano, N., 1884. Supersti z i o n i popolari in Cala bria . ASTP 3 : 291-2 . Rossi , Anna bel la , 196 9. Le feste dei poveri. Bari : Laterza.  1977. Il ciclo invernale. In Carnevale si chiamava vincenzo. Rituali di carnevale in Campania (eds) R. de Simone & A. Rossi . Roma: De Luca. Rossi - D or ia , Manl i o , 1958a . Dieci anni di politica agraria nel mezzogiorno. Bari : Editori Laterz a.  1958b. The Land Tenure System and Class in South e r n Italy. American Historical Review 6 4 : 46-5 3. Rotell a, Giaco mo , 1895. Cremazione o inumazione? Gatteo: Isti t u to Fanci ul li Pover i . 298 References R u bi n, Miri , 1991 . Corpus Christi. The Eucharist in Late Medieval Culture . Cambridge: Cambridg e Uni versi ty Pres s. Saccà , Virgi lio, 1894 a. La festa dei morti (costumi sici li a ni ). RTPI 1 : 942- 7.  1894 b. I ‘morti ’ sicilia ni. RTPI 1: 239. Sahlins , Marsh a ll , 196 5. On the Sociol og y of Primitive Excha n g e . In The Relevance of Models for Social Anthropology (ed.) M. Banton (A. S. A. Monographs 1). Lond on: Tavi stock Publications. Sal emi, Maria , 1988 . Pane vino e altro. In La cultura folklorica (ed.) F. Cardi ni (Stori a soci al e e cultu ra le d’Ita l ia , vol. 6). Busto Arsizi o: Brama n te. Saler n o , Franc o , 1988 . Viagg i o ad oriente della morte . In La cultura folklorica (ed.) F. Cardi n i (Stor i a soci al e e cultu ral e d’Ita l ia , vol. 6). Busto Arsizio: Bramante. Sal omone-Mari no, Sal va tore, 188 2. Rimedj e formol e contro la jetta tura . ASTP 1 : 132 -4 .  1886 a. Le reputatrici in Sicilia nell’età di mezzo e moderna. Ricerche storiche. Palermo: Giannone e Lamantia.  1886b. Pronos tici e scommesse su la gra vida nza presso il popolo di Sici lia. ASTP 5 : 533- 40 .  1891. La storia di li mirà culi di Santo Sano. ASTP 10 : 434-7 1.  1897 . Costumi ed usanze dei contadini di Sicilia. Palermo : Remo Sandron. Scal fa ri , E. 1891 . Usi e costu m i dei villa ni nel Monte l e o n e se. La mietit u ra . La Calabria 3 : 95-9 6. Schne i de r , Jane, 1971 . Of Vigila n c e and Virgi n s: Honor , Shame and Access to Resources in Mediterranean Societies. Ethnology 19 : 1-24 .  1990 . Spiri ts and the Spirit of Capital ism. In Religious Orthodoxy and Popular Faith in European Society (ed.) E. Badone. Princeto n: Princeton University Press. Schneider, Jane & Schneider, Peter, 1976. Culture and Political Economy in Western Sicily. New York: Acade m i c Press . Schoeck, Hel mut, 196 9. Der Neid: Eine Theorie der Gesellschaft. München: Verlag Karl Alber. Scia sci a, Leona rdo, 196 5. Feste religiose in Sicilia . Bari: Leona rd o da Vinci editr i c e. Scogna mi gl i o, P. Pio, 1925. La manna di S. Nicola nella storia, nell’arte nella scienza. Bari : S.T.E. B . Seli gma nn, S., 191 0. Der Böse Blick und Verwandtes. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des Aberglaubens aller Zeiten und Völker (2 vols.) . Berlin : Hermann Bars dorf Verlag. Shils, Edward, 1981. Tradition . London & Boston: Faber and Faber. References 299 Sil verma n, Sydel, 196 8. Agri cul tura l Organi z a t i o n , Social Structu r e , and Valu e s in Italy : Amora l Fami li sm Recon si d er e d . American Anthropologist 70 : 1-20 . Simia ni , Carlo, 188 9a . I fatuzzi nel la credenza popol a re tra panese. ASTP 8 : 337- 44 .  1889b. Usi, leggende e pregiudizi trapanesi. ASTP 8 : 481- 8.  1890 . Usi, legge n d e e pregiu d iz i popola ri trapa n e si . ASTP 9 : 17-25, 240- 6. Sira isi, Nancy, 199 0. Medieval & Early Renaissance Medicine: An Intro- duction to Knowledge and Practice . Chicago and London: The Univer si ty of Chicag o Press. Sordi, Ita l o, 1986 . I riti popol a ri della Setti ma na Santa . In Ritorno a Bach. Dramma e ritualita delle passioni (ed.) E. Pavelotto . Venezia: Mars il i o Editor i . Sorrenti n o, Raimond o, 1950 . La Madonna dell’Arco. Storia dell’immagine e del suo Santuario. Napoli: Edizione del Santuari o. Sorrento, Luigi, n.d. L’Isola del sole. Milano: Casa Editri c e L. Trevis ini . Stewa rt, Cha rl es, 199 1. Demons and the Devil: Moral Imagination in Mo- dern Greek Culture. Princeton, New Jersey: Pr inceton University Press. Tancredi, Giovanni, 1940. Folklore garganico. Manfredonia: Armi llotta & Marino. Tarrow, Sidney, 1967. Peasant Communism in Southern Italy. New Haven & London: Yale University Press. Tentori , Tul lio, 197 1. Il sistema di vita della comu nità matera na. In Scritti Antropologici, vol. 3. Roma: Edizi on i Ricer c he.  1976 a. An Ita l ia n Rel igious Fe a s t: The Fujenti Rites of the Madonna dell’Arco, Naples . Cultures 3 , no. 9: 117- 40 .  1976 b. Social Classes and Fami ly in a Southern Ita li a n Town: Matera . In Mediterranean Family Structures (ed.) J. G. Peri s tia n y . Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Teti, Vito, 1978. Il pane, la beffa e la festa. Cultura alimentare e ideologia dell’alimentazione nelle classi subalterne. Firen z e: Guara ld i . Tillha ge n , Carl- He r m a n, 1983 . Barnet i folktron. Tillblivelse, födelse och fostran. Stockholm: LTs förlag.  1989 . Vår kropp i folktron. Stockholm: LTs förlag. Toor, Fra nces, 1953 . Festivals and Folkways of Italy. New York: Crown Publi s h e rs . Toschi , Paol o, 1955 . Le origini del teatro italiano. Torino: Einaudi.  1963 . Invito al folklore italiano. Le regioni e le feste. Roma : Editr ic e Studiu m. Toynbee , Jocelyn , 1971. Death and Burial in the Roman World. London: Thames and Hudson. 300 References T u r n e r , Victor, 1967. The Forest of Symbols. Aspects of Ndembu Ritual. Ithaca & London: Cornel l Univer si ty Press. Turner, Victor & Turner, Edith, 1978. Image and Pilgrimage in Christian Culture: Anthropological Perspectives. Oxford: Basi l Blackwell . Uccello, Antonino, 1976. Pani e dolci di Sicilia. Paler m o : Selleri o editore. Varone, Antonio, 1986. Le confratern i te di Sessa Aurunca ieri e oggi . In P. Perrotta: La settimana santa a Sessa Aurunca . Ferra ra : Gabri e le Corbo. Varves si s , Achill e , 1890 . Tradizi o n i e costu m i popol a ri . Le anime mpillu s e a Messina e morte di Andrea Bellus o . ASTP 9 : 185-9 0. Ventu ri , Silvio, 1901 . La Setti m a n a Santa in Calab ria . ASTP 20 : 358- 3 64 . Verlengia , Fra ncesco, 195 8. Tradizioni e leggende sacre abruzzesi, Vol. 1. Pescara: Edizioni ‘Attrave rs o l’Abru zz o ’. Vincel li , Guido , 1958 . Una comunità meridionale (Montorio nei Frentani ) . Cuneo: Taylor Torino. Vital e , A., 1894 . La Madon n a dei sette veli (Fogg i a) . (Legg e nda paesa na). RTPI 1 : 753-4 . Volpe , Luigi , 1979. Accettu r a (rice r c he di allie v i ). In G. B. Bronz in i : Accettura — Il Contadino — L’Albero — Il Santo ( p. 127 -3 4) . Galatina: Congedo Editore. Walsh, William, 1914. Curiosities of Popular Customs and of Rites, Ceremonies, Observances, and Miscellaneous Antiquities. Philadel phia: J. B. Lippincott. Webb, Stephen, 199 3. Blessed Excess. Religion and the Hyperbolic Imagi- nation. Alba ny : State University of New York Press. White, Caroline, 1980. Patrons and Partisans. A Study of Politics in Two Southern Italian Cumuni. Cambridge: Cambri dge University Press. Whyte, William, 1944. Si ci l ia n Peasa n t Soci e ty . American Anthropolo- gist 46 : 65-74 . Wils on , Ian, 1991. The Bleeding Mind. An Investigation into the Mysteri- ous Phenomenon of Stigmata. London: Paladin/Grafton Books. Wilson, Stephen, 198 8. Feuding, Conflict and Banditry in Nineteenth- Century Corsica. Cambri dge: Cambri dge University Press.  (ed.), 1983 : Saints and their Cults. Studies in Religious Sociology, Folklore and History. Cambri dge: University of Cambridge Press. Wolf, Eric, 1966a . Kinship , Frien d s hi p, and Patro n-Cl i e n t Relatio n s . In The Social Anthropology of Complex Societies (ed.) M. Banto n (ASA Monograph no. 4). London: Tavistock Publications.  1966 b. Peasants. Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey : Prentice-Hall.