When second time’s a charm
Exploring consumers’ temporal experiences within second-hand
fashion shopping
A Master’s degree project in Marketing & Consumption, Graduate School, 2023
Julia Stenmark
School of Business, Economics and Law, University of Gothenburg
Klaudia Urda
School of Business, Economics and Law, University of Gothenburg
Supervisor: Ingrid Stigzelius
Abstract
Second-hand fashion has emerged as a more sustainable way of shopping, promoting the circular
economy while offering unique styles for a cheaper price. Although consumers generally express a
willingness to adopt a more sustainable fashion consumption, this is not mirrored in their actual
engagement in second-hand fashion shopping. While many people enjoy the second-hand shopping
experience, the practice often implies a difficult search process which requires time and great
engagement. Drawing upon the practice theory perspective and by investigating the five practice
elements (i.e., material set-up, bodily skills and routines, teleoaffective structures, rules and cultural
understandings) within second-hand fashion stores, this study aims at examining how temporal
experiences are constructed while exploring how the elements constitute positive and negative
customer experiences. This knowledge helps to explain what can be done to increase the
attractiveness for second-hand fashion shopping and thereby fuel a shift towards more sustainable
fashion consumption. Through 15 in-depth interviews and 4 shop-alongs, the findings show various
element configurations that are combined into two types of practices, slow and fast second-hand
fashion shopping, which are mostly characterized based on their level of acceptance towards the
physical store environment. Findings particularly show that the consumers’ temporal experiences are
especially affected by the configurations of the material set-up, which outlines the possibility of
creating more attractive second-hand stores in the future. By theoretically combining customer
experience research with practice theory, this research contributes with a deeper understanding of how
circular offerings within the fashion industry are practically constructed and experienced by
consumers, thus filling the gap in consumer behavior literature and providing insights for managers in
the second-hand retail sector.
Keywords: sustainable consumption, second-hand fashion shopping, shopping-as-practice, temporal
experience, customer experience, circular practice
Table of Content
1. Introduction 1
2. Empirical background of second-hand fashion 3
3. Theoretical framework 4
3.1. Customer experience 4
3.2. Practice theory 5
3.3. Temporal experience 5
4. Analytical framework 7
4.1. Material set-up 8
4.2. Bodily routines and skills 9
4.3. Rules 9
4.4. Teleoaffective structures 10
4.5. Cultural understandings 10
4.6. Summary of the analytical framework 11
5. Methodology 11
5.1. Methodological approach 11
5.2. Data collection 12
5.3. Analyzing the empirical data 14
5.4. Research quality 14
6. Result and analysis 15
6.1. Common practice elements within second-hand fashion shopping 16
6.1.1. Rules and basic conditions 16
6.1.2. Material set-up of the second-hand store 17
6.2. Identifying two shopping practices 18
6.2.1. The practice of slow second-hand fashion shopping 20
6.2.1.1. Slow shopping backfires - A negative temporal experience 22
6.2.1.2. Finding zen in slow shopping - A positive temporal experience 25
6.2.2. The practice of fast second-hand fashion shopping 26
6.2.2.1. The fast lane to frustration - A negative temporal experience 27
6.2.2.2. The fast shopping bliss - A positive temporal experience 31
7. Discussion 33
8. Conclusion 35
8.1. Managerial implications 35
8.2. Future research and limitations 36
Reference List 38
Appendix 42
1. Introduction
The fashion industry is an important actor when targeting the world’s growing environmental threats,
accounting for two to eight percent of the global carbon emissions stemming from its extensive water
and pesticide usage, harvest machinery and transportation (UNEP, 2022). The high production of
fashion goes hand in hand with the large consumption of fast fashion, deriving from constantly
changing trends and desires which further equalizes large amounts of fashion waste (Swedish
Institute, 2022). This means that the industry loses a value of about 500 billion USD each year due to
the lack of recycling and the fact that clothes are thrown into landfills even before they have been sold
(UNEP, 2022). However, this waste can be minimized through the adoption of more circular methods
such as re-use, recycling and producing good quality products that last longer (Swedish Institute,
2022). One circular method that has gained increased attention during the recent years is second-hand
fashion, which can be recognized through the number of actors involved in the market (Sweet et al.,
2021). Second-hand fashion choices can thus be seen as a more sustainable way of shopping, as it
increases the reuse and recovery rate of clothes and thus replaces some purchases of newly produced
garments. While previous research confirms that consumers engage in second-hand shopping for
numerous reasons, environmental consideration remains a core factor when choosing to purchase
second-hand fashion garments (Kim and Woo, 2022).
Following the high sustainability mindset that has emerged in Sweden (Swedish Institute, 2022),
Sweet et al. (2021) recognize that consumers are willing to adopt a more sustainable consumption of
fashion by increasing their reuse rate of garments and return excessive clothes to charity. However,
they further state that there seems to be a lack of engagement when actually putting the sustainability
mindset into practice and choosing second-hand. For example, one of Sweden’s second-hand actors
conducted a study in 2017 revealing that the average Swede consumes 12,5 kilos of newly produced
clothing per year while only 0,9 kilos of second-hand clothes (Myrorna, 2022). One explanation for
the low adoption of second-hand fashion may reside in the fact that shopping second-hand in general
implies an entirely different place and method of exchange if compared to fast fashion retail. More
specifically, while many consumers are motivated to shop second-hand fashion, they simultaneously
seem to be reluctant when it comes to partaking in the actual in-store practice (Sweet et al., 2021). If
second-hand shopping is one of the ways in which the fashion industry can evolve to be more
sustainable, there is an urgency to bridge this gap and understand what specifically aggravates
customers into adapting this inherently different way of shopping. Thus, questions arise related to
what it is that motivates consumers to take part in the practice of buying second-hand clothes in the
store, and how it can be turned into a positive experience. We therefore pose the following research
question:
How can consumers’ experiences within second-hand fashion shopping be understood in efforts
to fuel the adoption towards more sustainable practices of fashion consumption?
To better understand how experiences of shopping second-hand fashion are created, we take on a
shopping-as-practice approach (Fuentes et al., 2019) in combination with customer experience
research and how senses of time are created (Woermann and Rokka, 2015). To target the experiences
of time spent in second-hand fashion stores, this research includes a practice perspective by
addressing crucial practice elements working to constitute a positive versus negative shopping
customer experience. Namely, we apply the notion of five practice elements which are being
integrated when a practice is performed. These are material set-up, bodily skills and routines,
teleoaffective structures, rules and cultural understandings (Shove et al., 2012; Woermann and Rokka,
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2015). Taken together, these theoretical approaches work to reveal how the practice of shopping
second-hand fashion is constructed and how consumers experience the time they spend engaging in
the practice.
Within sustainable consumption, Fuentes et al. (2019) recognize the difficulty when it comes to
adopting the required behavioral changes. This stands even if the consumer is aware of and has
knowledge about the sustainability benefits of the practice (Fuentes et al., 2019). This means that
consumers need to rethink their way of shopping and establish new habits and competencies in order
to perform the shopping practice in the second-hand market. To better understand the difficulty to do
so, it becomes important to first understand what drives the way we consume clothes. Shopping can
be seen as a practice in itself, with its specific ways of doings and sayings, and thereby work to steer
consumption (Warde, 2005). Hence by looking at the interaction between consumers and producers in
a shopping environment, it is possible to understand how new forms of consumption emerge (Shove
and Panzar, 2005). Therefore, in order to understand the constitution of in-store experiences when
doing second-hand shopping, we apply a practice theory perspective building on Fuentes et al. (2019).
By studying the practice construction of shopping second-hand fashion from the consumer’s
perspective, we can thus understand how and why certain consumption patterns come to exist, while
also beginning to understand why some people are not adopting the practice even though they claim a
willingness for it.
In line with this, addressing the senses of time is thus of importance since every individual has a
limited amount of objective time which they can choose to spend on various practices. What could
highly influence if time is worth spending, is the so-called temporality, or the experience of time,
which is inevitably evoked within the practitioner when performing a practice (Holmes, 2018).
Different consumption activities can further evoke different temporal experiences, which can be seen
as important factors for consumer attitudes, their willingness to consume and their well-being
(Woermann and Rokka, 2015), which is further important when understanding how the practice of
shopping second-hand fashion can be re-created to sustain in the future. Namely, it is not enough to
simply draw customers into a store; they also want an unforgettable experience that “dazzles their
senses, touches their hearts, and stimulates their minds” (Schmitt, 1999, p.57). Even though customer
experience is an established concept among consumer behavior research, there is limited knowledge
regarding how consumers experience circular offerings such as second-hand fashion (Ta et al., 2022).
Understanding the customer experience when shopping second-hand fashion would then not solely
contribute to a competitive advantage for the actors involved, but it would also enhance consumers’
engagement in sustainable consumption and help make such products more attractive (Ta et al., 2022).
Therefore, the notion of these in-store experiences are important as they reveal the configurations
required for an adoption of second-hand fashion shopping.
The aim of this research is therefore to better understand how consumers experience shopping
second-hand fashion and how practices of second-hand shopping can be enacted, as this can help
understand the adoption process towards a more sustainable fashion consumption. Following the
aforementioned, to fulfill the aim and answer in greater detail the research question, we formulate the
following two sub questions:
SQ1: How are temporal experiences constructed when performing the practice of shopping for
second-hand fashion?
SQ2: What meanings can be attributed to these experiences and how do they in turn work to
shape the practice of second-hand shopping?
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Answering these questions might further help identify which aspects of the practice elements lead to
an unsatisfactory experience, thus providing valuable insights for managers on what changes ought to
be done within the second-hand retail sector. As research is limited regarding how circular offerings
are experienced from a consumer perspective, this research also contributes to filling this research gap
in consumer behavior literature, especially regarding reused products and particularly fashion
products. In the upcoming sections, previous research on second-hand fashion is presented, followed
by the theoretical and analytical framework. The introduced theories aim at providing a thorough
background knowledge while offering a deeper understanding on the construction of temporal
experiences. Thereafter the chosen qualitative methods are presented, followed by the result, analysis
and the concluding discussion, where the study’s questions are answered and elaborated upon. Lastly,
the theoretical and managerial implications are highlighted, along with recommendations for future
research.
2. Empirical background of second-hand fashion
As defined by Guiot and Roux (2010), shopping second-hand implies partaking in “the acquisition of
second-hand objects through methods and places of exchange that are generally distinct from those for
new products” (Guiot and Roux, 2010, p.356). As second-hand fashion shopping has grown into a
trend during the recent years, extensive research has been carried out to define both its’ barriers
(Bowser et al., 2015; Silva et al., 2021; Kim et al. 2021) and motivations (Wang et al., 2022; Guiot
and Roux, 2010; Hirschman and Holbrook, 1982; Babin et al., 1994). Research targeting the barriers
of second-hand fashion shopping specifically points out social embarrassment, hygiene and the lack of
knowledge regarding the available channels (Silva et al., 2021). Overall, however, the occurring shift
has contributed to an improved attitude towards second-hand products, which are no longer viewed as
shabby and cheap (Kim and Woo, 2022). Within the research targeting shoppers’ motivations, the
environmental and economical drivers remain important, although the explosive growth of the
second-hand fashion market is also partly fueled by motivations beyond these drivers (Kim and Woo,
2022), such as treasure-hunting, originality, nostalgic pleasure and social contact (Guiot and Roux,
2010).
The differentiation of second-hand fashion consumers’ needs, motivations and consumption behaviors
has led researchers into constructing consumer profiles of shoppers. For example, Guiot and Roux
(2010) have categorized second-hand retail consumers into four groups based on their shopping
motivations. Polymorphous enthusiasts for whom the economic incentive and the need to stand out
are equally important; thrifty critics show economic motivations and oppose to consumption
standards; nostalgic hedonists only enjoy the second-hand experience, while specialist shoppers are
perceived as likely less invested second-hand consumers (Guiot and Roux, 2010). Furthermore, of
relevance are also the settings in which the consumption of second-hand fashion occurs. Although
once almost entirely associated with charity donation outlets or thrift stores, second-hand apparel is
now found at high-end vintage stores, consignment shops with a focus on designer clothing, or
boutiques that mostly appeal to younger and “trendy” consumers (Bowser et al., 2015). These
retailscapes are intended to convey fundamental norms and expectations as well as a unique style or
taste. (Evans et al., 2022). Moreover, numerous online platforms have emerged in the second-hand
market as a touch point sale, becoming extremely attractive as they allow customers to browse,
purchase and sell used fashion items (Kim et al. 2021).
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3. Theoretical framework
Experiences of time should not be overlooked when exploring practices, as they can influence why
practices occur and why they become legitimized and normalized (Holmes, 2018). As previously
stated, the increased popularity of second-hand fashion shopping is thus a topic of interest within the
temporal experience frame, raising the awareness on how shoppers experience their time spent in
store. All shopping takes time, while second-hand fashion shopping is a totally different shopping
experience, born out of a different kind of shopping practice. As stated by Shove et al. (2012),
temporal sequences can be born out of the practice itself, and experiencing a practice entails an
experience of time. However, little has been said about how temporal experiences are created or what
actually influences them (Woermann and Rokka, 2015). If an experience of time would not take place
without the practice, and that some practices exist in part of the experiences of time they enable
(Holmes, 2018), we can conclude that practices and temporal experiences are unavoidably
intertwined and also dependent on each other. This notion further suggests that exploring the
experiences of the time engaging in a specific practice makes it possible to distinguish collective
rhythms of that practice, while understanding how temporal experiences are embedded within a
collective practice (Holmes, 2018). A temporal experience would thus be dependent on the
performance of a practice, which is why the theoretical framework is not restricted to customer
experience research. Rather a practice perspective is adapted, enabling a deeper understanding of how
temporal experiences are created. In line with this, this chapter starts with a short overview of the
customer experience research, followed by the adapted practice theory perspective which builds the
foundation needed when embarking on the research’s main topic; temporal experiences.
3.1. Customer experience
While the importance of the time factor is stated within customer experiences, we must also state the
importance of the customer experience in general. Looking at customer experience from the
consumers’ perspective can deliver extensive benefits, such as improved consumer loyalty and
satisfaction, greater purchase intent and beneficial word-of-mouth (Ta et al., 2022). The concept of
experience was initially pursued in the literature on consumer behavior by Holbrook and Hirschman
(1982), describing customer experience as “a steady flow of fantasies, feelings, and fun” (Holbrook
and Hirschman, 1982, p.132). According to Pine and Gilmore (1998) experiences are seen as separate
from products and services, they note that customers “purchase” experiences so as to spend time
enjoying a sequence of memorable events and to engage in an essentially personal way. Customer
experience is thus a holistic concept that primarily refers to the emotional connection between the
customer and the company (Holbrook and Hirschman, 1982; Pine and Gilmore, 1998), resulting from
the customer’s internal and subjective reactions to the company during all various phases of the
relationship (Schmitt et al., 2015; Schmitt, 1999). This broad viewpoint sees customer experience as a
holistic concept that considers a consumer's cognitive, emotional, behavioral, sensory, and social
reactions to a company's offers during the entire purchase timeframe (Schmitt, 1999). Here, the
customer experience factor would be what makes the time worth spent when performing a specific
shopping practice.
In line with this, numerous researchers agree on customer experience being a complex and subjective
reaction felt by the customer when approached by offering-related stimuli (Ta et al., 2022).
Consumers do not just participate in multisensory experiences; they also react to and respond to the
stimuli, which places interaction at the focus of the experience (Holbrook and Hirschman, 1982). As a
result, companies must go beyond simply offering a valuable product or service and instead
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concentrate on building emotional connections through customer experience (Prahalad and
Ramaswamy, 2004). Currently, customer experience has been established as a strong antecedent of
competitive advantage in a variety of business contexts (Ta et al., 2022), although its importance has
already been widely recognized in previous research (Pine and Gilmore, 1998; Schmitt, 1999; LaSalle
and Britton, 2003; Chuang and Hu, 2017). While it is seen that second-hand fashion shopping entails
a practice and thereby various temporal experiences, this would mean that these are crucial for the
competitive advantage of second-hand fashion.
3.2. Practice theory
As practices are commonplace in daily life, they have been the topic of study within various research
fields such as philosophy (Heidegger, 1962), behaviorism (Taylor, 1971) and social theory (Shatzki,
1996; 2001, Reckwitz, 2002). We choose to adapt the most influential theoretical impetus, following
Schatzki (1996; 2001) and Reckwitz (2002). Here, Shatzki (2001, p.3) argues that “a practice consists
of embodied, materially mediated arrays, and shared meanings”, which can take shape as both
material and immaterial necessary elements. Reckwitz (2002) contributes to this view by emphasizing
how using particular things in a certain way often implies carrying out a practice. He states that a
practice is “a routinized type of behaviour which consists of several elements, interconnected to one
another: forms of bodily activities, forms of mental activities, ‘things’ and their use, a background
knowledge in the form of understanding, know-how, states of emotion and motivational knowledge”
(Reckwitz 2002, p. 249). The definition states that second-hand fashion shopping is dependent on
several elements, which exist simultaneously in configuration.
While a practice can exist as an entity where the doing is described as a set of resources, a practice
can also be performed (Reckwitz, 2002). Namely, the pattern provided by the practice-as-entity is
being filled out and reproduced through the practice-as-performance. For a practice to sustain it needs
to be performed recurrently, as the performance reproduces the interdependencies of its elements
(Shove et al., 2012). Through this perspective, the individual takes on the role as the carrier of the
practice as he or she partakes in the configuration of elements (Reckwitz, 2002). This means that the
elements are not seen as an individual’s attributes but rather attributes of the specific practice. The
individual is not only a carrier of the bodily behaviors, but a carrier of certain routinized ways of
understanding, know-how and desiring that are qualities of the practice (Reckwitz, 2002). The
dynamics of a practice is thereby dependent on the breaking and making of links between elements
when practices are being enacted (Shove et al., 2012). A practice’s development can likewise be
theoretically represented by a series of moments, each in which the meanings, competences and
materials are captured. Shove et al., (2012) argues: “Put simply, configurations that work (i.e.
practices) do so because material elements and those of meaning and competence are linked together,
and transformed, through the process of doing.” (Shove et al., 2012, p.41). The practice of
second-hand fashion shopping is thereby also being recurrently performed by individual carriers,
which are reproducing the configuration of elements.
3.3. Temporal experience
Like social practices, temporal experiences are firmly tied with individual rhythms, social norms and
values, as well as objects so as to create practices that are multifaceted and heterogenous networks of
temporalities, materialities, and activities (Holmes, 2018). Temporal experiences cannot exist
independently of people and have the tendency to get integrated into people’s daily lives. Hence, time
continues to be crucial in explaining not only a wide variety of consumer behaviors, but also how
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consumption is influenced by social and cultural settings. (Ryynänen and Heinonen, 2021) This tells
us that social practices, as well as temporal experiences, are highly dependent on the practitioner's
social world. Thereby, investigating the world of second-hand fashion shoppers could inevitably
provide information that both explains their temporal experiences and the general practice. Sometimes
inevitable and occasionally overpowering in positive or negative ways, temporal experiences also
serve as a mediator of the value and allure of a market offering (Arnould, 2005; Woermann and
Rokka, 2015). Thus, consumer time is the primary determinant, personal factor and framework for
decision-making (Ryynänen and Heinonen, 2021), making it a highly relevant notion when
understanding the reasons for engaging in second-hand fashion shopping.
Time perceptions and different time conceptions are integrated from a young age, ingrained in
behavior, and serve to shape every element of our existence (Ryynänen and Heinonen, 2021). Despite
the significant lack of empirical studies in the marketing literature that center time as a key variable of
interest; most marketers are aware of how important time is in relation to consumer behavior (Jacoby
et al., 1976). Beginning in the late 1960s, research on the temporal dimensions of consumption first
appeared in consumer and marketing research (Ryynänen and Heinonen, 2021). Nicosia (1966, p.148)
argued that for a thorough understanding of consumer behavior it is necessary to consider “other
decisions – past, present and future” (Jacoby et al., 1976). Today, Ryynänen and Heinonen (2021)
support this view by arguing that consumers' memories of the past and perceptions of impending
consumption events are shaped by the temporal experiences that occur in between repeating
consumption episodes.
Consumer researchers have examined time and temporality through the lens of various perspectives,
including economics, psychology, sociology, and social psychology (Hirschman, 1987; Woermann
and Rokka, 2015). However, two broad frameworks are frequently used to categorize existing
research on temporality of consumption. One relates to universal and objective time, while the other
refers to subjective and internalized time (Ryynänen and Heinonen, 2021; Woermann and Rokka,
2015). From the perspective of time allocation theories and rational decision-making, the first
framework emphasizes the importance of time as a valuable resource. According to this
comprehension of time, events can be attributed to different components of linear-separable time
(Ryynänen and Heinonen, 2021). Time is a fundamental intangible resource with certain
characteristics, it cannot be preserved and is constantly being used in some endeavour (Jacoby et al.,
1976; Woermann and Rokka, 2015). It moves from past to present and to the future and to some
extent it is a resource that can be traded for money, effort, or other commodities (Thompson, 1967;
Jacoby et al., 1976; Graham, 1981). Marketing research following this paradigm has defined time as
being finite in quantity, external, objective, and quantifiable (Jacoby et al., 1976; Ryynänen and
Heinonen, 2021).
The experiential research paradigm defines time as subjective as it can be perceived in different
lengths (Ryynänen and Heinonen, 2021). Time is a personal resource and a part of the human
experience; it cannot be calculated and resists abstract generalizations (Holbrook and Hirschman,
1982). Moreover, consumer time is based on consumption tasks, events, or practices and can be
characterized through the lens of personal experience (Hirschman, 1987; Woermann and Rokka, 2015;
Ryynänen and Heinonen, 2021). Thus, it is a fundamental aspect of the customer experience, not just
a framework within which consumption occurs at specific times or periods. Time is not only a concept
or an external entity, but it is also directly and strongly felt, inherently connected to breathing, fear,
movement, and presence. (Arnould, 2005) In conclusion, the procedural-traditional view of time
places more focus on consumption activities than on time as an external factor. It disregards the
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duration or passage of time and emphasizes practices and rituals instead. (Graham, 1981) This is why
the subjective time is the core focus, namely on how individual second-hand fashion shoppers
experience their time engaging in the practice. However, as time is also an intangible resource (Jacoby
et al., 1976; Woermann and Rokka, 2015) it is difficult to step away from its objective characteristics,
which makes it even more important for businesses to offer a worthy customer experience.
4. Analytical framework
To elaborate on specific consumption activities and consumer experiences in detail (Ryynänen and
Heinonen, 2021), we position the concept of timeflow (Woermann and Rokka, 2015) as central to both
customer experience and practice. Drawing inspiration from the views of procedural-traditional time,
timeflow is a notion that connects temporal experiences to consumption practices. It is described as
the temporal link between events occurring throughout a consumption practice, thus timeflow is
defined as “a practice’s ability to induce a certain pattern of experienced temporality in those
performing the practice” (Woermann and Rokka, 2015, p.1487). When a practitioner is performing a
practice, hence engaging in “doings”, the pattern of that practice is reproduced as an entity (Shove et
al., 2012). It is also through the performance that the practitioner is experiencing the temporality of
the practice at hand, as practitioners are enveloped by a phenomenal field (Merleau-Ponty, 1962). We
interpret the limits of this field as the objective time spent in the second-hand store, whereas the
timeflow is the second-hand shopping’s ability to induce an experienced temporality (see Figure 1).
Further, we argue that within a positive timeflow, consumers likely engage in a practice that induces a
positive experience, whereas a negative timeflow possibly lacks the ability to induce a positive
experience or even generate a negative one.
Figure 1. How practice elements shape temporal experiences through timeflow
We argue that within a positive timeflow, consumers are engaging in a practice that induces a positive
experience, whereas a negative timeflow lacks the ability to induce a positive experience or even
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generate a negative one. Furthermore, the temporal experiences being part of the overall customer
experience, can have both positive and negative effects on the consumers’ benefits, such as consumer
loyalty, consumer satisfaction, purchase intent and word-of-mouth (see Figure 1, p.7). Lastly, the
notion of timeflow will thus be the concept through which it can be revealed whether the temporal
experience is positive or negative, which again puts the temporality at focus and not the time factor
per se.
Furthermore, in our study we see temporal experiences as an effect of performing consumption
practices, which in turn is constituted by practice elements which are incorporated when practices are
performed (Shove et al., 2012; Woermann and Rokka, 2015). Practice researchers offer numerous
definitions of the elements that form practices, although Shove et al. (2012) summarize their content
by introducing three elements: competence, meaning and material. While the summary of objects is
useful when studying practices on a macro scale, they recognize that a more detailed view of elements
can be useful when studying a specific practice. Moreover, the boundaries drawn between elements
are simply a matter of adequate theoretical definition, which is why the definitions of elements vary.
(Shove et al., 2012) Following Woermann and Rokka (2015), we therefore explore five practice
elements to understand how temporal experiences are shaped: material set-up, bodily routines and
skills, rules, teleoaffective structures and cultural understandings.
4.1. Material set-up
Most physical products offered to consumers can be characterized as a practice’s material set-up
(Woermann and Rokka, 2015). According to social practice theory, ‘objects’ often have a direct role
in the performance and repetition of daily life activities (Shove and Pantzar, 2005) in addition to
communicating symbolic meaning (Warde, 2005) and status or identity (Shove and Pantzar, 2005).
However, material set-up does not only consider physical objects related to the practice such as
consumer products and activity equipment, but it also includes the spatial environment, or the space,
used to perform the practice (Woermann and Rokka, 2015). The physical features effects’ on
experiences have not gained attention in literature until approached by Woermann and Rokka (2015),
although previous research has documented the effects of the material set-up within the servicescape
literature (Bitner, 1992). This line of research has studied the servicescape elements in separate,
referring to them as “stimuli” and stating that the total configuration of stimuli in the servicescape
generates the perceived environment and causes the individual behavior.
Atmospheric stimuli have a strong link to the desired experience in the store, promoting positive
behaviors like staying longer, intention of spending more resources and desire to explore more (Tai
and Fung, 1997). Moreover, intangible ambiances influence customers’ behavioral intentions,
readiness to make a purchase and the ability to promote the store to others (Bitner, 1992). According
to Bitner (1992) ambience is made up of all non-visual, intangible aspects, including background
music, pleasant or unpleasant smells, temperature etc. These are all nonvisual senses that can
subconsciously influence customers. Muhammad et al. (2014) claims that customers may notice
ambient elements in the most severe situations, meaning when the lightning is excessively bright or
when there is distractingly loud music. Thus, a good selection of non-visuals can improve customers’
feelings and encourage them to stay longer in the establishment, which results in greater emotional
satisfaction. Woermann and Rokka (2015) confirm that stimuli, such as music or smell, can have an
isolated effect on the consumer by its “enwrapping” of senses in embodied routines and pre-reflective
moods. We follow the view of Woermann and Rokka (2015), which moves away from individual
behavior and analyzes how the material set-up partakes in conditioning consumer behavior. Most
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importantly, the effects of the material set-up should not be viewed in isolation but rather through the
overall composition of elements. Within the modulation of the temporal experience, practitioners can
notice an ongoing realignment of the material elements.
4.2. Bodily routines and skills
The mind is expressed by the body, thus being human means to be a body that knows how to perform
bodily doings and sayings and how to experience bodily senses and feelings (Schatzki, 1996). When
engaging in a practice, the practitioner must be aware of the bodily routines and skills required for the
practice (Woermann and Rokka, 2015). Knowing how to perform something, identifying it, and
responding to it are all necessary skills (Schatzki, 2002). It might sound evident, but it also suggests
that even simple practices require a certain pattern of bodily movements and skills, sometimes learned
from an early age. It would then be reasonable to believe that some skills and bodily movements of
practices are routinized and performed without much notice from the practitioner (Woermann and
Rokka, 2015). For example, when driving a car, the bodily know-how of actually turning on the car
and putting the first gear to start a car is required. Thus, a person develops bodily routines and skills
when getting some hands-on experience with the practice in question. Practice theory reflects the
essential significance of bodily routines for the temporality of consumer behavior, meaning that
bodily doings are frequently regarded as the indispensable central component of all social practices,
whether calling them bodily routines (Reckwitz, 2002), embodied skills (Shove et al., 2012) or bodily
doings (Schatzki, 2022). However, Woermann and Rokka (2015) believe that a bodily experience of
temporality is affected by the bundle of all practice elements, as certain timeflows directly affect
preconscious bodily movements such as breathing or the way of moving around a certain
environment. This in turn has an effect on the performance of the practice, which affects how the
practice is experienced. For instance, not noticing the passage of time and having a satisfactory
temporal experience, results from the perfect coordination of bodily skills within a certain setting.
4.3. Rules
Rules refer to “formulations, principles, precepts, and instructions that enjoin, direct, or remonstrate
people to perform specific actions. To say that rules link doings and sayings is to say that people, in
carrying out these doings and sayings, take account of and adhere to the same rules” (Schatzki, 2002,
p.79). Through rules it is possible to imagine some sort of normativity which is anticipated to come
from the authority that mandates the creation and subsequent adherence of those rules (Schatzki,
2002). For instance, when driving a car, it is not enough to know how to operate a car, but it also
requires acting in accordance with the traffic laws and driving rules. Rules are typically expressed and
articulated, authoritative formulations of "oughts" one could envision seeing in a manual. Recognizing
rules is acknowledging the usage of formulations that specify what is and is not permitted, as well as
the importance of these formulations and how they contribute to the formation of practices (Schatzki,
2002). The most obvious rules for organizing the conduct of consumption practices can be rules of
thumb, explicit laws, strategies, tactics, instructions, heuristics, recipes, mundane sayings, norms, and
standards. The rules can also vary between the actors engaging in the same practice or when sharing
the same environment for different practices (Schatzki, 2002). Woermann and Rokka (2015) argue
that some rules have a quite direct and obvious effect on the consumer’s temporal experience. In the
situation of waiting for one’s turn in a store; implicit laws of decency dictate how long a consumer
must wait before their turn arrives. Every practice holds a certain formalized temporal framing, which
clearly influences the timeflow of a practice. Thereby, the authors further emphasize that
rule-following is a core element of social practices, even though this element is not usually researched
9
separately within consumption practices but rather through the combination of other elements
(Woermann and Rokka, 2015).
4.4. Teleoaffective structures
Schatzki (2002) introduced the term “teleoaffective structures”, when arguing for the importance of
implicit mental conditions such as ends and emotions when performing a social practice. The best way
to conceptualize the teleoaffective structure is as a collection of normativized and hierarchically
arranged goals, objectives, and projects that are in line with normative emotions and moods (Schatzki,
2002). Schatzki (2002) implies that practices have a variety of legitimate and respectable goals.
Teleoaffective structures represent end-project-task combinations by connecting to the ends of tasks
and projects that can be found in a practice. It is anticipated that these combinations fall within the
normativized, permissible range of participation. A practitioner who carries out these tasks is
additionally expected or welcomed to connect them in some way to an affective dimension. A
practice, according to the affective dimension, opens the way to emotions or moods that a practitioner
might and can experience, within the enactment of a practice (Schatzki, 2002). Hence, the bodily
doings are not just connected to social rules and understandings, but to certain goals and sensory
perceptions which go hand in hand with the bodily tension (Woermann and Rokka, 2015). Practices
are in one way or another affectively attuned. In activities that are typically thought of as being
affectively neutral, curiosity, fear of repression, and boredom might be interpreted as markers of
affectivity. Even more so, motivation and affectivity are closely related. Our willingness to engage in
certain practices may be driven by a desired goal or by the need to avoid some sort of unwanted
outcome. (Hui et al., 2017) When applying teleoaffective structures to timeflow, Woermann and
Rokka (2015) found it most useful to treat the ends and goals of a specific practice as part of the
practice bundle, rather than tied to the individuals’ cognitive state. Applying the practice perspective,
thus assumes that a specific practice may hold several possible emotions and antagonistic ends
simultaneously.
4.5. Cultural understandings
Cultural understandings can be seen as commonly shared beliefs, fates, or concerns (Schatzki, 2002).
For example, the idea that ‘caring for the environment is a good thing’, constitutes a common
understanding shared by most people. To some extent, the overall meaning of a practice is formed by
cultural understandings, which put the specific practice into a broader context (Schatzki, 2002).
Cultural understandings differ from rules as they are less explicitly formed, while much more widely
applicable, tacit, and non-prescriptive (Woermann and Rokka, 2015). The cultural understanding of a
practice stems from its discourses or value systems within the social organization of the practice,
meaning that the social embedding has generated an understanding of what it means to perform
certain practices. The performance of a consumption practice can be seen as an expression of
understanding, although only some performances can be seen as the adequate expression. Cultural
understandings do not dictate a certain timeflow, but they function as ideal types of judgment of a
practice’s performance or the experience of its practitioners. Thereby, cultural understanding has been
used by management when introducing new consumption practices in society (Woermann and Rokka,
2015), where the most well-known case may be the introduction of Nordic walking, or walking with
sticks (Shove and Pantzar, 2005). Shove and Pantzar (2005) thus state that the future of new practices
like Nordic Walking depends on constant reproduction, but also by whom it is performed, where,
when and how.
10
4.6. Summary of the analytical framework
To summarize, following the five elements that shape a temporal experience, it is possible to identify
how various interplays affect the customer experiences when shopping for second-fashion in a
physical store. This implies an identification of elements as well as their configuration, retrieved from
the empirical data collected for the purpose of this study. This theoretical framework will thereby help
answer the research questions and fulfill the research purpose, by acknowledging common aspects of
elements that are important in attaining various positive temporal experiences, while also revealing
negative element configurations or lack of configurations.
5. Methodology
5.1. Methodological approach
To collect the empirical data, the qualitative research method was considered the most appropriate as
the research questions aim at understanding the subjective social world of the practitioner in
descriptive detail (Bell et al., 2019). Furthermore, as people are seen as the objects of social science
and thus emphasize meaning to their environment, it was of interest to view the shopping experiences
from the eyes of the second-hand shoppers and thus apply a phenomenology stance (Schutz, 1962).
This implies viewing human behavior as dependent on the people’s interpretation of the world
(Bogdan and Taylor, 1975), which goes hand in hand with our intention of understanding customer’s
temporal experiences. An ethnographic approach was chosen consisting of qualitative in-depth
interviews and shop-alongs, in which the two common ethnographic methods of interviews and
participant observations were combined (Bell et al., 2019). Fifteen semi-structured interviews were
conducted, whereas four respondents were able to participate in an individual shop-along at Myrorna,
a second-hand store located in central Gothenburg, Sweden.
The applied practice perspective to second-hand fashion shopping was based on the importance of
practices when understanding how people make sense of the world based on their actual doings
(Joosse and Marshall, 2020), which motivated the use of shop-alongs. Even if interviews can make
people aware of their practical knowledge, they are primarily targeting the discursive knowledge or
consciousness (Joosse and Marshall, 2020), which means that respondents tend to construct reasons
for their actions afterwards through post hoc rationalization (Vaisey 2009; Haidt 2012). This poses a
restriction as the respondents tend to answer based on what in the moment sounds sensible and
rational (Joosse and Marshall, 2020), rather than what they have actually experienced.
Therefore, as suggested by practice theory, the shop-alongs were added to generate even more
accurate answers within the actual practice space. Shop-alongs are defined as one form of participant
observation where the researcher is allowed to join the interviewee in their shopping practice (Joosse
and Marshall, 2020). The method, which also resembles the go-along (Kusenbach, 2003), encourages
the interviewee to navigate the store route while reflecting on their experiences and the stimuli
surrounding them (Joosse and Marshall, 2020). This method can thus help the respondent to recall
memories, routines and values within the commercial environment, while at the same time inviting the
researcher to his or her experience through verbalization of thoughts and feelings (Joosse and
Marshall, 2020). This also means shifting from post hoc rationalization to ex situ rationalization, in
which respondents tend to make sense of their actions based on meanings and norms which are
present in the actual practice moment (Joosse and Marshall, 2020). This is beneficial from the practice
11
theory perspective, as meaning is situated in and through the practice itself (Joosse and Marshall,
2020), being (re)produced in and through practices (Reckwitz, 2002).
5.2. Data collection
As we are researching the customer experiences of second-hand fashion shopping, the respondents
were chosen based on their relevance to the study according to the purposive sampling method (Bell
et al., 2019). To clarify, every respondent is frequently engaging in the practice of second-hand
fashion shopping, which made them relevant to the research questions in mind and thereby the overall
goal of the study. Furthermore, the purposive sampling was to some degree accompanied with
snowball sampling since respondents were asked to recommend people from their network who are
engaged in the practice (Bell et al., 2019). This method provides a good fit with purposive sampling
and the qualitative approach in general, while it is a common method used to complement the initial
group of respondents chosen (Bell et al., 2019).
Furthermore, Bell et al. (2019) discuss that the combined sample method might affect the study’s
representativeness, as there is often a want to reach a more varied sample while at the same time
keeping the respondent criteria. Although, as we do not expect to generalize the answers to a specific
population, we did focus on finding a sample that is based on the research topic rather than randomly
selected (Bell et al., 2019). Moreover, the respondent’s individual experiences are not analyzed in
relation to other qualities such as their gender, ethnicity or even geographical situation, but rather
because of all qualities that are building their temporal experiences. This does not mean that these
aspects were neglected when analyzing the practice elements, but that the core focus of choosing each
respondent is their engagement in second-hand fashion shopping.
Nevertheless, previous research supports that gender and age do have an impact on fashion
involvement (Kwon, 1997; O’Cass, 2004). Females were found to show greater engagement in
shopping for fashion. Even though in lower numbers, males were also identified as fashion-conscious
in general, innovative and fashion key influencers (Workman and Studak, 2006). Considering the
above, it was of great importance to include both genders in our study to draw conclusions from both
points of view. Thus, reflecting the fact that men are less likely than women to profess interest in
fashion (Kwon, 1997), we were able to recruit 11 female respondents and 4 male respondents.
Furthermore, younger consumers show greater interest in fashion and are willing to try new products
and alternative ways of shopping, while older consumers demonstrate higher stability in their
shopping behavior and are less eager to explore novel products (O’Cass, 2004). Consequently, our
sample varies between the ages of 25 and 32 (see Table 1, p.13).
12
Table 1. Study Respondents
Respondents Shop-Alongs Gender Age
Respondent 1 X Female 25
Respondent 2 Female 27
Respondent 3 Female 27
Respondent 4 Female 27
Respondent 5 Female 26
Respondent 6 Male 27
Respondent 7 Female 25
Respondent 8 Female 25
Respondent 9 X Female 26
Respondent 10 X Female 27
Respondent 11 X Female 29
Respondent 12 Male 26
Respondent 13 Male 27
Respondent 14 Male 26
Respondent 15 Female 32
As the interviews were semi-structured, we put impetus on the interviewee’s own views and
understandings of the questions asked, which meant sometimes asking questions outside of the
interview script or reversing the order of questions (Bell et al., 2019). The interview guide was
nevertheless created according to the five practice elements which construct a temporal experience, in
combination with an introduction of more general questions and questions to detect various
experiences in the second-hand store, or configurations of elements (see Appendix). While the
interview guide was in English, the respondents were allowed to answer in Swedish if they
experienced any difficulty expressing themselves in English. The interviews took approximately 40 to
60 minutes, although some interviews took even longer than 1,5 hours, as the interviewees to some
degree steered the topics discussed in the interview. As the respondents were identified based on their
engagement in the practice of second-hand shopping rather than their geographical convenience,
geographical barriers were bridged by enabling digital video-interviews on Zoom. Four respondents
also participated in the physical shop-along after their interview (see Table 1). All fifteen interviews
were sound-recorded for the purpose of transcription, which was performed on each interview
individually. For the interviews in which the respondents had been answering in Swedish, the
transcriptions were translated to be coherent with the rest of the transcriptions. Although, it is
13
important to emphasize that both researchers were equally involved in the derived data through
constant discussions, in order to confirm a common interpretation.
We ensured that ethical principles were fulfilled by making sure that all respondents agreed to
participate on a voluntary basis, while we kept their answers confidential to avoid an intrusion of their
privacy nor to cause any harm (Bell et al., 2019). Moreover, informing the respondents of the study's
aim before starting the interview was valued as important for generating trustworthy responses, while
we also avoided deception (Bell et al., 2019). Namely, all respondents were made aware of the
purpose of the study and that their answers would be presented and analyzed in the final reports
through anonymity. All respondents also had to give their consent to be recorded for the purpose of
transcription, and they were made aware that the recordings were exclusively available to the
researchers during the writing process, ensuring confidentiality of the data-management plans (Bell et
al., 2019).
5.3. Analyzing the empirical data
When analyzing the empirical data we applied a coding framework developed within the grounded
theory perspective, as research on customer experiences and customer behavior are all relatively
complex social dilemmas and therefore all fields for grounded theory (Eriksson and Kovalainen,
2008). This perspective helped structure this complexity by allowing constant comparison between
theory and empirical data, also known as the abductive approach, which further ensures data
saturation. In line with this, we adapted the coding process by Strauss and Corbin (1998), who
emphasize the importance of introducing a systematic way of coding the data. They present three
levels of data coding: open coding, axial coding and selective coding (Strauss and Corbin, 1998).
The initial recognition of patterns within the empirical data was detected through the open coding, in
which all data from the transcriptions were put into specific codes through constant comparison
(Eriksson and Kovalainen, 2008). In this case, the categorization of questions into the five practice
elements did facilitate this process as we could base the codes upon these, while also being open to
find new element configurations. This was practically being performed through attaching a different
color to each code. Following the open coding, we embarked on axial coding in which the codes were
abstracted into certain themes or similar events occurring within the second-hand shopping
experience, not directly obvious when first observing the data (Eriksson and Kovalainen, 2008). The
themes or events following this level of coding are argued to hold a higher level of explanatory power
(Strauss and Corbin, 1998), which made them important when comparing to the theoretical
framework. Lastly, in the selective coding we were able to understand the role of our data in the larger
theoretical scheme, which implies selecting one overall category as the base for our research
contribution (Eriksson and Kovalainen, 2008). This also means validating relationships between other
core categories, and identifying other categories which need to be filled out through further
development and refinement (Collis and Hussey, 2021).
5.4. Research quality
When performing the research, it was of high importance to find ways of limiting the common
critique against the qualitative research. Namely, qualitative research is at risk of being too subjective,
difficult to replicate and generalize as well as it can encounter problems with transparency (Bell et al.,
2019). Firstly, we emphasize that we do not aim at making any generalizations, which is not the
purpose of qualitative research as respondents are not seen as representatives of a specific population
14
(Bell et al., 2019). Rather, the core nature of qualitative research is concerned with making theoretical
generalizations from the findings, which instead make the theoretical inferences important for
generalization (Bell et al., 2019). Therefore, we did a thorough work with the theoretical framework,
linking the various theoretical impetus with the empirical evidence through iterative cycles of
engagement (Shepherd and Suddaby, 2017). Furthermore, we did apply an abductive approach, whose
back-and-forth characteristics continuously made sure that the theoretical perspective were up to date
with the empirical data of the social world (Bell et al., 2019).
More specifically, we applied an evaluation criteria for continuously ensuring a high quality of the
data, following the recommendation of Eriksson and Kovalainen (2008) and Lincoln and Guba
(1985). They suggest replacing the most common criteria of business research, including reliability,
replicability and validity (Bell et al., 2019), with an evaluation criteria more applicable for qualitative
research and particularly our research characteristics. Namely, the focus on temporal experiences
suggests multiple realities (relativist ontology), while the understandings revealed are jointly created
by the researchers and the participants (subjectivist epistemology) (Eriksson and Kovalainen, 2008).
Thereby, within the adapted evaluation criteria, validity and reliability are replaced by
trustworthiness, which contains the four aspects of credibility, transferability, dependability and
confirmability (Eriksson and Kovalainen, 2008). The replicability is thus not recognized as an
important aspect within this research trustworthiness, which is supported by its lack of existence in the
empirical research world (Bell et al., 2019).
Instead, credibility and transferability is what would come closest to the concept of replicability. The
credibility, or the data sufficiency (Eriksson and Kovalainen, 2008), was ensured based on the
abductive approach, whose benefit include a data-collection open to modifications along the whole
research process (Bell et al., 2019). This was made possible through detailed transcriptions of both
interviews and shop-alongs. In line with this, the transferability of the research could be reached as
the findings were in line with previous research (Eriksson and Kovalainen, 2008), for example by
mirroring the various motives for shopping second-hand fashion as well as reasons for avoiding the
practice. Although, we were able to construct a deeper level of understanding by applying the practice
elements of temporal experiences (Woermann and Rokka, 2015), which points at research
dependability. More closely traceable, the elemental structure of the interview guide and the analytical
framework model allow the reader to follow the research process and its activities. Lastly, the
interview structure in combination with the applied analyzing framework by Strauss and Corbin
(1998) ensures conformability, as we emphasized a detailed method for linking theory with the
empirical data. This three-step method further helped us as researchers to disregard previous
assumptions of the social phenomenon studied, which is seen as an important aspect for applying the
method efficiently and reach trustworthiness (Collis and Hussey, 2021).
6. Result and analysis
It has become evident that second-hand fashion shopping differentiates itself from fast fashion
shopping through numerous aspects, all which can be recognized within previous research on
second-hand fashion consumption. For example, the respondents mention the environmental aspect as
a driving factor, together with the low price as well as a strive for uniqueness, which can be mirrored
in the research conducted by Kim and Woo (2022) and Guiot and Roux (2010). Furthermore,
treasure-hunting, originality and social contact (Guiot and Roux, 2010) can be found in the empirical
material, although nostalgia is less prominent which can be related to the fact that most respondents
15
are relatively young. During the shop-along the social contact was especially observed, as the
respondents were gladly discussing the fashion pieces on display while simultaneously keeping their
focus on distinguishing unique pieces. Good quality and a fair price was further discussed through the
shop-alongs, along with their thoughts regarding the store structure. From the observation perspective
all four shoppers performed the shopping practice in a similar way, although from the overall analysis
different shopping behaviors were made apparent.
6.1. Common practice elements within second-hand fashion shopping
The motivational aspects confirmed by previous research (Wang et al., 2022; Guiot and Roux, 2010;
Hirschman and Holbrook, 1982; Babin et al., 1994) are only a small fraction of the temporal
experience, which is lived by the practitioners when entering the second-hand store. Namely, one can
argue that the motivation is part of the individual’s goal, thus the adapted teleoaffective structure in
combination with other practice elements will generate the temporal experience (Woermann and
Rokka, 2015). Therefore, as the results and analysis unfold, the shopping practice itself will be
analyzed on a deeper level, through adapting the practice perspective of the different shopping
experiences revealed in this study. As mentioned in the analytical framework, the practice’s ability to
induce a temporal experience is defined through the practice’s timeflow (Woermann and Rokka,
2015), which is configured as either positive or negative. A positive timeflow induces a positive
experience, whereas a negative timeflow induces a negative experience (see Figure 1, p.7). The
timeflow is further dependent on the configuration of practice elements, which is why there is a need
to identify common practice elements within second-hand fashion shopping, namely the common
objective aspects which distinguish second-hand fashion shopping from conventional shopping. One
can argue that these particular element aspects play a role in all temporal experiences generated within
the practice, even though the different practitioners can interpret their importance in various ways,
namely to carry various configurations. They are therefore important to understand before beginning
to analyze what temporal experiences can be constructed in the second-hand fashion store.
6.1.1. Rules and basic conditions
The first most mentioned difference between a second-hand fashion store and its fast fashion
counterpart, is the characteristics facts of the second-hand concept itself. Generally this means that
products are being given a second chance to last longer, which often is decided by the first-hand
owner of the garment in question. Although there are different ways of handling this transition, such
as peer-to-peer selling of second-hand clothes through various platforms and websites, charity shops
and profit-making businesses (Evans et al., 2022; Kim et al., 2021), the core focus in this report is
experience within the physical retail store. However, there is a need to contradict the physical store
with its digital counterparts in order to understand the consumer’s practice in store. Namely, the store
holds a large mix of often single pieces of clothes within various sizes and styles from various brands
and in various conditions. This comes with questions regarding the selection of items, their quality,
their sorting, their price and the knowledge of the offer held by the staff to mention a few. This can
thus be seen as the practice element of rules, as the shoppers collectively accept the normativity of
this type of shopping (Schatzki, 2002). Accordingly, it is also seen that all shoppers adapt these rules
to their expectations or goals, which in turn guides their shopping practice. Moreover, these rules also
form the bodily practice as shoppers are more keen to hold on to pieces in store, in order to avoid the
risk of losing it to someone else. The respondents agree that this stress is not as familiar in a fast
fashion store, and they explain the phenomena of stacking items on the arm or in the basket, even if
they are not certain if they actually like them. Respondent 7 portraits her thoughts on the matter:
16
“In a second-hand store [...] you are a little stressed because you constantly have the thought that you
will miss something that the person in front of you might take and sometimes you can see a person
holding a garment and walk into the fitting room, and then you think - oh no, I hope she doesn't buy it,
because I want to try it on.”
Another common second-hand rule is that fashion pieces cannot be returned, which fosters a constant
detection and evaluation process for the individual shopper. This can also cause frustration if finding a
faulty item that they like. Most shoppers thus appreciate when the items have a decent quality to be
left “alive” or in the circle, otherwise there is a common understanding that the item should not be
presented in the store at all. But what a decent quality equivalents for, is rather a question of
perception than an objective fact. While this can be regarded as a rule, it also affects the material
set-up of the store, as all items are part of the store’s material set-up (Woermman and Rokka, 2015).
Following this, shoppers generally expect the items sold in a second-hand shop to be cheaper than its
newly produced counterparts, since they have been pre-owned and thus have “lost” some of their
initially promised qualities. Although, when it comes to the price, it seems like the messier the store,
the cheaper the price. Therefore, if a shopper is willing to accept a less motivating material set-up,
they are more likely to find items for a cheaper price. Lastly, even in more structured second-hand
stores, shoppers generally do not want to pay “too much” money for a second-hand piece, and they
can thus express disappointment if it is “too expensive”.
6.1.2. Material set-up of the second-hand store
The material set-up does not only consist of the physical objects such as the second-hand fashion
items, it can also be the spatial environment or the space in which the practice is performed
(Woermman and Rokka, 2015; Bitner, 1992), namely the second-hand store. The discussed topics are
the structure and order of clothes, the smell, the lightning, the music, the fitting rooms and the store
staff, which can all be considered part of the material set-up (Bitner, 1992). Although, these elements
are being perceived differently by various shoppers, meaning that they can take on various roles in
forming temporal experiences (Reckwitz, 2002). However, some elements seem to hold a larger
importance, which is why they will be presented in more detail below.
Firstly, the store structure, selection of items and how they are being displayed have been a main topic
discussed in the interviews. It has become evident that consumers generally experience a second-hand
store as more messy and unstructured compared to a fast fashion store, which led them to discuss
ideas on how to best categorize the items. Most shoppers like a categorization based on size, colors,
gender and style, while opting for more creative ways of displaying the clothes such as mannequins
and display windows or tables. In summary, everyone seems to prefer a more structured shop since it
facilitates their search and evokes a positive timeflow and thus a positive temporal experience.
However, there is a limit regarding how much “chaos” the shopper can endure, which in turn affects
how they carry the shopping practice and thus what temporal experience is constructed. Secondly,
another material set-up that seems to be worthy of consideration is the characteristic smell of the
second-hand fashion shop, stemming from previously owned clothes. Consumers are aware of the fact
that second-hand stores carry a distinct smell, and they generally express a certain level of discomfort
towards it. A strong smell together with a messy setting will most likely also affect the perception of
the items sold, which does not allow them to enter any kind of timeflow as they can feel an urge to
quit the practice i.e. leave the store. However, a slight “second-hand smell” in the store, combined
17
with a structured physical layout, does not have that big of an impact when their attitude towards
second-hand is positive overall.
6.2. Identifying two shopping practices
Although the interviews reveal that second-hand shoppers are generally experiencing joy and
happiness to a larger extent than when reaching their shopping goal in the fast fashion store, there is a
difference in how they reach their goal. Such positive feelings seem to be related to an overall positive
temporal experience, but what generates a positive temporal experience varies and depends on the
practice performed (Shove et al., 2012). Particularly, through the in-depth interviews it was noticeable
that second-hand fashion shopping consists of different practices, which evoke various temporal
experiences. However, it is first relevant to emphasize that all respondents mention time as an
important factor in their shopping experience. Due to the fact that second-hand stores’ inventory is
vast and every item is unique regarding its quantity, all respondents agree that based on those special
conditions of second-hand, there is an impression that this type of shopping needs more time. To
clarify, experienced second-hand shoppers know that missing one part of the store could perhaps
mean that they miss out on a “treasure”, therefore they are under the impression that “having”
sufficient time is important. To have a positive temporal experience, you therefore need to have the
objective time required and preferably adapt the “right mood”. This is since you never know how
long the shopping will take, or even if you will find something. This caution of time when planning a
visit to the second-hand store can be summarized by the realization by Respondent 1:
“[...] then I also realize that, oh s*** you really have to take the time. You cannot just go in there, you
have to take the time and really look, you have to have the energy and focus to really find something.”
Furthermore, even though all individual practices consist of various element configurations, it is seen
that they can be separated into two different groups of practices when shopping second-hand fashion:
slow second-hand fashion shopping and fast second-hand shopping. What makes these two practices
possible to distinguish is their ability to induce a temporal experience, namely their timeflow, which is
dependent on the various configurations of practice elements. Hence, since the shoppers perform the
second-hand fashion shopping in different ways, there will also be different aspects that trigger a
positive versus a negative temporal experience within the practice. Thereby, the material set-up and
the rules presented above, are being configured with various bodily routines and skills, cultural
understandings and teleoaffective structures when a practitioner is performing the shopping. It is
therefore mainly the impact of the material set-up and the rules on the last three elements that
distinguish how the shoppers experience the time spent shopping. In turn, this further affects and is
affected by how the practice is carried out. The perception of slow and fast is interpreted as a shopping
characteristic, which stems from the elemental configurations which are being reproduced by these
practitioners. It is related to how these shoppers reproduce the linkages that construct a good versus a
bad experience, and is tightly bound to their expectations and goals when re-performing the practice
(Shove et al., 2012), hence the teleoaffective structures. Lastly, it is argued that their expectations are
further dependent on their previous experiences, all which are being represented through their cultural
understandings and the performed bodily routines and skills.
Before elaborating on the findings in detail, the tables below present the main results on a level which
reveals the discovered elemental configurations and their strength whether adopting slow or fast
second-hand fashion shopping. Following the identification of the two shopping practices, Table 2
(p.19) reveals the common configurations of positive temporal experiences, whereas Table 3 (p.20)
18
distinguishes the common configurations of negative temporal experiences. Through the tables it is
therefore possible to better understand the differences between the two practices and the effect they
have on the practice as a whole.
Table 2. Configurations of a positive temporal experience
Positive temporal experiences
Adopting the Adopting the
slow second-hand fashion shopping fast second-hand fashion shopping
The practitioner adopts the right mood while When entering an inspiring second-hand
knowing what to expect, which helps them store, the practitioner is enveloped with the
adapt to the store: right mood which guides their practice:
The teleoaffective structure links well with the The material set-up links well with the
material set-up and the rules, activating the teleoaffective structure, activating the bodily
bodily routines and skills. routines and skills.
The right mood, adapted to the specific store set-up, The perception of a well-structured store
makes the dedicated time an easy and fun browsing facilitates the navigation process which in turn
experience. helps the fulfillment of individual shopping goals.
The adaptive mood stems from a strong motivation The good assortment and display of items
of performing the practice, which seems to be facilitates the shopping routine and expands the
connected to the practitioner's cultural creative thinking, making the shoppers perceive
understanding. the time spent in-store worthwhile.
The practitioner intentionally avoids a limited A helpful employee staff evokes positive
time-frame, the “wrong” shopping companion and emotions, making the shoppers feel empowered
overcrowding. and valued as customers.
Online shopping seems to be an alternative in A good selection of quality items is perceived as a
which the linkages between elements can remain dedicated effort by the store, creating a positive
strong. attitude towards the practice.
19
Table 3. Configurations of a negative temporal experience
Negative temporal experiences
Adopting the Adopting the
slow second-hand fashion shopping fast second-hand fashion shopping
The in-store stimuli does not match the mood The in-store stimuli does not match the
or the expectation held by the practitioner: desired structure and overall expectation held
The link breaks between the teleoaffective by the practitioner:
structures and the material set-up. The link breaks between the material set-up,
the bodily routines and skills and
teleoaffective structure.
Stress is caused by an overcrowded store or An unstructured physical environment, dirt and
disinterested shopping companions. smell impedes the shoppers’ bodily movements,
bringing out overwhelming emotions.
Poor-organized fitting rooms or the lack of them, The expectation of encountering faulty items,
can reinforce the distance between the elements. compels the shoppers into reconfiguring and
adapting their bodily skills accordingly.
An overall chaotic material set-up impacts the
willingness of engagement, often driving
shoppers out of the store and quitting the practice.
The price factor is not in line with the The price factor is not in line with the item’s
experienced quality and in-store stimuli: quality and in-store stimuli:
The links break between the teleoaffective The links break between the bodily routines
structures, the rules and the material set-up. and skills, the material set-up and the rules.
The price is higher than expected based on the store The price is too high in relation to the quality of
characteristics. items sold, impacting the perceived meaning
(cultural understanding) of the second-hand
practice as a whole.
A high level of non-structure or other negative A high level of non-structure in-store together
material set-ups in-store can however still be with low quality or faulty items, is unacceptable
endured if the price mirrors those characteristics. no matter whether the price mirrors those
characteristics or not.
6.2.1. The practice of slow second-hand fashion shopping
When analyzing the empirical data, it was seen that some respondents were more accepting towards
the different experiences a second-hand fashion store can offer their customers. For example, the store
types mentioned by Evans et al. (2022) such as thrift stores, high-end vintage stores and boutiques,
were all mentioned by the respondents as evoking different temporal experiences. It also seems that
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Evans et al. (2022) were right when emphasizing that the various retail scapes are intended to convey
various norms and expectations. For the slow second-hand fashion shopping this is particularly
prominent, as these shoppers express a mindset of accepting a less pleasant shopping environment if
they can achieve a fairly priced fashion purchase that satisfies their goal for the practice. Namely, they
are not as affected by the actual store environment or the material set-up, as they seem to have an
inbuilt preconception of what defines a second-hand store, and they have learned to accept it. It is
even seen that these shoppers can find the characteristic smell as a positive material set-up, as it is
connected with the vintage vibe they want to experience when entering a second-hand fashion store.
In line with this, Respondent 13 evaluates the material set-up of his favourite store:
“[...] you came in and there was a slight smell of second-hand. Like everybody knows, that unique
little dusty smell of the second-hand, I don't think you can take that away. And I don't think you
should, probably because you know you've arrived at an actual second-hand store if you smell that.”
That is not to say that these shoppers do not have negative experiences, but that it requires a relatively
high level of negative timeflow in order for the practice to generate a negative temporal experience. It
is also worth remembering that the practice is evolving every time it is performed, which is why
something that once was perceived as highly negative can be differently perceived as the practice
evolves through new linkages between the practice elements. For example, cultural understanding
would likely have an effect on the expectations when entering a shop, as the practitioners’
understanding of a practice’s value systems is dependent on the practitioner’s social embedding
(Woermann and Rokka, 2015). Namely, it is reasonable to assume that someone who has grown up
with shopping second-hand is more positive towards the practice, as they know what values to expect.
Following this, the slow shoppers are seen to have a closer connection to the practice of second-hand
fashion, which can stem from a childhood where they have been used to second-hand garments or a
social circle which enjoys the practice as much as them, for example for fashion reasons. Respondent
10, who studies fashion and remembers going to the second-hand market with her mom in early
childhood, expresses her social relation to the practice. This is followed by Respondent 4, expressing
how her upbringing has formed her values and attitude towards used products:
“My mom likes to shop second-hand, we haven’t been to so many second-hands together, but
sometimes we go together and look a bit and it’s fun because she likes it. Also, I have a lot of friends
in my class, who think everything should be second-hand and it is so much fun going with them
because they really go all-in.”
“[...] I grew up quite a lot with a positive attitude towards second-hand and used stuff [...] I have
friends who think it's fun to go to second-hand [...] I don't live in a vacuum where I'm the only one
who thinks it's interesting and funny and so on. But then I think, above all, that maybe it is that they
[her social circle] share the values  around second-hand.”
As seen by the quotes, the slow second-hand fashion shoppers like to browse the second-hand fashion
store for fun, either alone or with friends as a social activity. They are motivated to look for unique
pieces, which can help them achieve a unique and personal style, suited for their lifestyle. Sometimes,
these shoppers have a goal to find something specific, but most often the specific item is not defined
in detail. For example, even though they can have a vague picture of what type of piece they want
such as pants, a jacket or a top, they most often realize what style they prefer when browsing through
the store selection. They often intend to buy quality pieces with durable material, as this reveals to
them that the piece will last longer. Brands can therefore also be used as a key factor for identifying
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quality pieces while disregarding fast fashion brands that are less unique and less durable for longer
use. Overall, the slow second-hand shoppers usually have a wide goal when performing the practice,
and their expectation is enjoying the browsing itself while hopefully finding something they like at a
fair price. Following Schatzki’s (2002) perception of teleoaffective structures, one can thus say that
browsing in a second-hand fashion store is a project arranged with the overall goal of finding
something unique, while adapting normative moods and emotions. For example, having the right
mood and emotional response to the store environment seem to be an especially important aspect for
the slow shoppers. The most beneficial approach is identified by Respondent 1, followed by
Respondent 10:
“So definitely going there with some sort of vision. But not really that you have to search for some
particular thing. But definitely be in some sort of mood.”
“Like, I don't always have to feel excited. But that I get more out of it if I feel like this, kind of excited
about it. Because sometimes it can happen that you can't bear to check everything and then you might
miss things that you might want.”
The adapted mindset and desired mood when entering the store also calls for a higher level of adapted
bodily routines and skills, as these consumers know how to search for items when entering the store.
They mention going towards a specific area if searching for something more specific, whereas aiming
at scanning through more or less all pieces if going there for fun. Looking at colors and steering the
scanning towards the racks which awakes interest is further a common bodily routine. Touching and
being able to try on the clothes also seems crucial for these shoppers, which is also confirmed through
the shop-alongs. Overall, they express that it has become easier to find things they like, which seems
to stem both from a changed style preference and the fact that second–hand stores nowadays are better
organized. Respondent 1 expresses that second-hand shopping requires that you have an eye for it, and
she further believes that some people lack this skill. On the other hand, her own experiences support
that the right attitude and an open mind can change the skill set of even the most skeptical
second-hand visitor, once they have given the practice a fair chance. This bodily adaptation is
generally strong within the slow second-hand fashion shopping. For example, Respondent 9 is highly
environmentally aware and aims at solely purchasing second-hand garments, which has led her to
adapt to most material set-ups, despite it being unstructured. She expresses surprise during the
shop-along regarding that the store was so well organized, which would imply that she did expect a
less organized material-set up. Her own analysis of this bodily adoption thanks to her strong shopping
philosophy was expressed as follows:
“I feel like second-hand shopping doesn't help the vibe because it's usually quite small, cramped
spaces. There's racks and racks and racks, crammed clothes together. Like it's kind of a hard shopping
experience. But I do it anyway, so obviously it doesn't really matter that much.”
6.2.1.1. Slow shopping backfires - A negative temporal experience
To begin with, the core element configuration which seems to generate a negative experience when
slow shopping, is related to unmet values under the circumstances in which they prefer to shop. Here,
the experience of time is particularly crucial. Namely, all practitioners of slow shopping express that
they most likely will have a negative experience if they can’t take the time required for second-hand
fashion shopping, including all bodily routines and skills they usually perform. They express that they
want to be slow and take their time, which is not possible if their temporal experience is induced by a
22
feeling of stress. The negative feeling of stress often comes from their subjective view of the required
time, namely their teleoaffective configuration in relation to the material set-up. To specify, other
people and the store structure seem to be important material set-ups when a negative temporal
experience is constructed, which is expressed by Respondent 10 followed by Respondent 4:
“[...] I hate shopping when I'm stressed. Especially when I know that someone who is with me does
not like to shop second-hand.”
“[...] because the experience is so important to me, there are of course shops, that are second-hand
shops, which I don't go into because maybe there are always a lot of people, or maybe it's like noisy
music, or it's crowded, or it's very hectic”.
The quotes above reveal that stress counteracts the charm and purpose of the slow second-hand
shopping, which normally fuels creativity and relaxation for these respondents. Basically, as they are
practicing a highly adaptable second-hand fashion shopping, this could lead them to learn which
friends are interested enough to join, or when a particular store is calmer and more suited for the
desirable experience. It is thus the level of crowdedness or the company that would imply whether the
experience is possible to endure while keeping down the stress level. Generally, crowdedness seems to
cause a negative experience for the slow shopping practitioners, even in stores which normally is seen
to induce a positive temporal experience. Some second-hand stores even foster crowding by having
sales of their storefront items, which irritates Respondent 4:
“Yeah, we'll have to keep an eye out for when they release that storefront stuff, so that I won't be there
the next time it happens, because I don't want to be a part of it again. Like, I thought that maybe you
can solve it in a better way. I sort of muttered to myself that maybe you don't need to have it to be like
people having to stand in line outside, because there aren't that many people there otherwise, so it just
felt unnecessary.”
As motivation and affectivity are closely related, the need to avoid stress in the store might steer the
slow shopper out of the store or even to another store where they are allowed to pursue their goal in a
better way (Hui et al., 2017). Furthermore, the disruption caused by other people in the store is also
seen as extra strong if there are poorly constructed fitting rooms, not enough fitting rooms or even no
fitting rooms at all. This is since the adaptable slow second-hand fashion practitioners are happy to
take their time, and in a disrupted situation they cannot perform the practice as they wish. Namely, if
trying on the clothes is part of the desired bodily routines and skills, a lack of fitting rooms can be
vital when determining if a negative or positive experience is constructed. Although, this practice’s
ability to adapt also encourages trying on pieces such as jackets and sweaters outside the fitting
rooms, which on the contrary would not disturb them. However, other clothes such as pants are crucial
to try on, and then the fitting rooms can decide the efficiency of the practice while inducing a negative
timeflow. Some sort of evaluation regarding the required bodily routines also seem to occur if there
are fitting rooms while the store is generally crowded. Respondent 4 and Respondent 13 argue:
“[...] it has happened that I have entered a store and found something that I find nice, and be like “Oh
I really want to buy this”, and then I come to realize there are no fitting rooms. Well, then I rather
hang it back and I might be disappointed because I thought it [the piece] was great. But it doesn’t feel
good to buy something that one has not tried.”
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“There's like vast spaces, a lot of people going through, little fewer changing rooms. So, it's always
like a vibe of can I get to that fitting room first? And how long do I have to wait, or do I have to rush
to get to that open changing room before a queue builds up or something?”
The fitting room situation is however an accepted characteristic of the second-hand store, which
therefore does not hinder the reconfiguration of the slow practice even if it could evoke
disappointment and slightly negative feelings. This is seen since the slow shoppers often express an
understanding towards the question of fitting rooms in second-hand stores, based on their high loyalty
towards the second-hand retail. For example, even if Respondent 9 also expresses a dislike towards
poorly constructed fitting rooms or the lack of fitting rooms, especially when trying on certain items
such as jeans, she can still form an understanding of this phenomena:
“So then I would say the most important thing about like second-hand shopping would be the fitting
rooms, to have a good feeling there. Because usually that's not the case either. You have like a racket,
like sheets that you pull, and then bad mirrors [...] but I don't think that's the purpose of it, they just
want people in and out, like they don't want people. There's probably some thought behind why it's
like that too.”
Even if the slow second-hand shopping practice implies patience towards the material set-up, it is seen
that there is a weighing scale between the price, meaning one of the rules, and the material set-up.
This is mediated by the teleoaffective structure, or the aspired goal of the practitioner. To clarify, if the
price of the garment is too high in relation to the experienced material set-up, a negative shopping
experience can be constructed. This applies even if adapting the slow shopping sometimes implies a
treasure-hunt, while enveloped by a very poorly structured material set-up such as dusty floors, smells
and messy piles of clothes. The negative temporal experience thus stems from a weak configuration
between the price of the garment and the store environment, rather than a dislike towards a specific
type of store. Respondent 13 strongly expresses his dislike of a second-hand store mostly selling low
quality fast fashion brands, which’s environment he experienced as untidy, unstructured and
confusing. It can be seen that the price was not in line with his perception of the store’s material
set-up, as he argues:
“It was like, ok the stitching is nice, it's a fun gig for the party but if it was like 15 euros or something,
I'd probably take it and I put it on the scale and it's like 80 euros or something. And like, ok for 80
euros I can buy a brand new one and the same quality with the same stitching. So why the f*** am I
going second-hand shopping then?”
Overall, if the practitioners of the slow second-hand fashion shopping are not in the right mood, they
will most likely encourage a negative timeflow caused by a weak configuration of elements. A weak
configuration can hereby be explained through inadequate links between two or more aspects of
various elements, which depends on how the elements are understood and thus positioned by the
practitioner. In line with this, it is important that the stores’ tidiness and their prices are being strongly
configured along with the adapted mood of the practitioner, as a weak configuration of these three
elements would induce a negative timeflow and thus a negative temporal experience. In other words,
the slow second-hand practitioner wants to know what to expect so they can take all the time they
want and need.
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6.2.1.2. Finding zen in slow shopping - A positive temporal experience
As the temporal experience awakened within the practice of slow second-hand fashion shopping is
mostly dependent on the mood held by the practitioners, most experiences are good as long as the
served experience is expected or anticipated by the shopper. This is possible since there are numerous
ways in which these practitioners have learned to adapt, by acquiring new skills to avoid factors that
would trigger a negative experience. This adaptation could be regarded as a bodily experience of
temporality, as Woermann and Rokka (2015) emphasize that preconscious bodily movements, affected
by the practice elements bundle, further affect the practice performance and the experience it delivers.
In order to pave a way for a positive experience, Respondent 1 expresses the following feelings
related to the timeframe:
“Really take the time, not feeling like I'll go in there and be stressful. Feel like I'll take the time, be
there on a free day. For example Sunday was the day when I used to go, because on Sundays you’re
free. You don't have many things to do so you can go there and “stroll around”, like really have the
feeling of “stroll around”. Don't go there after your work, like the last hour and have to find a jacket
or that kind of stuff.”
If the practitioners have the objective time, physical shopping will thus most likely evoke a positive
experience, especially if they find items that they like or if they hold a feeling that they might find
something. This can be applied either if they visit a messy store to make a good bargain, or if they
visit a very well-sorted store to browse, which again implies the importance of adapting the right
mood and expectation to the store in question. As mentioned above, this seems to be an adapted
bodily skill that stems from strong teleoaffective structures, or inner beliefs that motivates the
adaptation. In that case, even if the respondents who practice the slow second-hand fashion shopping
would rather be met by a more structured material set-up, they are not really intimidated by its
counterpart. Respondent 10 frames it like this:
“But abroad the price is per kilo. It’s usually cheaper and then it works that you kind of rummage
through a box and maybe find something very unique, very cheap, and then I think it’s fun! Well, to
kind of rummage and that it can be a bit dirty, that you have come there to be like “Now I am going to
make a bargain!”, kind of like that.”
Although this type of shopping does not attract everyone, the slow shoppers are generally more
strongly equipped against outer errors as long as they know that they have the time. This means that
they accept things that could otherwise be perceived as negative by the fast shoppers. Namely, they
have learned that as long as they can take their time, they can overcome many negative material
set-ups by adapting a more thorough search. On the topic whether second-hand stores could improve
their sorting of items, Respondent 4 argues that:
“I think I would have appreciated that, even though I can browse for ages. So they can sort it how
poorly they want, I will find something anyway!”
Another way in which the experienced timeframe seems to be crucial, is the fact that if not having the
time to go to the store, these shoppers can adapt an online version of the second-hand fashion
shopping. Online shopping also facilitates the browsing for something specific, as there are numerous
filters to choose from, such as clothes category, size, brands, colors and price. Hence, adapters of the
slow second-hand fashion shopping practice can designate a long time for this type of shopping,
25
which still is considered as saving time compared to in-store shopping. Respondent 10 expresses that
she scrolls for second-hand fashion daily, even if she prefers physical stores to being able to feel the
material and try on the clothes. Respondent 9 expresses that she has limited time and ability to visit
the store, and therefore prefers the online channels even if she has had numerous negative experiences
when shopping second-hand online. Overall, the preferred channel can thus be related to the
perception of their objective time, in relation to the effort they are in the mood to put in. However, it
seems like when visiting the store, a positive experience is built by aligned configured elements,
mostly the teleoaffective structure in relation to the material set-up. In line with this, this configuration
generates a feeling of controlling their own time, in which they can add the right configuration of
bodily routines and skills. In line with this, many practitioners of slow second-hand fashion shopping
appreciate shopping alone unless their shopping companion holds the same configuration. Respondent
4 expresses that the time spent in the second-hand store is her own:
“The elements for a positive experience are like, getting to be in your own world? Like headphones
on, decent peace and quiet, being able to browse for long. No time pressure. Look at everything.
Maybe walk several rounds, like going back and looking at something again. Look at most things, like
men’s clothes, women's clothes, yes like children's clothes. Look at everything and be kind of
undisturbed, no one that comes and asks questions, no one that will talk to you. Yes but sort of, kind of
let the creative thoughts flow, in other words you yourself might also need to be a bit relaxed.”
As the result of successful shopping most often is tied to a successful purchase, it is not surprising that
most second-hand shoppers express that a positive experience often imply finding a fashion item of
their liking. However, as the shoppers adapting the slow fashion shopping practice most often have
gone through a long search routine adapting to the material set-up of the store chosen, there are
numerous times in which they have not found anything. They have also spent a long time browsing
through the store, often without a specific goal. Some days are also better than others, and so when
they do find something, they often express a high level of happiness or satisfaction for finding
something that they will like and use. This was seen during the shop-along, where 3 out of 4
respondents left the store with new garments and a positive feeling.
6.2.2. The practice of fast second-hand fashion shopping
During the analysis it was identified that the respondents practicing fast second-hand shopping
expressed a bigger dissatisfaction towards second-hand stores, mostly due to the poor material set-up
that often prevented them from following their shopping routine. That is not to say that these shoppers
do not support the cause of second-hand stores, as they all expressed that their main motive is due to
sustainable reasons and goal to not support the fast fashion industry (Hui et al., 2017). Moreover, they
also demonstrate more positive feelings when purchasing second-hand, namely “happy”, “relieved”,
“victory” and “proud”. However, especially the emotion of feeling proud seems to originate from the
perception that second-hand shopping is challenging, which mostly stems from the unstructured
physical space of the stores along with other stimuli that affect their experience. Respondent 2
indicates some of those factors:
“I think often the light is different and I think it's much darker in second-hand stores than in normal
stores where it’s super bright. So that is kind of annoying because then I don't really see the colors.
And there aren't a lot of mirrors either. So, if I want to see how something looks on me, it's really hard.
And then the changing rooms are often not that good. Like it's a lot of things that are annoying I
would say.”
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Additionally, these respondents seem to be especially bothered by the distinct dusty second-hand
smell which in turn alters their perception of the items sold. Respondent 14 expresses his explicit view
on smell:
“I came in and the first you smell is like not the nicest smell. It smells old and like an attic or a cellar
or something. And I immediately feel dirty.”
Even though the fast shoppers often give up on their shopping practice due to those circumstances,
they still experience feelings of guilt when leaving the store, which shows their devotion and wish to
contribute to the sustainable cause. However, that does not indicate any form of coherence to the
practice as it is currently, since they experience the negative timeflow even more strongly. In line with
this, Respondent 6 points out how he experiences the time factor in a “messy” environment:
“One thing is the smell. Sometimes you can really smell that you're in the second-hand store and like
dirty clothes, you can smell that. And that makes me very eager to leave the shop. And other times
when it's just really disorganized. You find some clothes here and then it's mixed dresses with pants.
So, when that is mixed with the men's clothes, it's kind of annoying and time consuming to navigate
through the shop and find what you're looking for.”
That said, these shoppers do not want to spend too much time browsing, they appreciate order and
structure in the store. They are fast regarding their ability to quickly decide whether the shopping is
worth their time at a specific moment, although their physical shopping speed is beyond the scope of
interest in this research. Instead, what will be seen in the parts to come, is that their objective time
spent in-store is dependent on their experience. A resemblance with a normal store is therefore
beneficial for these shoppers, while they know that second-hand fashion shopping requires more time
and effort than regular shopping. Non-structure, smell and dirt chases these shoppers out of the store,
as they rather visit a store where they can look at everything while knowing that the product attributes
are sufficient for their needs. Whereas it is still possible for these shoppers to have positive
experiences, that would require a stronger alignment of elements, hence a positive timeflow. For a
strong alignment of elements, the practitioner would need to perceive all links as adequate based on
the various elemental aspects and their position, meaning that no links are broken.
6.2.2.1. The fast lane to frustration - A negative temporal experience
The respondents performing fast shopping were found to be particularly disappointed with
second-hand stores that evoke too many impressions and generate the feeling of being overwhelmed.
This mainly stems from the lack of structure of the items sold within the physical space of the store
which in turn affects their experience in-store and emotions at that moment (Woermann and Rokka,
2015). This feeling is best described by Respondent 3, who expresses her distress:
“[…] when it’s just too much stuff, you can’t see anything because it’s everything […] then when
everything is a mess you can’t really see anything, it’s stressful, instead of being an enjoyable
experience.”
Practitioners of fast shopping tend to follow a certain routine when entering a second-hand store,
which is mostly based on scanning the displayed clothes, getting a clearer overview of what kind of
items are being sold and detecting something eye-catching. While all respondents seem to share this
tactic of bodily skills, the fast shopping practitioners also feel that certain second-hand stores make
the navigation process more difficult which evoke negative emotions. Respondent 2 argues that:
27
“Second-hand stores can be quite hectic, there’s a lot of things everywhere and it is hard to navigate
[…] Some are quite small, so you don't really have a lot of room. There are a lot of things everywhere
and there is no specific theme for the style of the clothes, everything is in one place […] it's quite hard
to find something and it's just messy. It was quite stressful.”
Moreover, a bad structure seems to affect the shoppers’ behavioral intentions and willingness to stay
in the store (Bitner, 1992). Even though they are committed second-hand shoppers who enjoy
spontaneous shopping excursions, they feel that the unclear material set-up of the store prevents them
from following their bodily routines and compels them into an unnecessary planning of a shopping
trip. Respondent 5 explains a repeated situation when she instinctively stopped by a second-hand store
but immediately felt discouraged by the unstructured space of the store and left believing that she
would not be able to make a purchase. She continues by explaining how the material set-up of the
store affected her perception of time:
“[the clothes] they’re not organized based on size or anything and then I think, “ok I need to spend an
hour in here just to find my size” […] you just don’t feel like handling that and then you normally give
up.”
Therefore, an unstructured material set-up, meaning lack of assortment based on size, color or genre,
evokes stressful and overwhelming feelings which in turn affect the consumers’ perception of time. A
negative timeflow has a direct effect on the consumers’ bodily movements and consequently it affects
how a practice is performed and experienced (Woermann and Rokka, 2015). In line with this, it is
found that a bad alignment of all things considered as a material set-up prevents consumers from
reaching their goal and evokes negative emotions. The configuration of those two elements, in turn,
constructs a negative temporal experience which hinders the consumers’ ability to follow a certain
routine and reduces their willingness of time spent in store. Respondent 7 supports the following by
saying:
“The more stuff there is in a store, the shorter I stay there because then I feel that my brain gets a
little messy and I lose the motivation to look through everything. But on the other hand, if it's a little
more carefully sectioned then and there, then I will stay longer […] and then it becomes a bit more
fun to try stuff that I normally wouldn’t.”
Overall, all respondents who experience time at a second-hand store as overwhelming due to its
unstructured physical nature and lack of item sortation, share a common perception of time, namely
they experience a negative timeflow. As Respondent 8 frames it:
“When I had a bad experience, it felt like I was looking for ages, even though I was probably only
there for like 10 minutes […] I was not very patient because it felt very tiring and I wasn't happy with
their selection […] I would say if a store has you walk in there and they have multiple racks and it
feels like it's not structured in a clear way, then the time feels very stressful and long. Even though it's
maybe 5 minutes that I'm in there, it feels very much longer.”
Although the pricing of the items sold within the second-hand context is considered to be a common
knowledge, meaning that second-hand clothes should be cheaper than newly purchased ones,
practitioners performing fast shopping seem to require this characteristic without leaving room for any
discussion. When shopping for fashion, each respondent expressed their preferences regarding the
attributes they are looking for in a fashion item, however their view seems to be non-negotiable when
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it comes to the price of a second-hand piece, since they expect to pay less regardless of the original
price. Respondent 8 states:
“When I shop second-hand, I expect the items to be cheaper since they're second-hand. Even though
they can be nice brands. It's just something that you expect when someone else has owned it, or even
though it can be completely new, you expect it to be reduced in price.”
The overall meaning of second-hand shopping is formed by the cultural understanding which results
from the practitioners generating a shared understanding of what it means to perform second-hand
fashion shopping (Schatzki, 2002). Even though cultural understandings do not induce any timeflow,
they function as an element that dictates how consumers experience a certain practice (Woermann and
Rokka, 2015). Thus, when the cultural understanding of expecting low priced garments is not met, the
overall meaning of the practice and how it is experienced gets affected. In this case, Respondent 12
explains her view on how the price factor can reconfigure the practice of second-hand shopping as a
whole:
“I feel like second-hand shopping has become more of a trend. I like the small stores where you get
treasures but there are a lot of stores where […] you have to do everything yourself and then you get
really surprised by a really high price and this is what I don't like. And then you're looking at this item
and you're like “No, sorry. That's too much. I won't pay for this.” And you can't even negotiate […]
the fact that more people are willing to pay this price makes it more expensive and less likely to find
any treasures. They don’t give me a reason to pay so much money.”
Moreover, it was noted that the price factor undertakes an additional role, that being an unwritten rule
stating that a price should reflect the quality of the sold products. While rules do not necessarily
reflect the gravity of explicit laws, they are yet expected to be applied by the authority in charge as a
common norm (Schatzki, 2002). In this case, respondents believe that second-hand stores should be
fairer regarding the pricing of the items sold, especially when the quality is lower than anticipated.
Respondent 6 shares his view about the matter:
“They are less tolerant with someone complaining about the quality of the product because it's
understood by both parties that it could have some errors. But that should be reflected by the price.
But I don't know if that's a legal thing, or if it's more of an ethical thing.”
Respondent 6 further explains how the quality of the sold clothes, meaning when they are in a bad
condition, negatively affects his willingness to return to the second-hand store:
“And also, sometimes in second-hand shops they wash the clothes, but it's in such bad condition that
it should never be sold […] when I'm looking for clothes and I see that lots of their clothes either have
many stains or they are torn apart or in really bad condition, I would not return to that second-hand
shop.”
The practitioners who prefer fast shopping, seem to believe that second-hand stores do not pay enough
attention to what clothes are displayed in the store. The responsibility of checking for faulty items,
meaning stains or missing parts, falls in the customers’ hands. While all respondents show an
understanding towards the fact that they might stumble upon a faulty garment, they still argue that it is
also the store’s duty to be more considerate of the clothes selected to be put on display. While the
quality of the items sold is part of the material set-up, it seems to construct negative experiences,
29
especially when combined with the rule of high pricing. Respondent 12 expresses how a similar
situation made her feel unvalued as a customer:
“They make my experience more negative because I know I don't have any rights or help after I have
bought the item. They just want me to leave the money there and then they don't care further […] I like
when they care for what they're doing […] but it's more like “once it's sold, basically we don't care,
we just care for your money”. So, they don't pay attention to my loyalty to come back.”
The element of the rules can at times have a direct effect on the consumer’s temporal experience,
however its affection is better understood through the combination of other elements (Woermann and
Rokka, 2015). Thus, another rule that seems to affect the consumer’s experiences when combined
with the material set-up, namely the bad condition of clothes, is the return policy. While the
respondents seem to be familiar with this particular rule, that does not stop them from expressing their
disappointment. Respondent 11 explains:
“I feel that's a bit harder with the second-hand compared to a regular store and I feel that in a
second-hand store it's much more your responsibility as a customer to make sure that you're aware in
what condition you buy, because compared to a regular store you buy something and then you come
home and realize, there's no button on this one, then you can, as long as you haven't used it, go back
with your receipt, but if it were the second-hand store, it would probably be like yes, but this is what
we sold it like. I feel like there's more responsibility on the consumer in the second-hand setting.”
Furthermore, the bad alignment of the elements of material set-up and rules seems to affect the
consumers’ bodily routines, as they are now obliged to look more carefully into the garments they
find in-store. The rule of lacking a return policy has frustrated many of the respondents on various
occasions, either that was because they bought a faulty item but came to realize it after the purchase or
because they felt unsure and pressured into making a quick purchasing decision about a garment that
they were considering. No matter the situation, the respondents explain how they have been more
occupied with “investigating” the items sold rather than enjoying their shopping spree. Respondent 7
tells us about her current mindset on the matter but also how she thinks it could be a discouragement
for other consumers to shop second-hand fashion:
“When you shop second-hand it is because you see that it is a good thing, and you don’t contribute to
fast fashion. But then it's so important that the clothes sort of last or that they're not torn when you
buy them, because then it doesn't matter. So that has probably led me to being very careful now,
always looking like is there a hole in the shirt? Is there a mark on the shirt? […] if you've bought
something that's broken, then you'll probably be a little skeptical about going back […] in a normal
store you have always the right to return it or get your money back, but you can't do that second-hand.
[…] then maybe you become a little more anti [anti second-hand] if you are part of such an
experience.”
Therefore, it is seen that a weak configuration of material set-up and rules can have a strong effect on
the cultural understanding, by contradicting the overall meaning of the practice of shopping
second-hand and affecting their time spent in-store. The material set-up of the store, including the
unstructured layout of the space which was often described as “messy” along with the poor selection
of faulty garments, seem to be the starting point of inducing a negative timeflow and in turn a
negative temporal experience. It is prominent that a negative temporal experience reaches its peak
30
once the environmental stimulus surrounding the shoppers prevent them from following their bodily
routines or when they feel compelled into changing them to adapt to the practice.
6.2.2.2. The fast shopping bliss - A positive temporal experience
While the fast second-hand fashion practitioners’ negative temporal experiences were mostly
dependent on the material set-up of the stores, it was also seen that the correct alignment of the stimuli
which configure this element can evoke a positive timeflow and thus a positive temporal experience.
The respondents stated that when having a positive experience their willingness to come back to the
store increases, since they feel that their energy and time was worthwhile. Additionally, a good
structure and assortment of clothes facilitates the navigation process, making it easier for the shoppers
to identify an item that they find interesting, while it also allows them to follow their usual browsing
routine. The bodily routines are affected by all practice elements (Woermann and Rokka, 2015),
which was also observed during a shop-along with one of our respondents who was looking for a pair
of blue jeans. She seemed happy and relieved once she realized that the jeans’ rack was sorted
according to size, since it was easier for her to identify the item that she was looking for. Namely, it
was seen that all elements were aligned favorably and especially the material set-up seemed to be
important when developing the necessary bodily routines and skills. In turn, Respondent 15 also
describes how the material set-up of the store made his experience even more positive:
“I can feel that the store shop assistants made an effort to sort it and to present it in a good way, to
have price labels and size labels that I can identify pretty quickly, everything is consistent. I have a
nice flow when I go through it, and the store just looks like a normal store that I'm used to.”
Moreover, the respondents mentioned that they appreciate a good display of clothes that inspires their
thoughts and helps them envision a potential outfit. As most of the respondents when entering a
second-hand store do not have a specific goal in mind, they explained that it is especially convenient
to see mannequins or hung clothes that correspond to the same style. Thus, a good alignment of
material set-up and teleoaffective structure facilitates the browsing process by inducing a positive
timeflow. A similar display was best explained by Respondent 12 when she was asked to describe a
positive experience:
“The store was not very crowded, and it was sorted into outfits. They had put small selections of
clothes that were the same kind together and it wasn't really a set, but it was more the same style. It
was curated, that means that there was some thought behind everything and because they kind of put
it into like outfits, I could see a vision and I could see things together. It was helping me, and I felt
comfortable.”
While the assortment of the clothes plays a significant role for the shoppers’ efficacy of bodily skills
and routines and teleoaffective structures, they also referred to how the broader layout of the store can
constitute a positive temporal experience. More specifically, the respondents talked about how easier
it is to achieve their shopping goal when the clothes are sectioned based on style or brands, as it is
quicker to detect an item that refers to their preference before even beginning the browsing process.
For instance, Respondent 7 explains how her favorite second-hand store structures its racks based on
brands, ranging from budget brands, and moving on to slightly more luxurious ones. In addition,
Respondent 8 shares her view on how an “up to season” structure of clothes improves her browsing
experience, but also her willingness to stay longer in-store:
31
“So, in the front they have items that are in season I would say, and they have displayed it in a nice
way. Maybe they are like color coordinated. If it's spring they could have blues at the front. Put some
clothes on a mannequin so you can like envision nice outfits […] they've just displayed it in a nice
way, I think it's a good structure of the store. I was more happy to search for other clothes as well.”
From the foregoing, it is evident that the structure of clothes has a significant effect in both negative
and positive experiences, which is also supported by Tai and Fung (1997) acknowledging that the
atmospheric stimuli strongly affect the time spent in store, the willingness to purchase and the desire
to explore. Respondent 11 shared the time she found a one-of-a-kind pair of trousers, but while trying
them on she realized half of the sewed rhinestones were missing. She further explained how that
moment of realization negatively affected her mood but also her experience which urged her to leave
the store. However, she suggests a solution regarding the structure of faulty clothes that she believes
would have salvaged her experience:
“If they had separated the faulty items in a different section then I would probably go there with the
expectation to do some touch ups and fix stuff […] the chance is definitely bigger that I would buy
them if I had found them there, it would have saved me the unpleasant surprise.”
Furthermore, many of the respondents expressed the necessity of having a helpful staff that could
guide them through the store but also be ready to present them with alternative choices during their
shopping. Many express their preference for a one-to-one experience, meaning a pleasant and
welcoming environment where they can feel free to ask for help or opinion with the anticipation of
receiving it. Arguing that a helpful employee staff is part of the material set-up element, it is seen that
a good alignment of teleoaffective structure and material set-up can induce a positive timeflow and a
willingness to explore more. Respondent 12 explains how she experienced her time spent in-store
during a positive experience:
“In the positive experience I just spent the time I had to spend there. Like I got help and then I also
got to talk to the staff. So, the time I spent there, I really enjoyed spending, but I also tried a few items
on and had like a short conversation and let's say it was the same amount of time [as in the negative
experience], but it felt quicker and better spent in the positive experience.”
The physical environment of the store is often perceived as chaotic due to the poor management of the
space as well as the items sold in it. Nonetheless a greeting and helpful staff that aids in navigating
this “mess” seems to have a positive effect on the shoppers’ mood and thus encourages a positive
timeflow. Since our respondents perceive second-hand shopping as a lifestyle, many admitted that
they are in need of a more personal “touch” per se to make their experience more holistic and turn it
into a fun activity instead of a “hustle”. The respondents further explain their thoughts by suggesting
the idea of a concept store, a sharing space that could resemble a coffee shop where customers could
either enjoy a cup of coffee during their shopping experience or simply take a small break.
Respondent 15 expresses his view on a similar concept second-hand store that he recently visited,
followed by Respondent 3 who shares her thoughts regarding that vision:
“[…] they also have a cafe slash working small area but also it makes it more individual or more
universal. That's something I like when it's not just the fashion items presented. But it's more holistic.
It's an experience. Yeah, actually, that's something I really appreciate.”
32
“Actually having a cafe and second-hand store would make it like an experience and an activity.
Because then you can also hang out there. [...] That is such a good idea, now I want to start a
second-hand shop!”
7. Discussion
Numerous temporal experiences have been revealed through the data analysis, all which seem to be
born out of the practice of shopping second-hand fashion itself (Shove et al., 2012). However, even
though all practitioners are experienced in a sense that they frequently perform and thus experience
the practice, not all time spent in store seems to evoke temporal experiences which convey a
significant meaning, either to the practitioner or the practice as a whole (Schatzki, 2002). To clarify,
even if it is evident that practices accompany temporal experiences (Holmes, 2018; Ryynänen and
Heinonen, 2021), not all experiences survive as a particular memory within the practitioner unless
they convey an especially strong alignment or misalignment of practice elements. The two shopping
practices presented in the results can thus convey the collective rhythms of the practice, including
numerous temporal experiences (Holmes, 2018). Furthermore, within Reckwitzs' (2002) well-used
definition of a social practice, the routinization aspect is strongly emphasized which can explain why
certain experiences in-store are not recalled by the respondents. On the other hand, as the individuals
function as carriers of the practice (Reckwitz, 2002), the experience does not have to be explicitly
defined in order for the practice itself to evolve. To simplify, both the slow and the fast second-hand
fashion shopping practice are being recurrently performed which means that their configurations
"work" (Shove et al., 2012). However, we would still like to raise awareness to some of these
configurations, due to the large shift required for a more sustainable fashion consumption.
Firstly it is important to mention that all respondents have had positive experiences from their time
shopping for second-hand fashion, which is observed through the respondents’ revelations about store
loyalty, satisfaction, purchase intent and word-of-mouth promotion (Ta et al., 2022), all which are
being presented in Figure 1 (p.7). The respondents’ willingness to engage in the practice also stems
from their strong desire to partake in a more sustainable fashion consumption (Hui et al., 2017), in
line with their individual preferences. In Table 2 (p.19) it becomes evident that all practitioners need
to be in the right mood when performing the practice, which is either adapted before entering the
store, or it is being built up when enveloped by the material set-up. Therefore, it was discovered that
the experience of second-hand shopping is largely dependent on the adopted mood, hence we
emphasize the importance of the individual’s cognitive state towards the practice, while continuing
treating the goals and ends as tied to the practice bundle (Woermann and Rokka, 2015). Namely, while
the adopted mood can determine the attitude towards the practice and thus its performance, it does not
affect the practice’s overall goal.
Furthermore, the practice’s ability to induce a positive timeflow (Woermann and Rokka, 2015) seems
to be stronger if the material set-up is regarded as appropriate or expected from the practitioner. For
example, one can see that the slow shoppers’ mood is dependent on a high level of acceptance
towards the rules of the practice, in which they gladly endure for the chance of a positive timeflow.
The fast shopping practice is also affected by the rules, although its combination with the material
set-up is what affects them the strongest. This shows the deliberately direct effect a rule can have over
the practice (Woermann and Rokka, 2015). Overall, a good structure and a well-sorted store is
beneficial for all second-hand shoppers, where a positive timeflow is more likely to occur including
unconsciously developed bodily routines and skills which work to sustain the practice.
33
On the contrary, when the stimuli (material set-up) encounter a weak link to the consumers’ desired
expectations (teleoaffective structure), negative behaviors surface (Tai and Fung, 1997) inducing a
negative timeflow (Woermann and Rokka, 2015). Even though the practice itself is motivating for all
respondents, the negative experiences seem to be what is recalled the most. Gathering from the data it
was evident that the in-store material set-up, including both tangible and intangible stimuli, play a
significant role in the construction of consumers’ negative temporal experiences (see Table 3, p.20).
Naturally, consumers interact with and respond to the different stimuli which are placed in the center
of their shopping experience (Holbrook and Hirschman, 1982). Particularly, a material set-up that
does not meet their desired expectations seems to meddle with consumers’ emotions and slow down
their bodily routines and skills. Specifically, practitioners engaging in fast second-hand shopping
experience great levels of stress and irritation once they encounter an unstructured physical setting
along with unpleasant odors and dirt. While slow second-hand shopping practitioners also face
overwhelming emotions due to crowded and hectic second-hand stores, they also show greater ability
to unconsciously endure a negative timeflow and adapt their bodily skills to the practice. On the other
hand, fast second-hand shoppers seem more prone to leave the store once certain misalignments affect
their bodily movements (Woermann and Rokka, 2015). Thus, we argue that the fast second-hand
shopping practitioners experience the negative timeflow more strongly, impacting in turn their
willingness to stay longer in-store, purchase intent and overall satisfaction (Tai and Fung, 1997;
Bitner, 1992).
As previously mentioned, the practitioners adopting the slow second-hand shopping are more strongly
equipped towards the distinct principles applied within the second-hand context, which is reflected in
their desired mood when embarking the practice. However, this is beyond the physical space of the
store, which raises the questions regarding whether or not this portrays a positive development for
second-hand fashion consumption. In particular, for a proportion of some slow shoppers, adapting to a
non-structured, smelly and crowded second-hand store seems to be reasonable to a certain extent,
since it sets a lucrative challenge for a treasure-hunt (Guiot and Roux, 2010). Hence, practitioners
believe that in order to get an especially good bargain, one has to endure a messier store and
consequently what can be regarded as a more negative in-store experience. This shows that there is an
inbuilt understanding, hence a strong element link, between the level of tidiness (material set-up) and
the expected price (rules). Nonetheless, it is worth mentioning that the majority of the practitioners
would at the same time appreciate avoiding these inconvenient store characteristics as they are
invested into enjoying their second-hand experience. Considering that retailscapes are intended to
convey fundamental norms and expectations (Evans et al., 2022), we argue that such a strong element
link is not in itself negative for the individual’s practice per se, but rather for the future of
second-hand consumption as a whole. Thus, the ongoing repetition of the configuration of these
element links can impact the cultural understanding which dictates how the practice can be performed
and experienced (Woermann and Rokka, 2015), discouraging other possible consumers from
embarking the practice of second-hand shopping out of fear of difficulty or discomfort.
While the practice has been separated in two streams for the benefit of analyzing, it is not to say that
practitioners cannot adopt both fast and slow shopping in their “second-hand shopping career”. One
could argue that the skills of a second-hand shopper are constantly evolving when deciding to give the
practice an honest try, which can be strengthened by the fact that the bodily experience can be directly
affected by the bundle of practice elements, while they also affect the practice performance
(Woermann and Rokka, 2015). Based on this, one could even suggest that some shoppers can shift
between fast and slow shopping within the same timeframe, if they experience various alignments of
34
practice elements during the store visit. For example, the fast shopping practice’s negative temporal
experiences, mostly stemming from viewing the store as messy and unstructured, are constructions
which do not have to be connected to the practitioner per se. Rather, the practitioner could more
recurrently experience fast versus slow shopping based on what elements they most often carry in
configuration, or namely how they take account of the same rules applied within second-hand fashion
shopping (Schatzki, 2002). While some respondents shared their development within second-hand
fashion shopping, it was further clear that second-hand shopping has become easier with practice,
which means that a certain level of adaptation is inevitable. On the other hand, as all practitioners
have had negative experiences when shopping for second-hand, it is impossible to distinguish whether
they adopted a slow versus a fast configuration when this negative experience was constructed.
8. Conclusion
When researching the growing trend of second-hand fashion shopping, it is important knowing why
consumers engage in the practice but also equally crucial knowing how the practice itself is
constructed and what experiences it delivers. Following the high importance of customer experiences
in retail (Pine and Gilmore, 1998; Schmitt, 1999; LaSalle and Britton, 2003; Chuang and Hu, 2017),
temporal experiences are evoked when the practice of second-hand fashion shopping is performed,
which in turn are constructed differently based on the configuration of the five practice elements
(Woermann and Rokka, 2015). Multiple configurations have been presented in this research, all which
can be mediated as either positive or negative experiences for the practitioners. When relating to what
meaning the various configurations can construct, we refer back to Figure 1 (p.7) and the customer
experience research.
While it is confirmed that consumers need memorable in-store experiences in order to strengthen their
motivations into an ingrained practice (Schmitt, 1999), this research has identified which
configurations are especially prevalent when creating either a positive or a negative experience. This
was seen through the practice’s timeflow, hence through the level of configuration between the five
practice elements. A weak configuration generates a negative timeflow and hence a negative
experience, whereas a strong configuration generates a positive timeflow and hence a positive
experience. Therefore, the theoretical implications carried by this research is related to the consumer
behavior within second-hand fashion retail, particularly the customer experience research when
shopping for second-hand fashion products. Following these implications, this research broadens the
contribution on customer experiences of circular fashion products, positively affecting the incentives
to shop more sustainably. Particularly, the analysis on positive versus negative temporal experiences
can help identify which elements ought to be changed so as to encourage more consumers into joining
the practice.
8.1. Managerial implications
Second-hand consumption being an alternative and more sustainable way of shopping has a unique
nature, meaning that the practice carries from the very beginning a specific meaning as a whole and
certain rules that apply within its context. Guiot and Roux’s (2010) research on consumers’
motivations for second-hand shopping mostly circles back to treasure-hunting and economic
incentives. Our findings support this view, showing that consumers shopping second-hand are in
search of fair quality items for a fair price. However, it is seen that this is often not met due to the
35
poor selection of displayed items, high prices and uninvested employee staff, which results in a
negative customer experience and often discouragement towards the practice.
Managers not following the principles of the second-hand industry thus risk affecting the practice of
second-hand shopping negatively which contradicts the main purpose of the practice as a whole.
Namely, it is advocated that the second-hand industry works according to the rules that constitute the
practice’s expectation while at the same time repainting a more positive picture of second-hand
fashion. Beyond the temporal experience, it is further encouraged that every place of interaction with
a particular second-hand seller must communicate an aligned image which creates an accurate
expectation among its consumers. In this research, the consumers’ wish of a concept store along with
their desired mood when entering various types of second-hand stores strengthens this argument.
Within the actual shopping timeframe, the material set-up seemed to be the most crucial element when
forming both positive and negative timeflows. This is not surprising since the consumer’s interaction
with the outer stimuli is placed as the core focus of experiences (Holbrook and Hirschman, 1982).
Here this means that the place of interaction within second-hand fashion shopping has an effect on
what experiences are generated, and that second-hand store-keepers have a responsibility when trying
to evoke and sustain the desired mood which they previously have communicated. Included in this are
all material set-ups, such as the staff, the lighting, the music and the fitting rooms, but most important
are the display structure and selection of the fashion items in-store. However, all elements that work
to configure the interaction must be aligned well in order for the shopper to experience a positive
timeflow, which for example could be seen through the negative timeflow experienced when the
consumers’ expectations on price did not match the physical store environment or the fashion items
displayed.
To summarize, if second-hand fashion consumption is to grow more attractive in the future, it is of
high importance that the stores are aware of what temporal experiences are awakened through the
shopping practice itself. In line with this, they are advised to mediate stimulus in which the
second-hand fashion shopping practice will thrive without having to go through an extensive
adaptation in-store.
8.2. Future research and limitations
Taking the practice perspective on customer experiences entails a focus on temporal experiences,
while future research has the opportunity to investigate customer experiences through other stages of
the customer journey beyond the store visit. In this case, second-hand shopping in-store is the practice
in focus which delimits the research from revealing other practices that potentially could be tied to the
practice of shopping second-hand fashion. From the scope of the chosen research design and more
specifically the sample data, this study further focuses on respondents in the ages between 25 to 32
years old, which constrains the results to younger consumers. A further study investigating
respondents of older ages could thus be beneficial to reveal any analogies that could be supported or
differentiated by our findings. Perhaps any potential distinctions between the age groups could
provide further theoretical or managerial insights. Additionally, as stated in the methodology chapter,
we did not aim for a representative sample in terms of gender but rather that the respondents are
regularly engaging in the practice of second-hand fashion shopping. However, we encourage future
research to include more male respondents as they too can show great involvement in fashion
(Workman and Studak, 2006) and therefore might hold valuable element configurations that remain
unnoticed in this research.
36
Moreover, the 4 shop-alongs were performed in the same store in Gothenburg, hence only one store
type, which raises the interest to conduct more shop-alongs through a larger variety of second-hand
stores. Such an approach would be beneficial in order to investigate various physical settings or
comparing the shopping practices of the various store types. Lastly, the study investigated
brick-and-mortar stores, thus it is suggested that future research put a larger impetus on online
second-hand fashion platforms, both onlines stores but particularly the peer-to-peer engagement
figuring in some of these second-hand platforms.
37
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Appendix
Interview Guide
1. Background
● Would you like to introduce yourself by name and age?
● Why do you shop second-hand fashion? For how long have you been shopping second-hand
fashion?
● What fashion items do you usually purchase as second-hand and why? What would you not
buy as second-hand?
● How often would you say you visit a second-hand store?
● What is normally the reason for you to visit a second-hand store in general? (E.g., a need or
for fun)
● Have your motivations changed from the first time you engaged in second-hand fashion
shopping? If yes, how are they different today from the first time, and why?
2. Context
● Where do you shop second-hand fashion and why?
● Do you have a favorite second-hand store? Could you describe why/why not?
● If shopping in different second-hand fashion channels, which one do you prefer and why?
3. Experiences
● Could you tell us about a time when you had an especially positive experience when shopping
for second-hand fashion?
● Did your overall experience affect how you perceived the items sold in this context? If yes,
how? / If no, why?
● Could you tell us about a time when you had a memorable negative experience when
shopping for second-hand fashion? What made the experience especially negative?
● How did that experience affect your willingness to purchase?
● How did it affect your willingness to return to the second-hand store?
● How does a positive versus negative experience affect your time spent in the store? (E.g. how
did the time feel when passing by, quick versus slow shopping)
● Are there any situations in-store in which you experience the time factor as extra stressful or
rushed? If yes, why?
Material set-up
● What qualities of the product are important when you shop for fashion in general? (E.g.
trends, quality, uniqueness, price etc) good quality clothes is the difference.
● Do these qualities affect your second-hand shopping? If yes, how? If not, why?
● Are there any additional qualities you consider when you shop for second-hand fashion?
● Could you describe the physical setting of a second-hand store of your choice? Are there any
aspects that you like or dislike? For your convenience you could compare a fast fashion store
with a second-hand one (E.g. music, smell, cleanliness etc)
● Could you share your view of the ideal space for shopping second-hand fashion? (E.g. How
would you construct your ideal second-hand fashion store and why?)
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Bodily routines and skills
● How do you usually go about when looking for items at the store? Could you describe the
way you move around a second-hand store when browsing for fashion items?
● Would you say that it has become easier to find items since you first started shopping
second-hand fashion? Why/why not?
● Have you perhaps developed a certain routine when shopping second-hand, any tricks to
share?
● Is there any factor in the second-hand fashion store that prevents you from following your
usual routine of shopping?
Rules
● Could you think of any store regulations or consumer rights that are different in the
second-hand concept compared to any other store? (E.g. something regarding the prices,
payment methods, return policy etc)
● Would you say that any of the above mentioned (regulations or rights) affect your
second-hand shopping experience? If yes, how?
Teleoaffective structure
● Do you have any specific goals when you decide to shop at a second-hand store?
● What feelings do you experience when you manage to reach your shopping goal?
● Do the experienced feelings in a second-hand fashion store resemble the feelings in any other
type of fashion store?
● Have you had any second-hand experience that caused you to feel frustration? If yes, how did
you handle it?
Cultural understandings
● Do you share the interest of shopping second-hand fashion with friends, family or other
people within your social circle?
● Do you usually have company when shopping second-hand fashion?
● Would you say that you influence each other regarding your fashion consumption choices and
in what way?
● What is your view regarding the fact that second-hand fashion has become a trend during
recent years? Have you noticed the shift within your social circle?
● Do you believe that second-hand fashion can legitimize overconsumption, or fuel excessive
shopping? How do you tackle this dilemma?
5. Conclusion
● What would you say is the most important aspect in order to have a good experience when
shopping second-hand fashion and why?
● Is it something that you would like to add?
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