BODY IMAGE IN ADOLESCENCE: Through the Lenses of Culture, Gender, and Positive Psychology Kristina Holmqvist Gattario ©Kri sti na Hol mqvi s t Gat tar i o Depa rt me nt of Psyc hol ogy, Uni ve r s it y of Got he nbu r g, 2013 Pri nt e d in Swede n by Ale Tryc kt e a m ISSN 1101- 718X ISRN GU/ PSYK / AV H—288 —SE ISBN 978 - 91 - 628 - 8848 - 0 E - publ i she d ver si on avai l abl e at htt p: // hdl .ha ndl e .ne t/ 2077/ 34266 DOCTORAL DISSERTATION AT THE UNIVERSITY OF GOTHENBURG, 2013 Ab stract Hol mqvi s t Gat ta ri o, K. (2013) . Body Image in Adolescence: Through the Lenses of Culture, Gender, and Positive Psychology. Depart me nt of Psyc hol ogy, Uni ve r s it y of Got he nbur g, Swede n. Adol e sc e nt s ’ body ima ge (i .e ., feel i ngs and thought s about thei r body and appea r a nc e ) is centr a l to thei r healt h and wel lbe ing. Thi s thesi s , whic h exami ne d adole s c ent s’ body image , compr i s e d two par ts . The fi rs t par t (i ncl udi ng St udi es I and II) exami ne d adol e sc e nt s ’ body ima ge from a cul t ur al per s pe ct i ve usi ng ques ti onn a i re s . Study I wa s a cross - c ul t ur al compa r is on of 874 Swedi sh and 358 Arge nt i nea n 13- ye a r - ol d adol e sc e nt s conc er ni ng their body ima ge and body- c ha ngi ng beha vi or s . The resul ts indi ca t ed that Swedi s h and Arge nti ne an adol e s ce nts were si mi la r in thei r leve ls of body - e s t ee m, bu t that di et i ng and wei ght loss at te mpt s wer e mor e preva l e nt among Arge nti ne a n adole s ce nts , espe ci al l y among gi r l s . The fi ndings indi c at e a need to furt her inve s t i ga te Argent i ne a n gir l s’ di et i ng beha vi or and to det er mi ne whet her the low rat e s of diet ing among Swedi s h adol es c e nt s may be due to prote c ti ve anti - di e t ing fact or s embe dde d in Swedi sh soci et y. Study II focuse d on Swedi s h adole s ce nts and exami ne d the body image of 758 Swedi s h adole sc e nt gi rl s and boys aged 16 year s . Spec if i ca ll y, St udy II exa mi ne d how a set of fact ors (i .e ., BMI, body idea l int er nal i za ti on, pube r ta l ti mi ng, peer s’ appe ar a nc e teasi ng, and wei ght loss att e mpt s ) was rel a te d to Swedi s h adol es c e nt s ’ body ima ge . The resul ts indi ca t ed that this set of factor s predi ct e d the adole s ce nts ’ body image , in par ti c ul ar , gi r ls ’ feel i ngs about thei r wei ght . Body ideal int er nal i za ti on (i .e ., the adopti on of cur r e nt body idea ls as one’ s pers onal st anda r d of beaut y) was the str onge st predic ti ve fact or . In addi ti on, even in a socie t y as gende r egal i ta ri a n as that of Swede n, ther e were well - e s t a bli s hed gende r di ff ere nc e s in body ima ge wi t h gi r ls bei ng mor e di ssa t is fi e d than boys . These fi ndings hi ghl i ght the si gnif i ca nc e of gende r in adol es c ent s’ body image a nd the impor ta nc e of unde r st a ndi ng the proc e ss e s b y whi c h adol e sc e nt s inte r nali ze medi a idea ls . The second par t of thi s thesi s expl ore d adole s ce nt s ’ body image from a posit i ve psyc hol ogy per s pe ct i ve , focus ing on adol es c ent s’ posi ti ve body i mage . Int e r vi e ws wer e conduct e d wit h 30 Swedi s h 14- ye a r - ol d adole s c e nt s wit h a posit i ve body image recr ui t ed from a lar ge longi tudi na l sampl e . Study III exami ne d how adol es c ent s wit h a posi ti ve body ima ge ref l ec te d on their bodi e s, thei r vi ews of exerc i se , and the inf l ue nc e of fami l y and frie nds on their body i mage . The resul ts reve a l ed that the adole s c ent s ’ posit i ve body image was char ac t er i ze d by a func ti onal and acce pt ing vi ew of the body. The vast maj or it y of the adol e sce nt s wer e phys i c all y act i ve and found exerc i se joyf ul and heal t h- pr omot i ng. The result s indic at e t he impor t a nce of encour a gi ng adol es c e nt s to thi nk of their bodi es as funct i ona l , acti ve , and usef ul rat her than as passi ve , decor at ive obj e ct s . Study IV inves ti ga t e d how adol e sc e nt s wit h a posit i ve body image refl e ct e d on the subj e ct of appe ar a nce ideal s. The resul ts indi c at e d that the adol e sc e nt s wer e ver y cri ti ca l of cur r ent ideal s , desc ri bi ng them as unna t ur al and unr ea li st i c , and crit ic i zi ng the medi a for onl y showing subj e c ts cons is te nt wit h these ideal s and for havi ng ul t er ior mot i ve s for doing so. In st e ad, the adol es c e nt s defi ne d beaut y wi del y and fl exi bl y and str e s se d the impor t a nc e of looki ng li ke “one se lf .” Thes e fi ndi ngs support medi a lit er a c y inte r ve nti ons and provi ding adole s ce nts wi th al t er nat i ve vi ews of beaut y. To concl ude, thi s thes is empha s i ze s the impor ta nc e of encour a gi ng adole s c ents to have funct ional and acce pt ing vi ews of their bodi e s, for exampl e , through joyf ul exer ci s e and med i a li t er ac y. It is also sugge s t e d that the role of cult ur e in wei ght loss beha vi or s and gende r dif fe r enc e s i n body image should be furt her scr ut i ni ze d. Keywor ds: Body Ima ge , Adol e sc e nc e , Cul t ur e , Gender , Posi ti ve Psyc hol ogy Kristina Holmqvist Gattario, Department of Psychology, University of Gothenburg, Box 500, 405 30 Gothenburg, Sweden. Phone: +46 31 786 4263, E-mail: kristina.holmqvist@psy.gu.se I SB N 97 8 - 9 1 - 6 2 8 - 8 84 8 - 0 ISSN 11 0 1 - 7 18 X ISRN GU/P SY K /A V H —2 8 8 —SE ©Kri sti na Hol mqvi s t Gat tar i o Depa rt me nt of Psyc hol ogy, Uni ve r s it y of Got he nbu r g, 2013 Pri nt e d in Swede n by Ale Tryc kt e a m ISSN 1101- 718X ISRN GU/ PSYK / AV H—288 —SE ISBN 978 - 91 - 628 - 8848 - 0 E - publ i she d ver si on avai l abl e at htt p: // hdl .ha ndl e .ne t/ 2077/ 34266 DOCTORAL DISSERTATION AT THE UNIVERSITY OF GOTHENBURG, 2013 Ab stract Hol mqvi s t Gat ta ri o, K. (2013) . Body Image in Adolescence: Through the Lenses of Culture, Gender, and Positive Psychology. Depart me nt of Psyc hol ogy, Uni ve r s it y of Got he nbur g, Swede n. Adol e sc e nt s ’ body ima ge (i .e ., feel i ngs and thought s about thei r body and appea r a nc e ) is centr a l to thei r healt h and wel lbe ing. Thi s thesi s , whic h exami ne d adole s c ent s’ body image , compr i s e d two par ts . The fi rs t par t (i ncl udi ng St udi es I and II) exami ne d adol e sc e nt s ’ body ima ge from a cul t ur al per s pe ct i ve usi ng ques ti onna i re s . Study I wa s a cross - c ul t ur al compa r is on of 874 Swedi sh and 358 Arge nt i nea n 13- ye a r - ol d adol e sc e nt s conc er ni ng their body ima ge and body- c ha ngi ng beha vi or s . The resul ts indi ca t ed that Swedi s h and Arge nti ne an adol e s ce nts were si mi la r in thei r leve ls of body - e s t ee m, bu t that di et i ng and wei ght loss at te mpt s wer e mor e preva l e nt among Arge nti ne a n adole s ce nts , espe ci al l y among gi r l s . The fi ndings indi c at e a need to furt her inve s t i ga te Argent i ne a n gir l s’ di et i ng beha vi or and to det er mi ne whet her the low rat e s of diet ing among Swedi s h adol es c e nt s may be due to prote c ti ve anti - di e t ing fact or s embe dde d in Swedi sh soci et y. Study II focuse d on Swedi s h adole s ce nts and exami ne d the body image of 758 Swedi s h adole sc e nt gi rl s and boys aged 16 year s . Spec if i ca ll y, St udy II exa mi ne d how a set of fact ors (i .e ., BMI, body idea l int er nal i za ti on, pube r ta l ti mi ng, peer s’ appe ar a nc e teasi ng, and wei ght loss att e mpt s ) was rel a te d to Swedi s h adol es c e nt s ’ body ima ge . The resul ts indi ca t ed that this set of factor s predi ct e d the adole s ce nts ’ body image , in par ti c ul ar , gi r ls ’ feel i ngs about thei r wei ght . Body ideal int er nal i za ti on (i .e ., the adopti on of cur r e nt body idea ls as one’ s pers onal st anda r d of beaut y) was the str onge st predic ti ve fact or . In addi ti on, even in a socie t y as gende r egal i ta ri a n as that of Swede n, ther e were well - e s t a bli s hed gende r di ff ere nc e s in body ima ge wi t h gi r ls bei ng mor e di ssa t is fi e d than boys . These fi ndings hi ghl i ght the si gnif i ca nc e of gende r in adol es c ent s’ body image a nd the impor ta nc e of unde r st a ndi ng the proc e ss e s b y whi c h adol e sc e nt s inte r nali ze medi a idea ls . The second par t of thi s thesi s expl ore d adole s ce nt s ’ body image from a posit i ve psyc hol ogy per s pe ct i ve , focus ing on adol es c ent s’ posi ti ve body i mage . Int e r vi e ws wer e conduct e d wit h 30 Swedi s h 14- ye a r - ol d adole s c e nt s wit h a posit i ve body image recr ui t ed from a lar ge longi tudi na l sampl e . Study III exami ne d how adol es c ent s wit h a posi ti ve body ima ge ref l ec te d on their bodi e s, thei r vi ews of exerc i se , and the inf l ue nc e of fami l y and frie nds on their body i mage . The resul ts reve a l ed that the adole s c ent s ’ posit i ve body image was char ac t er i ze d by a func ti onal and acce pt ing vi ew of the body. The vast maj or it y of the adol e sce nt s wer e phys i c all y act i ve and found exerc i se joyf ul and heal t h- pr omot i ng. The result s indic at e t he impor t a nce of encour a gi ng adol es c e nt s to thi nk of their bodi es as funct i ona l , acti ve , and usef ul rat her than as passi ve , decor at ive obj e ct s . Study IV inves ti ga t e d how adol e sc e nt s wit h a posit i ve body image refl e ct e d on the subj e ct of appe ar a nce ideal s. The resul ts indi c at e d that the adol e sc e nt s wer e ver y cri ti ca l of cur r ent ideal s , desc ri bi ng them as unna t ur al and unr ea li st i c , and crit ic i zi ng the medi a for onl y showing subj e c ts cons is te nt wit h these ideal s and for havi ng ul t er ior mot i ve s for doing so. In st e ad, the adol es c e nt s defi ne d beaut y wi del y and fl exi bl y and str e s se d the impor t a nc e of looki ng li ke “one se lf .” Thes e fi ndi ngs support medi a lit er a c y inte r ve nti ons and provi ding adole s ce nts wi th al t er nat i ve vi ews of beaut y. To concl ude, thi s thes is empha s i ze s the impor ta nc e of encour a gi ng adole s c ents to have funct ional and acce pt ing vi ews of their bodi e s, for exampl e , through joyf ul exer ci s e and med i a li t er ac y. It is also sugge s t e d that the role of cult ur e in wei ght loss beha vi or s and gende r dif fe r enc e s i n body image should be furt her scr ut i ni ze d. Keywor ds: Body Ima ge , Adol e sc e nc e , Cul t ur e , Gender , Posi ti ve Psyc hol ogy Kristina Holmqvist Gattario, Department of Psychology, University of Gothenburg, Box 500, 405 30 Gothenburg, Sweden. Phone: +46 31 786 4263, E-mail: kristina.holmqvist@psy.gu.se I SB N 97 8 - 9 1 - 6 2 8 - 8 84 8 - 0 ISSN 11 0 1 - 7 18 X ISRN GU/P SY K /A V H —2 8 8 —SE LIST OF PU BLICATIONS This thesis cons is ts of a summar y and the foll o wi ng four pap ers , referred to in the tex t by their Roman numeral s: I. Ho l mq v is t K., Lund e, C., & Fri s én , A. (2007 ). Diet in g beh av io rs , bod y shap e percept ion s , and bod y satis fact ion : Cro ss -cul tu ral differences in Arg enti n ean and Swed ish 13 -year -o lds . Body Image, 4, 191 - 20 0. II. Fri sén , A., & Hol mq v is t , K. (201 0 ). Bio log i cal , socio cu lt u ral , and beh avio ral fact o rs asso ciat ed with bod y diss atis fact ion in Swedi sh 16- year -o l d boys and girl s . Sex Roles, 63, 373-3 85 . III. Fri sén , A., & Hol mq v is t , K (201 0). What charac t eri zes earl y ado l es cent s with a pos it iv e bod y i mag e? A quali t ati v e inv est ig ati on of Swed ish girls and boys . Body Image, 7, 205 – 21 2 . IV. Ho l mq v is t , K., & Fris én , A. (201 2 ).”I bet they aren ’t that perfect in reali t y.” App earance ideals fro m the pers pecti v e of adol es cent s with a posi ti ve bod y imag e. Body Image, 9 , 388-39 5 . SV ENSK SAMMANF ATTNING ( Sw edish summary) Vi lev er i ett samh äll e som gen o ms yras av uts eend ek ul tu rens buds k ap om hur man bör se ut. Und er ungd o ms åren bli r det allt vikt ig are att passa in i sa mh äl lets uts eend eid eal och mån ga ungdo mar bli r mis snö jd a med sin kropp . Det är til l och med så att en majo rit et av dagens ungd omar, fra mfö r allt fli ck o r, är mis snö jda med hur de ser ut och vill förändra sin kropp . Att ha en negati v kropp sup pfattn in g , det v ill säg a negati va tank ar och kän slor om den egn a kropp en , har kopp l ats till läg re självk änsl a samt läg re all män t väl b efinn and e. På läng re sikt kan en neg ativ krop psu pp fatt ni ng ha all varlig a kons ek vens e r för ind ivi den , såso m dep ressi on och äts tö rn ing ar. Stu d i er av ung do mars kropp sup pfattn in g är därfö r av sto r bet yd els e för att bätt re först å fen o men et kropp sup pfattn in g och i förl än gn ing en kunn a öka ungd omars häl s a och välb efin nand e. Det överg rip and e syft et med denn a avhand lin g är att und ersö ka ungd o mars kropp supp fat tn ing . Framfö r allt är syft et att studera ungd o mars kropp sup pfattn in g med syn s ätt som kul tu r, genu s och pos it iv psyk o l og i i åtank e. I den först a delen i denn a avhandl in g lig ger foku s på ungdo mars kropp sup pfattn in g uti från kul tu rell kont ext . Den kul t u rel la kon text som ind ivi den lev er i är ett ramv erk som har sto rt infl yt an de på indi vid ens kropp sup pfattn in g . Mak ros o ci al a fakt orer såso m kul tu rella normer och värd eri ng ar kan på olik a sät t påv erk a indi vi dens förh ålln ing ssät t till den egn a kropp en . Trot s det t a är forsk ni ng en rel at ivt kultu rel lt homo g en , det vill säga den utfö rs mes t i eng els ksp råk ig a pos ti ndu st ri ell a samh äl len . Samt i dig t arg u men t erar fors k are för att tvärk ult u rell a stud i er är av stö rs t a vikt om vi ska förs t å feno men et krop ps uppfatt ni ng och kult urens inverkan på dens amma. Studie I var en tvärk ul tu rell kvant it at iv jä mfö rels e mel l an ung do mar i två kult urell a kont ex t er som int e har upp märk s ammat s myck et i tidig are fors kn ing : den svensk a och den argenti nsk a. Syft et med Stud i e I var att jämfö ra s vens ka ( n = 874 ) och arg en tin sk a (n = 358 ) ungd o mar med avs eend e på kropp sup pfattn in g och kro pps förä nd rande bet eend en . Det sven sk a samh äll et med foku s på jäms t äll dh et och hälso samt ätand e är på mån g a sät t anno rlun da än det arg en ti nsk a samh äll et som känn et e ck nas av en mach o ku lt ur där ext rem kvin nl ig smal h et föres p råk as . Tro ts kultu rel la ski lln ad er fann vi att svens k a och arg en tin sk a ungdo mar upp l evd e förv ån an sv ärt lik a nivåer av kro pps mi s s nö je. De arg ent in sk a ungd o marn a, framfö rall t flicko rn a, rapp o rt erad e d ock att de ban t ad e i myck et högre utst räckn ing än de svens ka ung do marn a vilk et kan bero LIST OF PU BLICATIONS This thesis cons is ts of a summar y and the foll o wi ng four pap ers , referred to in the tex t by their Roman numeral s: I. Ho l mq v is t K., Lund e, C., & Fri s én , A. (2007 ). Diet in g beh av io rs , bod y shap e percept ion s , and bod y satis fact ion : Cro ss -cul tu ral differences in Arg enti n ean and Swed ish 13 -year -o lds . Body Image, 4, 191 - 20 0. II. Fri sén , A., & Hol mq v is t , K. (201 0 ). Bio log i cal , socio cu lt u ral , and beh avio ral fact o rs asso ciat ed with bod y diss atis fact ion in Swedi sh 16- year -o l d boys and girl s . Sex Roles, 63, 373-3 85 . III. Fri sén , A., & Hol mq v is t , K (201 0). What charac t eri zes earl y ado l es cent s with a pos it iv e bod y i mag e? A quali t ati v e inv est ig ati on of Swed ish girls and boys . Body Image, 7, 205 – 21 2 . IV. Ho l mq v is t , K., & Fris én , A. (201 2 ).”I bet they aren ’t that perfect in reali t y.” App earance ideals fro m the pers pecti v e of adol es cent s with a posi ti ve bod y imag e. Body Image, 9 , 388-39 5 . SV ENSK SAMMANF ATTNING ( Sw edish summary) Vi lev er i ett samh äll e som gen o ms yras av uts eend ek ul tu rens buds k ap om hur man bör se ut. Und er ungd o ms åren bli r det allt vikt ig are att passa in i sa mh äl lets uts eend eid eal och mån ga ungdo mar bli r mis snö jd a med sin kropp . Det är til l och med så att en majo rit et av dagens ungd omar, fra mfö r allt fli ck o r, är mis snö jda med hur de ser ut och vill förändra sin kropp . Att ha en negati v kropp sup pfattn in g , det v ill säg a negati va tank ar och kän slor om den egn a kropp en , har kopp l ats till läg re självk änsl a samt läg re all män t väl b efinn and e. På läng re sikt kan en neg ativ krop psu pp fatt ni ng ha all varlig a kons ek vens e r för ind ivi den , såso m dep ressi on och äts tö rn ing ar. Stu d i er av ung do mars kropp sup pfattn in g är därfö r av sto r bet yd els e för att bätt re först å fen o men et kropp sup pfattn in g och i förl än gn ing en kunn a öka ungd omars häl s a och välb efin nand e. Det överg rip and e syft et med denn a avhand lin g är att und ersö ka ungd o mars kropp supp fat tn ing . Framfö r allt är syft et att studera ungd o mars kropp sup pfattn in g med syn s ätt som kul tu r, genu s och pos it iv psyk o l og i i åtank e. I den först a delen i denn a avhandl in g lig ger foku s på ungdo mars kropp sup pfattn in g uti från kul tu rell kont ext . Den kul t u rel la kon text som ind ivi den lev er i är ett ramv erk som har sto rt infl yt an de på indi vid ens kropp sup pfattn in g . Mak ros o ci al a fakt orer såso m kul tu rella normer och värd eri ng ar kan på olik a sät t påv erk a indi vi dens förh ålln ing ssät t till den egn a kropp en . Trot s det t a är forsk ni ng en rel at ivt kultu rel lt homo g en , det vill säga den utfö rs mes t i eng els ksp råk ig a pos ti ndu st ri ell a samh äl len . Samt i dig t arg u men t erar fors k are för att tvärk ult u rell a stud i er är av stö rs t a vikt om vi ska förs t å feno men et krop ps uppfatt ni ng och kult urens inverkan på dens amma. Studie I var en tvärk ul tu rell kvant it at iv jä mfö rels e mel l an ung do mar i två kult urell a kont ex t er som int e har upp märk s ammat s myck et i tidig are fors kn ing : den svensk a och den argenti nsk a. Syft et med Stud i e I var att jämfö ra s vens ka ( n = 874 ) och arg en tin sk a (n = 358 ) ungd o mar med avs eend e på kropp sup pfattn in g och kro pps förä nd rande bet eend en . Det sven sk a samh äll et med foku s på jäms t äll dh et och hälso samt ätand e är på mån g a sät t anno rlun da än det arg en ti nsk a samh äll et som känn et e ck nas av en mach o ku lt ur där ext rem kvin nl ig smal h et föres p råk as . Tro ts kultu rel la ski lln ad er fann vi att svens k a och arg en tin sk a ungdo mar upp l evd e förv ån an sv ärt lik a nivåer av kro pps mi s s nö je. De arg ent in sk a ungd o marn a, framfö rall t flicko rn a, rapp o rt erad e d ock att de ban t ad e i myck et högre utst räckn ing än de svens ka ung do marn a vilk et kan bero p å en mer til l åt an de attit yd till bantn in g i det arg en tin sk a samh äll et . Den låga förek o ms t en av ban tn ing bland de svensk a ungd o marn a kan samt i d igt tol kas som att det sv ens k a samh äl l et inn eh ål ler skyd dand e fakto rer mot ung do mars ban tn ing sb et een de, til l exemp el att det fun ni ts en krit isk deb att i svens k med ia om ban tni ng . Alt ernat ivt är den tvärku ltu rel l a ski lln aden i ban tni ngs b et eende mel l an arg en tin sk a och svens ka fli cko r en fråg a om oli k a tolkn in gar och bet yd el s er av termen ban tn ing som bör undersö k as ytt erl ig are. Studie II kon cen t rerad e sig enb art på den sven sk a kon tex t en och und ersö kt e mer speci fikt fakt o rer som var kop pl ad e till sven sk a ung do mars kropp sup pfattn in g (n = 758 ) . Urval et av fak to rer som und ersök t es i relati on til l ungd o marn as kro ppsu pp fatt ni ng baserad es på tidi g are intern ati on el l fors kni ng och inn eh öll fakt orer av båd e fys i sk , soci oku lt urell , och bet eend emäs s ig karak tär. Den speci fik a komb i n atio nen av fakt o rer har enlig t min vetsk ap inte test at s förut; int e hel ler har man und ers ökt fakt o rernas kop pl ing till olika dimen si on er av kropp sup p fatt nin g . De dimen s ion er av krop psu pp fatt ni ng en som und ersö kt es i Stu di e II var a) käns lo r kring vik t b) kän slo r krin g uts eend e, och c) vad man tro r att and ra tyck er om ens uts eend e. Resul t at en visad e att fak to rerna til ls amman s kund e förk l ara en sig ni fi kant del av ungd o marn as kropp sup pfattn in g , fra mfö r allt gäll d e dett a fli ck o rn as krop psu pp fatt ni ng och den dimen s ion av kro pps upp fat tn ing en som hand l ar om känsl or kri ng den egn a kropp svi kt en . Den fak to r som var stark ast rel at erad till ungdo marn as kropp sup pfattn in g var en av de soci oku lt urell a fakt o rerna, närmare best ämt int ern al is eri ng av uts een deid eal (so m mät er til l vil k en grad man har gjo rt samh äl l et s ideal till sit t eget ). Ett annat fyn d var att tro ts att det svensk a samh äl l et oft a upp fat ta s som mer jä ms t äll t än mån g a and ra, fan n vi en köns ki lln ad som var i lin je med int ern atio nel la studi er; sven sk a fli cko r upp levde mer kropp m i s s nö je än svensk a pojk ar. Til ls amman s tal ar des sa fyn d för att svens ka ung do mars kro pps upp fat tn ing på mån g a sät t likn ar krop psu pp fat tni ng en hos ungd o mar i and ra pos tin dus t ri el la samh äll en . Fyn d en vis ar ock s å på beh ov et av att pojk ars krop psu pp fat tni ng och ick e - v ikt rel aterad kropp sup pfattn ing stud eras ytt erlig are. I den and ra och sis t a del en i den na avh and li ng är det återig en svenska ungd o mar som är i fokus för stu di ern a. Här var däremo t int e avsik t en att lyfta fram den kult u rell a kon text en utan istäl l et a tt und ersö ka kro pps upp fat tn ing uti från de syn s ätt som fin n s ino m den posi tiv a psyk o log in . Flera forsk are har kriti s erat att kro ppsu pp fatt ni ngs forskn ing en i all män h et har ett patol og isk t , neg ativ t fokus där forsk nin gen kon cen treras kri ng krop ps mi s sn ö je och ät stö rnin gar. Det ta har res ul terat i att vi vet väld igt lit e om posi tiv kropp sup pfattn in g . Enli gt de tank eg ån gar som finns ino m pos it iv a psyk o lo gin är det dock vikt ig t att man i prev enti on av neg ati v kropp sup p fattn in g ock s å anv änd er sig av kunsk ap om posi t iv kropp sup p fatt nin g . Prev en ti on som enb art baseras på kuns kap om neg ati v krop psu ppfatt ni ng ris kerar att int e nå hel a väg en fram. Ino m ramen för den and ra del en av avhand li ng en utfo rsk ad es därfö r ungd o mars pos it iv a kro pps upp fat tn ing . Med hjäl p av interv ju er med 30 styck en 14- årig a ung do mar med pos it iv krop psup p fattn in g var syft et att ta red a på vad som känn et eck nar posi ti v krop psu pp fat tn ing . I Studie III stud erad es ungd o marn as tan kar kring den egn a kroppen , syn på träni ng , och infl yt an de från fami l j och vä nn er. En temat i sk analys vis ade att ungdo marn a had e en accep t erand e atti t yd gent emo t den egna kropp en och des s möjl i g a bris ter. Framfö r all t beton ad e de ett fun kt ion sp e rspe k tiv på kropp en där fokus låg på vad kropp en kund e göra snarare än hur den såg ut . M ajo rit et en av ungdo marn a var reg el bun det fys isk t akti va och såg tränin g som roli gt och häl so främjan d e . Några av ungd o marn a had e fått neg ativ a kommen tarer om sitt uts een de från fami l j och / ell er vänn er men lät int e det t a påverk a den egna kropp sup p fatt nin gen neg ativ t . Fyn d en beto nar vikt en av att upp mu n tra ungdo mar att tänk a på sin a kropp ar som fun ktio nell a, akti va, anv än db a ra och värdeful l a. Att hjäl pa ungd o mar, framfö r all t fli ck or, att hitt a en fys i s k akti vit et som de tyck er om och vil l eng ag era sig i regel bun det kan vara ett steg i rätt rikt nin g . Studie IV baserad es på samma int erv ju er med 14-åri ga ung domar med posi ti v kro pp sup pfa ttn ing men rik t ad e in sig på ungdo marn as tank ar kri ng ett speci fik t ämn eso mr å d e : utseend eid eal . Cen t ral a fråg o r i Studi e IV var därmed : Hur tän ker ung do ma r med pos iti v kro pps upp fat tn ing om utseend ei d eal? Har ungd o mar med posi tiv kro pps upp fattn ing sätt att tän ka kri ng ideal som sk yd d ar kropp sup pfattn in gen? Den temat i sk a anal ys en vis ad e att ungd omarn a var väldi gt kriti sk a mot ideal en och besk rev dem som onat urli ga och oreal ist is ka. Vid are framfö rd e ungd o marn a kri ti k mot med i a för att enb art vis a pers on er i enli gh et med ideal et och för att ha und erli gg an de int en ti on er bako m dett a homo g ena urval (t.ex . att lock a kons u me n t er till köp ). U ngd o marn as egen defi ni tio n av vad som var att rak tiv t var ist äl l et bred och flex ib el där person lig het och att ”se ut som sig själv ” var av stö rre bet yd els e än att försök a eft erli kn a någ on ann an . Fyn d en ger stöd för prev en tio n mot negat iv kro pps upp fat tn ing b aserad på att lära ungd o mar att bli r mer med i e - och info rmat i ons kun niga när det gäll er uts eend eid eal och även till god os e ungdomar med alt ern at iv a ideal . Samt i dig t är p å en mer til l åt an de attit yd till bantn in g i det arg en tin sk a samh äll et . Den låga förek o ms t en av ban tn ing bland de svensk a ungd o marn a kan samt i d igt tol kas som att det sv ens k a samh äl l et inn eh ål ler skyd dand e fakto rer mot ung do mars ban tn ing sb et een de, til l exemp el att det fun ni ts en krit isk deb att i svens k med ia om ban tni ng . Alt ernat ivt är den tvärku ltu rel l a ski lln aden i ban tni ngs b et eende mel l an arg en tin sk a och svens ka fli cko r en fråg a om oli k a tolkn in gar och bet yd el s er av termen ban tn ing som bör undersö k as ytt erl ig are. Studie II kon cen t rerad e sig enb art på den sven sk a kon tex t en och und ersö kt e mer speci fikt fakt o rer som var kop pl ad e till sven sk a ung do mars kropp sup pfattn in g (n = 758 ) . Urval et av fak to rer som und ersök t es i relati on til l ungd o marn as kro ppsu pp fatt ni ng baserad es på tidi g are intern ati on el l fors kni ng och inn eh öll fakt orer av båd e fys i sk , soci oku lt urell , och bet eend emäs s ig karak tär. Den speci fik a komb i n atio nen av fakt o rer har enlig t min vetsk ap inte test at s förut; int e hel ler har man und ers ökt fakt o rernas kop pl ing till olika dimen si on er av kropp sup p fatt nin g . De dimen s ion er av krop psu pp fatt ni ng en som und ersö kt es i Stu di e II var a) käns lo r kring vik t b) kän slo r krin g uts eend e, och c) vad man tro r att and ra tyck er om ens uts eend e. Resul t at en visad e att fak to rerna til ls amman s kund e förk l ara en sig ni fi kant del av ungd o marn as kropp sup pfattn in g , fra mfö r allt gäll d e dett a fli ck o rn as krop psu pp fatt ni ng och den dimen s ion av kro pps upp fat tn ing en som hand l ar om känsl or kri ng den egn a kropp svi kt en . Den fak to r som var stark ast rel at erad till ungdo marn as kropp sup pfattn in g var en av de soci oku lt urell a fakt o rerna, närmare best ämt int ern al is eri ng av uts een deid eal (so m mät er til l vil k en grad man har gjo rt samh äl l et s ideal till sit t eget ). Ett annat fyn d var att tro ts att det svensk a samh äl l et oft a upp fat ta s som mer jä ms t äll t än mån g a and ra, fan n vi en köns ki lln ad som var i lin je med int ern atio nel la studi er; sven sk a fli cko r upp levde mer kropp m i s s nö je än svensk a pojk ar. Til ls amman s tal ar des sa fyn d för att svens ka ung do mar s kro pps upp fat tn ing på mån g a sät t likn ar krop psu pp fat tni ng en hos ungd o mar i and ra pos tin dus t ri el la samh äll en . Fyn d en vis ar ock s å på beh ov et av att pojk ars krop psu pp fat tni ng och ick e - v ikt rel aterad kropp sup pfattn ing stud eras ytt erlig are. I den and ra och sis t a del en i den na avh and li ng är det återig en svenska ungd o mar som är i fokus för stu di ern a. Här var däremo t int e avsik t en att lyfta fram den kult u rell a kon text en utan istäl l et a tt und ersö ka kro pps upp fat tn ing uti från de syn s ätt som fin n s ino m den posi tiv a psyk o log in . Flera forsk are har kriti s erat att kro ppsu pp fatt ni ngs forskn ing en i all män h et har ett patol og isk t , neg ativ t fokus där forsk nin gen kon cen treras kri ng krop ps mi s sn ö je och ät stö rnin gar. Det ta har res ul terat i att vi vet väld igt lit e om posi tiv kropp sup pfattn in g . Enli gt de tank eg ån gar som finns ino m pos it iv a psyk o lo gin är det dock vikt ig t att man i prev enti on av neg ati v kropp sup p fattn in g ock s å anv änd er sig av kunsk ap om posi t iv kropp sup p fatt nin g . Prev en ti on som enb art baseras på kuns kap om neg ati v krop psu ppfatt ni ng ris kerar att int e nå hel a väg en fram. Ino m ramen för den and ra del en av avhand li ng en utfo rsk ad es därfö r ungd o mars pos it iv a kro pps upp fat tn ing . Med hjäl p av interv ju er med 30 styck en 14- årig a ung do mar med pos it iv krop psup p fattn in g var syft et att ta red a på vad som känn et eck nar posi ti v krop psu pp fat tn ing . I Studie III stud erad es ungd o marn as tan kar kring den egn a kroppen , syn på träni ng , och infl yt an de från fami l j och vä nn er. En temat i sk analys vis ade att ungdo marn a had e en accep t erand e atti t yd gent emo t den egna kropp en och des s möjl i g a bris ter. Framfö r all t beton ad e de ett fun kt ion sp e rspek tiv på kropp en där fokus låg på vad kropp en kund e göra snarare än hur den såg ut . M ajo rit et en av ungdo marn a var reg el bun det fys isk t akti va och såg tränin g som roli gt och häl so främjan d e . Några av ungd o marn a had e fått neg ativ a kommen tarer om sitt uts een de från fami l j och / ell er vänn er men lät int e det t a påverk a den egna kropp sup p fatt nin gen neg ativ t . Fyn d en beto nar vikt en av att upp mu n tra ungdo mar att tänk a på sin a kropp ar som fun ktio nell a, akti va, anv än db ara och värdeful l a. Att hjäl pa ungd o mar, framfö r all t fli ck or, att hitt a en fys i s k akti vit et som de tyck er om och vil l eng ag era sig i regel bun det kan vara ett steg i rätt rikt nin g . Studie IV baserad es på samma int erv ju er med 14-åri ga ung domar med posi ti v kro pp sup pfa ttn ing men rik t ad e in sig på ungdo marn as tank ar kri ng ett speci fik t ämn eso mr å d e : utseend eid eal . Cen t ral a fråg o r i Studi e IV var därmed : Hur tän ker ung do ma r med pos iti v kro pps upp fat tn ing om utseend ei d eal? Har ungd o mar med posi tiv kro pps upp fattn ing sätt att tän ka kri ng ideal som sk yd d ar kropp sup pfattn in gen? Den temat i sk a anal ys en vis ad e att ungd omarn a var väldi gt kriti sk a mot ideal en och besk rev dem som onat urli ga och oreal ist is ka. Vid are framfö rd e ungd o marn a kri ti k mot med i a för att enb art vis a pers on er i enli gh et med ideal et och för att ha und erli gg an de int en ti on er bako m dett a homo g ena urval (t.ex . att lock a kons u me n t er till köp ). U ngd o marn as egen defi ni tio n av vad som var att rak tiv t var ist äl l et bred och flex ib el där person lig het och att ”se ut som sig själv ” var av stö rre bet yd els e än att försök a eft erli kn a någ on ann an . Fyn d en ger stöd för prev en tio n mot negat iv kro pps upp f at tn ing b aserad på att lära ungd o mar att bli r mer med i e - och info rmat i ons kun niga när det gäll er uts eend eid eal och även till god os e ungdomar med alt ern at iv a ideal . Samt i dig t är d et vik tig t att prev en ti on inte bara har ind ivi den som mål g ru pp utan även til lämp as på oli ka nivåer i samh äl l et där uts een deid eal skap as och först ärk s . Det är min förhop pn ing att framt i d a fors kni ng fort s ätt er att stud era ungd o mars kropp sup p fattn in g med syn s ätt som kult ur, gen us och posi tiv psyk ol ogi i åtank e. Pers pekt iv en är värd eful l a för att förs tå ungd o mars kropp sup pfattn in g och hur man går til lväg a för att upp mu ntra ungd o mar att upps k att a sin kro pp , någ ot som i förlängni ng en kan öka ung domars häls a och välb efin nand e. ACKNOW LEDGEMENTS Wri t i ng a thesi s can res emb l e putt ing tog eth e r a thou s and - p i ece puzzle. It begins with an idea or an imag e of somet h ing , in the pres en t case, the bod y imag e con cep t . As you ma y kno w, in the cas e of tho us an d -pi ece puzzl es , the imag e is usu al l y a rath er uninsp i rin g natu re scen e with mou nt ain s , wat er, a nd lots of blue sky. As you start putt ing the first few pieces tog et h er, there is curi osi t y, beg in ners ’ eng ag emen t , but also doub t: Will I ever finis h this? As you con tin ue put tin g the pieces toget her, gett ing a gli mp s e of the “wh o le pictu re,” the puzzl e assemb l y beco mes increasi ngl y sti mu l atin g , capti v ati ng , and , at times , almo st add i cti v e. Of cou rs e, pro bl ems are enco un t ered alon g the way: interrupt ion s, mis s i ng pieces , and times of hopel ess n ess . More than anyt h in g , there are man y, man y pieces of blu e sky —p i eces that all see m sup erfi ci all y the sa me but are stil l differen t —th at one mus t learn to dis ting uis h . And then there are thos e few, essent ial pieces that chan ge the who l e imag e, whi ch in a thesis mig h t chang e jus t abou t everyt hin g you hav e learn ed up to a cert ain poin t . I am very grat eful for thos e few pieces , and I am tru l y grat efu l for havi ng puzzl ed throug h it all . Also , I am very grateful for the inspi rat io n , help , and encou rag eme n t I hav e receiv ed throu gho ut this jou rney. Cert ai nl y, it is no fun to put tog eth er a thou s and - p i ece puzzle all on you r own . To Professor Ann Frisén, my sup erv iso r and great es t men to r throug hou t this jou rn ey: Thank you for you r comp et ent , sin cere, and insp iring guid ance. Thank you for you r ent hus ias m and for you r bel i ef in m e, for always encou rag in g me to take on new chal l enges . I feel very luck y to hav e had you as my sup ervi so r (I cann ot imag i n e a bet t er one) and loo k forward to worki ng with you in the sprin g . To Dr. Carolina Lunde, my ass o ciat e superv iso r, ex -roo mmat e, and goo d fri end : thank you for shari ng you r expertis e (and lit eratu re) in the bod y i mag e field. Thank you for always bei ng pos it iv e, down -to -earth , and und ers t and ing . I am so hap p y to have you as my col l eagu e and fri en d . Thank you , Professor Philip Hwang, my asso ci ate supervis o r when I started my PhD stu di es , for sharin g wit h me much -ap p reci ated advi ce, anecdo tes , and enco uragin g commen t s . d et vik tig t att prev en ti on inte bara har ind ivi den som mål g ru pp utan även til lämp as på oli ka nivåer i samh äl l et där uts een deid eal skap as och först ärk s . Det är min förhop pn ing att framt i d a fors kni ng fort s ätt er att stud era ungd o mars kropp sup p fattn in g med syn s ätt som kult ur, gen us och posi tiv psyk ol ogi i åtank e. Pers pekt iv en är värd eful l a för att förs tå ungd o mars kropp sup pfattn in g och hur man går til lväg a för att upp mu ntra ungd o mar att upps k att a sin kro pp , någ ot som i förlängni ng en kan öka ung domars häls a och välb efin nand e. ACKNOW LEDGEMENTS Wri t i ng a thesi s can res emb l e putt ing tog eth e r a thou s and - p i ece puzzle. It begins with an idea or an imag e of somet h ing , in the pres en t case, the bod y imag e con cep t . As you ma y kno w, in the cas e of tho us an d -pi ece puzzl es , the imag e is usu al l y a rath er uninsp i rin g natu re scen e with mou nt ain s , wat er, a nd lots of blue sky. As you start putt ing the first few pieces tog et h er, there is curi osi t y, beg in ners ’ eng ag emen t , but also doub t: Will I ever finis h this? As you con tin ue put tin g the pieces toget her, gett ing a gli mp s e of the “wh o le pictu re,” the puzzl e assemb l y beco mes increasi ngl y sti mu l atin g , capti v ati ng , and , at times , almo st add i cti v e. Of cou rs e, pro bl ems are enco un t ered alon g the way: interrupt ion s, mis s i ng pieces , and times of hopel ess n ess . More than anyt h in g , there are man y, man y pieces of blu e sky —p i eces that all see m sup erfi ci all y the sa me but are stil l differen t —th at one mus t learn to dis ting uis h . And then there are thos e few, essent ial pieces that chan ge the who l e imag e, whi ch in a thesis mig h t chang e jus t abou t everyt hin g you hav e learn ed up to a cert ain poin t . I am very grat eful for thos e few pieces , and I am tru l y grat efu l for havi ng puzzl ed throug h it all . Also , I am very grateful for the inspi rat io n , help , and encou rag emen t I hav e receiv ed throu gho ut this jou rney. Cert ai nl y, it is no fun to put tog eth er a thou s and - p i ece puzzle all on you r own . To Professor Ann Frisén, my sup erv iso r and great es t men to r throug hou t this jou rn ey: Thank you for you r comp et ent , sin cere, and insp iring guid ance. Thank you for you r ent hus ias m and for you r bel i ef in m e, for always encou rag in g me to take on new chal l enges . I feel very luck y to hav e had you as my sup ervi so r (I cann ot imag i n e a bet t er one) and loo k forward to worki ng with you in the sprin g . To Dr. Carolina Lunde, my ass o ciat e superv iso r, ex -roo mmat e, and goo d fri end : thank you for shari ng you r expertis e (and lit eratu re) in the bod y i mag e field. Thank you for always bei ng pos it iv e, down -to -earth , and und ers t and ing . I am so hap p y to have you as my col l eagu e and fri en d . Thank you , Professor Philip Hwang, my asso ci ate supervis o r when I started my PhD stu di es , for sharin g wit h me much -ap p reci ated advi ce, anecdo tes , and enco uragin g commen t s . To colleagues and friends at the Dep art men t of Psych ol og y: Thank you for you r supp o rt , encou rag emen t , con sid erat ion , and good humo r. To the me mb ers of GReY: Thank you for bei ng that larg er res earch cont ex t that I always wish ed for. I esp eci al l y thank Sofia Berne, Johanna Carlsson, and Dr. Maria Wängqvist fo r sharing tho ugh ts about res earch , but mos tl y for bein g encou ragi ng, und erst andi ng , and always up for lun ch time chat s abo ut more and less serio us mat t ers . To Fanny Gyberg, Jonas Hallberg, Linda Olsson -Olavarria, and my new co -res earch er in the bod y i mag e field , Johanna Kling: I feel priv il eg ed to be part of our res earch gr ou p . To my col l eagu e and fri end Linnea Almqvist: Th ank you for you r hon est y and strai ght forwardn es s , and for now and then pul lin g me out of my wri t ing -co ma for a cup of tea. To Dr. Franziska Clemens, thank s for the good times and lot s of laught er —I mis s you here. To all the oth er PhD stud en ts who in vari ou s ways hav e mad e this jou rney exci t ing and mean in g ful , thank you . I am very thank ful to thos e of you who in vari ous ways hav e con t rib ut ed to this work by revi ewin g my thesi s or parts of it. Than k you , Professor Ata Ghaderi, fo r you r carefu l and help ful rev i ew. Thank you , Professor Annika Dahlgren, for you r encou rag ing commen t s and supp ort as the exami n er of my thes is work . To Professor Tracy Tylka: Th an k you for you r ent hus i as m and hel pfuln ess when revi ew in g Stu di es III and IV. To Professor Karin Aronsson, th an k you for the insp i rati on al discus sio n at my licen ti at e semi n ar. To the participants in the con st itu en t studi es of this thes is , thank you . I am very grat efu l to the Swedish Research Council for Heal th, Working Life, and Welfare (FORTE) for fin an cin g thes e stud ies . To Ann Backlund, th an k you for pati en tl y help in g out wit h practi cal and admi n is t rati ve det ails in my thesi s work . Than k you , Ann-Sofie Sten, for hel pin g out wit h the des ign of the cov er of this thesi s . To all of my fri end s who indi rectl y cont rib ut ed to thi s thes is by cheerin g fro m outs id e the world of res earch , than k you . I am so happ y to hav e you as my fri en ds . To my bro t h er Olof: Thanks for always bei ng hel p ful, for thou gh tful dis cu ss io n s , for mak in g me reth ink thi ng s that ma y hav e seemed obv iou s at firs t . To my mot h er Eva -Kerstin: Thank you for teachi ng me to stan d up for mys el f and for helpi ng with thi ngs at home when I had to focus on finis hin g this thesi s . To my fat h er Bengt: Thank y ou for always beli ev ing in me, for bei ng supp o rti ve and a goo d list en er. To Laila, Thank you for you r int erest in my work and my life. Mos t of all , than k you Nicolás, Axel, and Viggo for bein g as amazi ng as you are, for being my great es t sup po rt ers and my everyd ay puzzle. I love you . Krist in a Hol mq v is t Goth en bu rg , Octo b er 2013 To colleagues and friends at the Dep art men t of Psych ol og y: Thank you for you r supp o rt , encou rag emen t , con sid erat ion , and good humo r. To the me mb ers of GReY: Thank you for bei ng that larg er res earch cont ex t that I always wish ed for. I esp eci al l y thank Sofia Berne, Johanna Carlsson, and Dr. Maria Wängqvist fo r sharing tho ugh ts about res earch , but mos tl y for bein g encou ragi ng, und erst andi ng , and always up for lun ch time chat s abo ut more and less serio us mat t ers . To Fanny Gyberg, Jonas Hallberg, Linda Olsson -Olavarria, and my new co -res earch er in the bod y i mag e field , Johanna Kling: I feel priv il eg ed to be part of our res earch gr ou p . To my col l eagu e and fri end Linnea Almqvist: Th ank you for you r hon est y and strai ght forwardn es s , and for now and then pul lin g me out of my wri t ing -co ma for a cup of tea. To Dr. Franziska Clemens, thank s for the good times and lot s of laught er —I mis s you here. To all the oth er PhD stud en ts who in vari ou s ways hav e mad e this jou rney exci t ing and mean in g ful , thank you . I am very thank ful to thos e of you who in vari ous ways hav e con t rib ut ed to this work by revi ewin g my thesi s or parts of it. Than k you , Professor Ata Ghaderi, fo r you r carefu l and help ful rev i ew. Thank you , Professor Annika Dahlgren, for you r encou rag ing commen t s and supp ort as the exami n er of my thes is work . To Professor Tracy Tylka: Th an k you for you r ent hus i as m and hel pfuln ess when revi ew in g Stu di es III and IV. To Professor Karin Aronsson, th an k you for the insp i rati on al discus sio n at my licen ti at e semi n ar. To the participants in the con st itu en t studi es of this thes is , thank you . I am very grat efu l to the Swedish Research Council for Heal th, Working Life, and Welfare (FORTE) for fin an cin g thes e stud ies . To Ann Backlund, th an k you for pati en tl y help in g out wit h practi cal and admi n is t rati ve det ails in my thesi s work . Than k you , Ann-Sofie Sten, for hel pin g out wit h the des ign of the cov er of this thesi s . To all of my fri end s who indi rectl y cont rib ut ed to thi s thes is by cheerin g fro m outs id e the world of res earch , than k you . I am so happ y to hav e you as my fri en ds . To my bro t h er Olof: Thanks for always bei ng hel p ful, for thou gh tful dis cu ss io n s , for mak in g me reth ink thi ng s that ma y hav e seemed obv iou s at firs t . To my mot h er Eva -Kerstin: Thank you for teachi ng me to stan d up for mys el f and for helpi ng with thi ngs at home when I had to focus on finis hin g this thesi s . To my fat h er Bengt: Thank y ou for always beli ev ing in me, for bei ng supp o rti ve and a goo d list en er. To Laila, Thank you for you r int erest in my work and my life. Mos t of all , than k you Nicolás, Axel, and Viggo for bein g as amazi ng as you are, for being my great es t sup po rt ers and my everyd ay puzzle. I love you . Krist in a Hol mq v is t Goth en bu rg , Octo b er 2013 LIST OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION ....... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 APPEARANCE CULTURE ...... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4 The body as a project ...... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4 The tyranny of slenderness ....... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5 Gender-ster eotypical body ideals ...... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6 ADOLESCENCE ....... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8 Biological changes ....... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8 Psychological changes ....... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10 Social changes ....... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11 BODY IMAGE ....... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13 FACTORS ASSOCIATED WITH ADOLESCENTS’ BODY IMAGE ....... 15 The individual: biological factors ...... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17 The individual: p sychological factors ...... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18 The microsystem ....... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20 The mesosystem ....... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21 The exosystem....... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22 The macrosystem ....... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23 Summary of factors associated with adolescents’ body image ... 26 ADOLESCENTS’ BODY IMAGE ACROSS CULTURES ...... . . . . . . . . . . . . 27 Cross-cultural differences in body image ....... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28 The Swedish context ...... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30 The Argentinean context ...... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 33 Summary of adolescents’ body image across cultures ...... . . . . . . . 36 ADOLESCENTS’ POSITIVE BODY IMAGE ....... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 38 Positive psychology ...... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 38 Positive psychology in the body image field ...... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39 GENERAL AIMS ....... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43 SUMMARY OF THE STUDIES ....... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 44 The MOS project ...... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 44 Study I ...... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45 Study II ...... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 47 Study III ...... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 50 Study IV ...... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 52 GENERAL DISCUSSION ....... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 54 Body image among Swedish and Argenti nean adolescents ...... . . 54 Factors related to Swedish adolescents’ body image ....... . . . . . . . . 58 Characteristics of adolescents with a positive body image ....... . . 63 Methodological discussion ....... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 69 Conclusions ....... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 74 REFERENCES ....... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 77 APPENDIX ...... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 97 LIST OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION ....... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 APPEARANCE CULTURE ...... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4 The body as a project ...... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4 The tyranny of slenderness ....... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5 Gender-ster eotypical body ideals ...... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6 ADOLESCENCE ....... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8 Biological changes ....... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8 Psychological changes ....... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10 Social changes ....... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11 BODY IMAGE ....... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13 FACTORS ASSOCIATED WITH ADOLESCENTS’ BODY IMAGE ....... 15 The individual: biological factors ...... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17 The individual: p sychological factors ...... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18 The microsystem ....... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20 The mesosystem ....... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21 The exosystem....... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22 The macrosystem ....... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23 Summary of factors associated with adolescents’ body image ... 26 ADOLESCENTS’ BODY IMAGE ACROSS CULTURES ...... . . . . . . . . . . . . 27 Cross-cultural differences in body image ....... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28 The Swedish context ...... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30 The Argentinean context ...... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 33 Summary of adolescents’ body image across cultures ...... . . . . . . . 36 ADOLESCENTS’ POSITIVE BODY IMAGE ....... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 38 Positive psychology ...... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 38 Positive psychology in the body image field ...... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39 GENERAL AIMS ....... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43 SUMMARY OF THE STUDIES ....... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 44 The MOS project ...... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 44 Study I ...... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45 Study II ...... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 47 Study III ...... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 50 Study IV ...... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 52 GENERAL DISCUSSION ....... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 54 Body image among Swedish and Argenti nean adolescents ...... . . 54 Factors related to Swedish adolescents’ body image ....... . . . . . . . . 58 Characteristics of adolescents with a positive body image ....... . . 63 Methodological discussion ....... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 69 Conclusions ....... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 74 REFERENCES ....... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 77 APPENDIX ...... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 97 1 INTR ODU CTION “Beauty is the promise of happiness. ” Edmu n d Bu rke 17 27 –1 79 7 Beaut y and phys i cal attract iv en es s hav e always been high ly val u ed human attrib ut es , ass u m ed to be conn ect ed wit h happ in ess , int el lig en ce, and success (Renn el s , 201 2 ). Most of tod ay’s post ind ust rial soci eti es share this min d s et , and the ong oin g obsess io n wit h phys i cal app earan ce mig ht be more intens e than ever. The “ ap p earan ce cultu re ” (Jon es , Vig fusd ott i r, & Lee, 200 4 ), the ceas el ess flo w of mes s ag es regardi ng how we sho uld and shoul d not look , exerts con st ant pres su re . T hat t he bod y i s “ mal l eab le ,” i s somet hi ng that ough t to be cont ro ll ed and con st an tl y imp ro v ed , is evid en t in the abu nd an ce of oppo rtu ni ti es to change the way we look throug h exercis e , diet in g , beau t y treat men ts , lipo su ct ion , mus cl e -bui ld ing suppl emen t s , anabo li c and rog eni c stero id s , plas ti c surg ery, etc. The overall mes s ag e is toxi c, thou gh clear: If you aren ’t good - lo oki ng , you just hav en ’t tried hard eno ugh . In thi s con text , it is no wond er that hav in g a neg at iv e bod y i mag e (i.e., hav ing neg at iv e thou ght s an d feel ing s abo ut one’s bod y and app earan ce) is so commo n that it has been referred to as normat i ve (Tant leff - Du nn , Barn es , & Laro s e, 2011 ). Adol escen ts , who are at a stag e in life in whi ch thei r bod i es , min d s , and soci al li v es are chang in g dramat i call y, a re part icul arl y vuln erabl e to the mes s ag es conv eyed by appearan ce cult ure (Wert hei m & Pax to n , 201 1 ). Whi le you n g chil d ren ma y exp eri en ce bod y imag e con cerns (Smo l ak , 2011 ), thes e con cern s beco me increasi ngl y co mmo n in ado l es cen ce (Lev in e & Smo l ak , 200 2; Lu nd e, Fris én , & Hwan g , 2007 ). Prev iou s res earch has sho wn that as man y as 70% of adol escen t girl s and 50% of ado l es cen t boys are diss at is fied with their bodi es and want to chan g e the way they look (McCab e & Ricci ard el li , 2001 a; Wert h ei m & Pax to n , 2012 ). Th e prev alen ce of adol es cen t exp eri en ce of neg at iv e bod y imag e is ind eed worryi n g . To be unabl e to recon cile with one’s bod y, to cond emn it or to hate it, oppress es peo pl e in thei r everyd ay liv es (Gh aderi & Parli ng , 200 9 ). A neg ativ e bod y i mag e is not onl y c on n ected to low sel f - est eem (O’Dea, 2012) and decreas ed overall wel l - b ei ng (Mel an d, Haug l and , & Brei dab li k , 200 7 ), it is also rel ated to serio us long - t erm psych o lo gi cal con sequ en c es , such as depression 1 INTR ODU CTION “Beauty is the promise of happiness. ” Edmu n d Bu rke 17 27 –1 79 7 Beaut y and phys i cal attract iv en es s hav e always been high ly val u ed human attrib ut es , ass u m ed to be conn ect ed wit h happ in ess , int el lig en ce, and success (Renn el s , 201 2 ). Most of tod ay’s post ind ust rial soci eti es share this min d s et , and the ong oin g obsess io n wit h phys i cal app earan ce mig ht be more intens e than ever. The “ ap p earan ce cultu re ” (Jon es , Vig fusd ott i r, & Lee, 200 4 ), the ceas el ess flo w of mes s ag es regardi ng how we sho uld and shoul d not look , exerts con st ant pres su re . T hat t he bod y i s “ mal l eab le ,” i s somet hi ng that ough t to be cont ro ll ed and con st an tl y imp ro v ed , is evid en t in the abu nd an ce of oppo rtu ni ti es to change the way we look throug h exercis e, diet in g , beau t y treat men ts , lipo su ct ion , mus cl e -bui ld ing suppl emen t s , anabo li c and rog eni c stero id s , plas ti c surg ery, etc. The overall mes s ag e is toxi c, thou gh clear: If you aren ’t good - lo oki ng , you just hav en ’t tried hard eno ugh . In thi s con text , it is no wond er that hav in g a neg at iv e bod y i mag e (i.e., hav ing neg at iv e thou ght s an d feel ing s abo ut one’s bod y and app earan ce) is so commo n that it has been referred to as normat i ve (Tant leff - Du nn , Barn es , & Laro s e, 2011 ). Adol escen ts , who are at a stag e in life in whi ch thei r bod i es , min d s , and soci al li v es are chang in g dramat i call y, a re part icul arl y vuln erabl e to the mes s ag es conv eyed by appearan ce cult ure (Wert hei m & Pax to n , 201 1 ). Whi le you n g chil d ren ma y exp eri en ce bod y imag e con cerns (Smo l ak , 2011 ), thes e con cern s beco me increasi ngl y co mmo n in ado l es cen ce (Lev in e & Smo l ak , 200 2; Lu nd e, Fris én , & Hwan g , 2007 ). Prev iou s res earch has sho wn that as man y as 70% of adol escen t girl s and 50% of ado l es cen t boys are diss at is fied with their bodi es and want to chan g e the way they look (McCab e & Ricci ard el li , 2001 a; Wert h ei m & Pax to n , 2012 ). Th e prev alen ce of adol es cen t exp eri en ce of neg at iv e bod y imag e is ind eed worryi n g . To be unabl e to recon cile with one’s bod y, to cond emn it or to hate it, oppress es peo pl e in thei r everyd ay liv es (Gh aderi & Parli ng , 200 9 ). A neg ativ e bod y i mag e is not onl y c on n ected to low sel f - est eem (O’Dea, 2012) and decreas ed overall wel l - b ei ng (Mel an d, Haug l and , & Brei dab li k , 200 7 ), it is also rel ated to serio us long - t erm psych o lo gi cal con sequ en ces , such as depression 2 and eati ng diso rd ers (St ice et al., 2000 ; Wes t erb e rg - J acobs on , Edlun d , & Ghad eri , 2010 ). Given the signi ficance of bod y imag e for ado l es cent s ’ healt h and well - b ei ng , it is of utmo s t imp o rt ance that the phen o men on be tho ro ugh l y inv es tig ated and well und erst ood . One of the key framewo rks influ en cing adol es cen t s ’ bod y ima g e is the cultu ral cont ex t in whi ch adol es cent s dev el op . Howev er , most bod y imag e res earch has been rest rict ed to ado les cent s in the pos ti ndu st ri a l Engl is h -sp eaki ng world (Ricciardell i , 201 2; Wert h ei m & Pax ton , 2011 ). To ext end our und erst andi ng of adol escents ’ bod y i mag e as a cul tu ral phenomen o n , the first part of thi s thes is tak es a cros s - cul tu ral app roach to exami n in g ado l es cent s ’ bod y i mag e. Speci ficall y, it comp are s the bod y imag e of ado l es cent s in two differen t cultu ral cont exts , the Swed is h and the Arg ent in ean . Swed ish cultu re, emp h as i zin g gend er equ alit y, mod es t y, and healt h y eati ng , is in man y wa ys differen t fro m Arg ent in ean cultu re, charact eri zed by mach i s mo , expressi v en ess , and a focu s on femal e beaut y and thin ness. Whi l e both are valua b le cont ex ts for stud yi n g adol es cen ts ’ bod y i mag e, prev ious res earch has pai d lit tl e att en tio n to them and nev er befo re hav e they been comp ared . In additi on to the cro ss - cu ltu ral comp ari son of Swedi sh and Argen tin e an ado les cent s , the firs t part of thi s the si s takes a part i cul ar l y clo s e loo k at the Swed is h con t ext , wit h a sep arate stud y exa mi n in g a rang e of facto rs ass oci at ed with Swedi sh girl s ’ and boys ’ bod y i mag e. The secon d part of thi s thesi s con ti nu es to exami n e Swedi sh adol escents ’ bod y imag e but doe s not pri mari l y tak e a cult ural app ro ach , instead cons id eri ng the con cep t of positive body i mag e. The bod y i mag e field has always been a patho log y -d riv en area of res earch con cent rat in g on negati ve bod y i mag e and bod y imag e diso rd ers, overl ook in g the concep t of posit iv e bod y imag e (Smo l ak & Cash , 2011 ; Tyl k a, 2012 ). It was long assu med that posit iv e bod y imag e was simp l y the oppos it e of neg ativ e bod y imag e ; howev er, more recen t res earch sugg est s that pos iti v e bod y i mag e is more comp l ex than that (Av alos , Tyl k a, & Woo d -Barcal o w, 200 5; Wood -Barcal o w, Tyl k a, & Augus tu s -Ho rvath , 201 0). Hen ce, the seco nd part of the pres en t thes is comp ri ses a qual it at iv e effo rt to exami n e charact eris tics of adol escen ts ’ posi tiv e bod y i mag e. Drawi ng on the ideas of pos iti v e psych ol o g y, it aims to iden ti fy streng ths that may buffer agains t neg ativ e bod y i mag e in ord er to guid e futu re bod y i mag e int erv en ti on and prev en ti on . The thes is begi ns by bri ef l y des cri b ing the framewo rk s rel ev an t to the two part s of the thesi s , namel y , the app earan ce cultu re, adol es cen t years , and 3 b od y imag e con cept . Thereaft er, I turn to the more speci fi c topics treat ed in thi s thesi s: facto rs rel at ed to adol escen ts ’ bod y i mag e, adol es cent s ’ bod y i mag e acros s cult ures ( payi n g speci al att en tio n to Swed en and Ar g en tin a), and ado l es cent s ’ posi ti ve bod y i mag e. The foll o wi ng sectio n pres ents the gen eral aim of this thesi s , a sho rt summar y of the fou r stu di es con du cted withi n the frame of the thesi s , and a gen eral dis cu ss io n of the fin din gs . The fou r publ ished pap ers are app end ed to the end of the thesi s . 2 and eati ng diso rd ers (St ice et al., 2000 ; Wes t erb erg - J acobs on , Edlun d , & Ghad eri , 2010 ). Given the signi ficance of bod y imag e for ado l es cent s ’ healt h and well - b ei ng , it is of utmo s t imp o rt ance that the phen o men on be tho ro ugh l y inv es tig ated and well und erst ood . One of the key framewo rks influ en cing adol es cen t s ’ bod y ima g e is the cultu ral cont ex t in whi ch adol es cent s dev el op . Howev er , most bod y imag e res earch has been rest rict ed to ado les cent s in the pos ti ndu st ri a l Engl is h -sp eaki ng world (Ricciardell i , 201 2; Wert h ei m & Pax ton , 2011 ). To ext end our und erst andi ng of adol escents ’ bod y i mag e as a cul tu ral phenomen o n , the first part of thi s thes is tak es a cros s - cul tu ral app roach to exami n in g ado l es cent s ’ bod y i mag e. Speci ficall y, it comp are s the bod y imag e of ado l es cent s in two differen t cultu ral cont exts , the Swed is h and the Arg ent in ean . Swed ish cultu re, emp h as i zin g gend er equ alit y, mod es t y, and healt h y eati ng , is in man y wa ys differen t fro m Arg ent in ean cultu re, charact eri zed by mach i s mo , expressi v en ess , and a focu s on femal e beaut y and thin ness. Whi l e both are valua b le cont ex ts for stud yi n g adol es cen ts ’ bod y i mag e, prev ious res earch has pai d lit tl e att en tio n to them and nev er befo re hav e they been comp ared . In additi on to the cro ss - cu ltu ral comp ari son of Swedi sh and Argen tin e an ado les cent s , the firs t part of thi s the si s takes a part i cul ar l y clo s e loo k at the Swed is h con t ext , wit h a sep arate stud y exa mi n in g a rang e of facto rs ass oci at ed with Swedi sh girl s ’ and boys ’ bod y i mag e. The secon d part of thi s thesi s con ti nu es to exami n e Swedi sh adol escents ’ bod y imag e but doe s not pri mari l y tak e a cult ural app ro ach , instead cons id eri ng the con cep t of positive body i mag e. The bod y i mag e field has always been a patho log y -d riv en area of res earch con cent rat in g on negati ve bod y i mag e and bod y imag e diso rd ers, overl ook in g the concep t of posit iv e bod y imag e (Smo l ak & Cash , 2011 ; Tyl k a, 2012 ). It was long assu med that posit iv e bod y imag e was simp l y the oppos it e of neg ativ e bod y imag e ; howev er, more recen t res earch sugg est s that pos iti v e bod y i mag e is more comp l ex than that (Av alos , Tyl k a, & Woo d -Barcal o w, 200 5; Wood -Bar cal o w, Tyl k a, & Augus tu s -Ho rvath , 201 0). Hen ce, the seco nd part of the pres en t thes is comp ri ses a qual it at iv e effo rt to exami n e charact eris tics of adol escen ts ’ posi tiv e bod y i mag e. Drawi ng on the ideas of pos iti v e psych ol o g y, it aims to iden ti fy streng ths that may buffer agains t neg ativ e bod y i mag e in ord er to guid e futu re bod y i mag e int erv en ti on and prev en ti on . The thes is begi ns by bri ef l y des cri b ing the framewo rk s rel ev an t to the two part s of the thesi s , namel y , the app earan ce cultu re, adol es cen t years , and 3 b od y imag e con cept . Thereaft er, I turn to the more speci fi c topics treat ed in thi s thesi s: facto rs rel at ed to adol escen ts ’ bod y i mag e, adol es cent s ’ bod y i mag e acros s cult ures ( payi n g speci al att en tio n to Swed en and Ar g en tin a), and ado l es cent s ’ posi ti ve bod y i mag e. The foll o wi ng sectio n pres ents the gen eral aim of this thesi s , a sho rt summar y of the fou r stu di es con du cted withi n the frame of the thesi s , and a gen eral dis cu ss io n of the fin din gs . The fou r publ ished pap ers are app end ed to the end of the thesi s . 4 APPEAR ANCE CU LTU R E Ap p earan ce cult u re is an essent ial fra mewo rk for this thesis becaus e it comp ri s es a wid e ran ge of cult u ral mes s ag es and norms abou t the bod y that con front man y ado l es cen ts gro wing up tod ay. App e arance cultu re refers to the con cep ti on of a cultu re that val ues , reinfo rces , and mod el s cultu ral ideas of beau t y (Th o mp s on et al., 199 9). Acco rd ing to that defini tio n , appearan ce cultu re is wid esp read acros s the glob e, alt ho ugh pres su res may be high er in post in dus t ri al soci eties (And ers on -Fye, 2011 ). The assu mp t ion that “ beaut y is good ” and , in cont ra s t , “ un at t ract iv en ess is bad , ” permeat es app earan ce cultu re and is conv eyed even to youn g chil dren throu gh the med i a, peers , and fami l y (Bazzi ni , Curtin , Josl in , Reg an , & Mart z, 2010 ; Clark & Tig geman n , 2006; Herb ozo , Tan tl eff -Du nn , Gok ee -Laros e, & Tho mp so n , 2004 ; Smo l ak , 2012 ). Res earch has sho wn that chi ld ren as you ng as 3– 6 year s old ten d to view attract iv e chi ld ren as soci abl e, smart , and lik eabl e , whereas unatt ract iv e chil d ren are assu med to be anti so ci al and agg res si v e (Dion , 1973 ). Over the cou rs e of thei r li v es , peop le con sid ered att ract iv e are treated more fav o rab l y, hav e bett er chan ces of emp l o ymen t , and are perceiv ed as healt hi er, smart er, happ ier, mo re success fu l , and soci all y co mp et en t , whil e peop l e con sid ered unatt ract iv e ma y be sti g mat i zed and dis cri mi n a t ed agains t (Ren nels , 2012 ). The b ody as a p roj ect An ess en ti al characteris ti c of appearan ce cul tu re is the idea of the bod y as somet hi ng mal l eab le that needs to be “wo rk ed on.” In ma n y posti ndu st ria l soci et ies , the bod y is increas ing l y viewed as a “pro ject” that one ough t to engage in, seeki ng con t rol and const ant imp ro v e men t (Bru mb erg , 199 8; Orb ach , 201 0). As such , the bod y is no long er seen a s a functi on al tool to mak e thi ngs hap pen ; ins tead , it is the bod y that is mad e. Thi s view of the bod y is parti cu l arl y emp h as i zed amo n g girl s and women , who are soci al i zed to keep thei r bodi es at a cert ain size, to eng age in a specifi c reperto i re of “ fe mi n i n e ” ges tu res , pos tu res, and mov emen t s , and to displ ay thei r bod ies as an ornamen t ed surface (Bart k y, 5 1 990 ; more abo ut this on page 23 ). Indeed , gen d er differen ces are wel l - es tabl ish ed in body i mag e res earch , wit h girls and women gen erall y exp eriencin g mor e bod y imag e con cerns than do boys and men (e.g . , Buch an an , Bluest ei n , Napp a, Woods , & Dep at i e, 2013 ; Sweet ing & Wes t , 2002 ). Altho ugh app earan ce cultu re ten ds to con cen t rat e more on the femal e bod y, soci etal focus on mal e appearan ce has int en si fi ed (Mu rn e n & Don , 2012; Strelan & Harg reav es , 2005 ). As a cons eq uence, boys and men , too , ma y increasin gl y come to view thei r bod i es as pro ject s . The tyranny of slenderness A not her imp o rt ant charact eris ti c of app earan ce cul tu re that is parti cul arl y pres si ng for girls and women is the “ t yr ann y of slend ern es s ” (Bart k y, 1990 ). Indeed , phys i cal att ract i v en es s and slend ern ess are seen as almo st syn on ymo u s con cep ts in app earance cult u re, with slendern es s assu m ed to be ass o ci at ed with dis ci pl in e and con t rol . Overwei ght , on the oth er hand , is seen as a sign of sel f - i ndu lg en ce, lazi n ess , lack of cont ro l , incomp et en ce, and lack of will to eng ag e in one’s bod y (Pu h l & Pet ers on , 2012 ). Overwei gh t peo pl e are dis cri mi n ated agai nst in variou s areas , incl udi ng the scho ol and work envi ro nmen t s as wel l as in the search for a domes t i c part n er (Puh l & Pet ers on , 201 2 ). Corresp ond in gl y, man y ado l escen t girls bel ieve that bei ng thinn er is imp o rt ant and woul d mak e them happ i er, heal thier , bett er - lo oki ng , or more success fu l with boys (Wert h ei m & Paxt on , 201 2 ). A recent lon gi tud in al stud y of Swed is h girls bet ween the age s of 7 and 18 years sho wed that the wish to be thi nn er increas ed wit h age (Wes t erberg -J acobs on , Ghaderi , & Edl un d , 201 2). Amo n g the girls ’ mos t frequ en t sel f ‐ des cribed mot i v es for wish in g to be thin ner were “ to feel bett er abo ut mys el f” or “ to corresp ond to soci etal ideal s .” Whi l e sti g ma asso ci at ed with overweig ht is perv asi v e, it is thoug ht to be more pro mi n ent in cult ures with indi vid ual ist i c valu es (Cran da l l et al., 2001 ). Indiv idu alis ti c cul tu res tend more oft en to hold ind ivi du al s resp ons ib le for their own act ion s , and bein g overweigh t ma y be seen as the indiv idu a l ’s own fai lu re to comp l y wit h curren t beau t y stand ards . Howev er, in coll ect ivi st ic cul tu res such as that of rural Fiji , Beck er (200 5) foun d that fami l y and lov ed ones ma y share the res pon sib il it y for thei r bodi es , and att en d to and nurtu re their bodi es tog et her to keep them strong and healt h y. In addi tio n , a person ’s wei gh t loss was 4 APPEAR ANCE CU LTU R E Ap p earan ce cult u re is an essent ial fra mewo rk for this thesis becaus e it comp ri s es a wid e ran ge of cult u ral mes s ag es and norms abou t the bod y that con front man y ado l es cen ts gro wing up tod ay. App e arance cultu re refers to the con cep ti on of a cultu re that val ues , reinfo rces , and mod el s cultu ral ideas of beau t y (Th o mp s on et al., 199 9). Acco rd ing to that defini tio n , appearan ce cultu re is wid esp read acros s the glob e, alt ho ugh pres su res may be high er in post in dus t ri al soci eties (And ers on -Fye, 2011 ). The assu mp t ion that “ beaut y is good ” and , in cont ra s t , “ un at t ract iv en ess is bad , ” permeat es app earan ce cultu re and is conv eyed even to youn g chil dren throu gh the med i a, peers , and fami l y (Bazzi ni , Curtin , Josl in , Reg an , & Mart z, 2010 ; Clark & Tig geman n , 2006; Herb ozo , Tan tl eff -Du nn , Gok ee -Laros e, & Tho mp so n , 2004 ; Smo l ak , 2012 ). Res earch has sho wn that chi ld ren as you ng as 3– 6 year s old ten d to view attract iv e chi ld ren as soci abl e, smart , and lik eabl e , whereas unatt ract iv e chil d ren are assu med to be anti so ci al and agg res si v e (Dion , 1973 ). Over the cou rs e of thei r li v es , peop le con sid ered att ract iv e are treated more fav o rab l y, hav e bett er chan ces of emp l o ymen t , and are perceiv ed as healt hi er, smart er, happ ier, mo re success fu l , and soci all y co mp et en t , whil e peop l e con sid ered unatt ract iv e ma y be sti g mat i zed and dis cri mi n a t ed agains t (Ren nels , 2012 ). The b ody as a p roj ect An ess en ti al characteris ti c of appearan ce cul tu re is the idea of the bod y as somet hi ng mal l eab le that needs to be “wo rk ed on.” In ma n y posti ndu st ria l soci et ies , the bod y is increas ing l y viewed as a “pro ject” that one ough t to engage in, seeki ng con t rol and const ant imp ro v e men t (Bru mb erg , 199 8; Orb ach , 201 0). As such , the bod y is no long er seen a s a functi on al tool to mak e thi ngs hap pen ; ins tead , it is the bod y that is mad e. Thi s view of the bod y is parti cu l arl y emp h as i zed amo n g girl s and women , who are soci al i zed to keep thei r bodi es at a cert ain size, to eng age in a specifi c reperto i re of “ fe mi n i n e ” ges tu res , pos tu res, and mov emen t s , and to displ ay thei r bod ies as an ornamen t ed surface (Bart k y, 5 1 990 ; more abo ut this on page 23 ). Indeed , gen d er differen ces are wel l - es tabl ish ed in body i mag e res earch , wit h girls and women gen erall y exp eriencin g mor e bod y imag e con cerns than do boys and men (e.g . , Buch an an , Bluest ei n , Napp a, Woods , & Dep at i e, 2013 ; Sweet ing & Wes t , 2002 ). Altho ugh app earan ce cultu re ten ds to con cen t rat e more on the femal e bod y, soci etal focus on mal e appearan ce has int en si fi ed (Mu rn e n & Don , 2012; Strelan & Harg reav es , 2005 ). As a cons eq uence, boys and men , too , ma y increasin gl y come to view thei r bod i es as pro ject s . The tyranny of slenderness A not her imp o rt ant charact eris ti c of app earan ce cul tu re that is parti cul arl y pres si ng for girls and women is the “ t yr ann y of slend ern es s ” (Bart k y, 1990 ). Indeed , phys i cal att ract i v en es s and slend ern ess are seen as almo st syn on ymo u s con cep ts in app earance cult u re, with slendern es s assu m ed to be ass o ci at ed with dis ci pl in e and con t rol . Overwei ght , on the oth er hand , is seen as a sign of sel f - i ndu lg en ce, lazi n ess , lack of cont ro l , incomp et en ce, and lack of will to eng ag e in one’s bod y (Pu h l & Pet ers on , 2012 ). Overwei gh t peo pl e are dis cri mi n ated agai nst in variou s areas , incl udi ng the scho ol and work envi ro nmen t s as wel l as in the search for a domes t i c part n er (Puh l & Pet ers on , 201 2 ). Corresp ond in gl y, man y ado l escen t girls bel ieve that bei ng thinn er is imp o rt ant and woul d mak e them happ i er, heal thier , bett er - lo oki ng , or more success fu l with boys (Wert h ei m & Paxt on , 201 2 ). A recent lon gi tud in al stud y of Swed is h girls bet ween the age s of 7 and 18 years sho wed that the wish to be thi nn er increas ed wit h age (Wes t erberg -J acobs on , Ghaderi , & Edl un d , 201 2). Amo n g the girls ’ mos t frequ en t sel f ‐ des cribed mot i v es for wish in g to be thin ner were “ to feel bett er abo ut mys el f” or “ to corresp ond to soci etal ideal s .” Whi l e sti g ma asso ci at ed with overweig ht is perv asi v e, it is thoug ht to be more pro mi n ent in cult ures with indi vid ual ist i c valu es (Cran da l l et al., 2001 ). Indiv idu alis ti c cul tu res tend more oft en to hold ind ivi du al s resp ons ib le for their own act ion s , and bein g overweigh t ma y be seen as the indiv idu a l ’s own fai lu re to comp l y wit h curren t beau t y stand ards . Howev er, in coll ect ivi st ic cul tu res such as that of rural Fiji , Beck er (200 5) foun d that fami l y and lov ed ones ma y share the res pon sib il it y for thei r bodi es , and att en d to and nurtu re their bodi es tog et her to keep them strong and healt h y. In addi tio n , a person ’s wei gh t loss was 6 con si dered a sig n of illn es s in rural Fiji , sug gest ing that the fear of overweig ht is not uni v ers al (si mi l ar int erp ret atio ns of wei gh t loss ha v e been found in soci eti es where food ma y be scarce; And erson -Fye, 2011 ). Howev er, in man y soci eties acros s the glob e, the “t yr an n y of slend ern es s ” is ubi qui tou s and comp ri s es a key comp o n ent of app earan ce cul tu re. Gender- stereotyp ical b ody ideals A thi rd and final notewo rth y charact eris tic of app earan ce cultu re invol v es the more speci fi c phys i cal charact eri sti cs of the ideal s pro mo t ed . Overall , thes e charact eris ti cs ten d to be gend er - st ereo t yp i c al , accent uati ng the bod y asp ects con si dered typ ical of the two gend ers . Women are stereo t yp i call y port rayed wit h long hai r, lon g eyel ash e s , a thin wais t , roun ded butt o cks , and lon g le g s (Mu rn en , 2011 ). In addi ti on , appear ing sex y —wh i ch ent ail s shavi ng one’s legs , armp i ts , and geni tal areas — is an increas in gl y commo n ideal amo ng youn g women (Mu rn en , 2011 ). Youn g men , on the oth er han d , are oft en port rayed as tal l , lean, and mus cul ar, wit h the stereot yp i c al mas cul in e mes o mo rp hi c bod y build charact eri zed by bro ad shoul ders and a sli m wai s t (the so -cal led “v -s h ap e”) inclu din g a “si x pack ” of abdo mi n al mus cles (Fawk ner, 2012 ). Port rayal s of such bod i es are abun dant l y displ ayed to everyo n e, no t least to ado l es cent s , throu gh televi sio n , Int ern et web si tes , ma g azi nes , vid eo games , clo th es sto res , and in everyd ay con vers at ion s with fami l y and peers (Tig g eman n , 2011 ). As an examp l e, a gli mp s e at the webs it e of Frida (www.frid a.s e), a popu l ar Swedis h teen girl s ’ mag azi ne, rev eals that attract ive celeb rit y girls are often feat u red on the cov er of the mag azi ne and arti cl es treat top ics such as “ho w to get the perfect skin comp l ex ion ” or “ho w to get the looks of a mod el .” To my kno wledg e , there are no si mi l ar mag azin es targ et ing boys , but if we look into the world of vid eo games in whi ch 64% of Swedi sh adol escent boys are invo lv ed (Med ierådet , 2010 ), the game charact ers are oft en exceedin gl y mus cu l ar (Barl et t & Harris , 2008 ). A stud y of Aus t ral i an ado les c ents corresp ond ing l y fou nd that girl s typ icall y perceiv e med i a pressu res to be about los ing weigh t , whereas boys typ i call y perceiv e them to be abo ut increasing mus cl e ton e (McCabe, Ricci ard elli , & Fine mo re, 2002 ). In sum, thes e charact eri st ics ( i.e., the body as a pro ject , the tyrann y of slend ern es s , and gen der -st ereot yp i c al ideals ) are some of the featu res of 7 app earan ce cultu re that shap es the body percepti on s avai lab l e to man y of tod ay’s adol es cen ts . Thes e are the percepti ons that they hav e clo s e at hand wh en they ent er a life stag e in whi ch thei r bodi es, min d s , and soci al li v es are changi ng dramat i cal l y. 6 con si dered a sig n of illn es s in rural Fiji , sug gest ing that the fear of overweig ht is not uni v ers al (si mi l ar int erp ret atio ns of wei gh t loss ha v e been found in soci eti es where food ma y be scarce; And erson -Fye, 2011 ). Howev er, in man y soci eties acros s the glob e, the “t yr an n y of slend ern es s ” is ubi qui tou s and comp ri s es a key comp o n ent of app earan ce cul tu re. Gender- stereotyp ical b ody ideals A thi rd and final notewo rth y charact eris tic of app earan ce cultu re invol v es the more speci fi c phys i cal charact eri sti c s of the ideal s pro mo t ed . Overall , thes e charact eris ti cs ten d to be gend er - st ereo t yp i c al , accent uati ng the bod y asp ects con si dered typ ical of the two gend ers . Women are stereo t yp i call y port rayed wit h long hai r, lon g eyel ash e s , a thin wais t , roun ded butt o cks , and lon g le g s (Mu rn en , 2011 ). In addi ti on , appear ing sex y —wh i ch ent ail s shavi ng one’s legs , armp i ts , and geni tal areas — is an increas in gl y commo n ideal amo ng youn g women (Mu rn en , 2011 ). Youn g men , on the oth er han d , are oft en port rayed as tal l , lean, and mus cul ar, wit h the stereot yp i c al mas cul in e mes o mo rp hi c bod y build charact eri zed by bro ad shoul ders and a sli m wai s t (the so -cal led “v -s h ap e”) inclu din g a “si x pack ” of abdo mi n al mus cles (Fawk ner, 2012 ). Port rayal s of such bod i es are abun dant l y displ ayed to everyo n e, no t least to ado l es cent s , throu gh televi sio n , Int ern et web si tes , ma g azi nes , vid eo games , clo th es sto res , and in everyd ay con vers at ion s with fami l y and peers (Tig g eman n , 2011 ). As an examp l e, a gli mp s e at the webs it e of Frida (www.frid a.s e), a popu l ar Swedis h teen girl s ’ mag azi ne, rev eals that attract ive celeb rit y girls are often feat u red on the cov er of the mag azi ne and arti cl es treat top ics such as “ho w to get the perfect skin comp l ex ion ” or “ho w to get the looks of a mod el .” To my kno wledg e , there are no si mi l ar mag azin es targ et ing boys , but if we look into the world of vid eo games in whi ch 64% of Swedi sh adol escent boys are invo lv ed (Med ierådet , 2010 ), the game charact ers are oft en exceedin gl y mus cu l ar (Barl et t & Harris , 2008 ). A stud y of Aus t ral i an ado les c ents corresp ond ing l y fou nd that girl s typ icall y perceiv e med i a pressu res to be about los ing weigh t , whereas boys typ i call y perceiv e them to be abo ut increasing mus cl e ton e (McCabe, Ricci ard elli , & Fine mo re, 2002 ). In sum, thes e charact eri st ic s ( i.e., the body as a pro ject , the tyrann y of slend ern es s , and gen der -st ereot yp i c al ideals ) are some of the featu res of 7 app earan ce cultu re that shap es the body percepti on s avai lab l e to man y of tod ay’s adol es cen ts . Thes e are the percepti ons that they hav e clo s e at hand wh en they ent er a life stag e in whi ch thei r bodi es, min d s , and soci al li v es are changi ng dramat i cal l y. 8 ADOLESCENCE Becaus e thi s thes is focu s es on the ado l escent years , I wil l bri efl y consi d er what charact eri zes this stag e of life. The word adol es cen c e come s fro m the Latin adolescere , wh i ch means “to gro w int o adul tho od ” (Lern er & Steinb erg , 2009 ). Differen t research ers hav e defi n ed the age rang e of adol es cen ce different l y. Whi l e some res earch ers defin e ado les cen ce as syn o n ymo u s with the teen ag e years , that is, the peri od bet ween the ages of 13 and 19 years (e.g . , Mos h man , 2012 ; Niels en , 1996), oth ers sugg es t that ado les cen ce has len gth ene d in the twent ieth cen tu ry. Due to earl ier phys i cal mat u ratio n and del ayed ent ran ce into work and marri ag e, some res earch ers claim that ado les cen ce now extend s fro m the ages of 10 to 20 years (St einb erg , 2011) or fro m 11 to 20 years (Berk , 2004 ). Steinb erg (2011 ) also div id es adol es cen ce int o earl y ado les cen ce ( ag e s of 10– 13 years ), mid dl e ado l es cen ce (age s 14 – 17 ), and late adol es cen ce (age s 18 – 21 ). The pres ent thesis has as its focal poin t ado l es cent s aged 13 – 16 years . The trans iti on bet ween child hoo d and adu lt hoo d is oft en des cri bed as a time of turbu l en ce and stress for you ng peo pl e. In the popu lar med i a, ado l es cent s are frequen tl y de pi ct ed stereotyp i c al l y as tormen t ed soul s , sub ject to hormo n al sto rms , who reb el again st their paren ts , eng ag e in dang erou s risk - t akin g beh avi o r, and fall in and out of lov e. Howev er, mos t res earch sug g est s that thi s “ st o rm and stress ” view of ado l es cen ce is exag g erat ed (Co ng er & Gal amb o s , 1997 ). Nev ert h el es s , ado lescen ce is a dyn ami c stage in life charact eri zed by ma n y fund amen t al chan ges — bi olo gi cal , psych o l ogi cal , a nd soci al . It is not ewo rt h y that , alt hou gh every adol es cen t goes throu gh these fund amen t al chang es, the int erp ret atio n and imp act of thes e chan g es are very much depend en t on the cont ex t in whi ch the adol es cen t dev el ops (St einb erg , 2011 ). Biological changes Th e bio log i cal chang es that occu r durin g adol es cen ce invo lv e the bodi l y chan ges ass o ci at ed with pub ert y. Thes e chan ges con sis t of dramat i c inn er and out er trans format i on s of the adol es cent bod y, includ ing develop men t a l chang es 9 i n phys i cal appearance and the dev el op men t of the abil it y to conceiv e chil d ren (Feld man , 2006 ). Phys i cal chang es comp ri s e bod y gro wt h , growt h of pub ic and und erarm hai r, and increas ed acne. Boys exp eri en ce the growt h of the tes t es , pen is , and faci al hai r and the deep enin g of the voi ce, whereas girl s gro w breasts and hav e thei r first men s t ru at ion (me n arch e ). Perhaps one of the mos t vis ibl e bio log ical chang es is the heig ht spu rt and the rapid increase in bod ywei gh t resu lt ing fro m an increas e in bot h mus cl e and fat (Berk , 2004 ). Girls , howev er, gain more fat tis su e than do boys , and at a fas ter rat e (St einb erg , 199 9). Con s equ en tl y, girls fin ish pub ert y wit h a mus cl e -to -fat rati o of abo ut 5 to 4 and boys with a rati o of app rox i ma t el y 3 to 1 (St einb erg , 201 1 ). Pub ert y als o affects bod y shap e , wit h boys ’ shou ld ers wid en in g rel ati v e to the hips and girls ’ hi ps wid en ing rel at iv e to the sho uld ers and wai st (Berk , 2004 ). In con cret e terms , thes e dev el op men t al chan ges imp l y that girl s , as they go through pub ert y, mov e furt h er away fro m the thi n femal e bod y ideal , whereas boys mov e clo ser to the mal e mus cu l ar v- s h ap ed ideal (McCab e et al., 200 2). Girls , in parti cul ar, ma y int erp ret pub ert al chan ges as “ get ti ng fat ” or “ lo s ing cont ro l ” rat h er than turn ing int o a woman (Wert h ei m & Pax t on , 2012 ). Pub ertal timing Th e ons et of pub ert y vari es wid el y bet ween indi vid u als and by gen d er. Girl s ’ pub ert y generall y beg ins some time bet ween the ages of 7 and 13 years , and boys ’ pub ert y about two years lat er , between the age s of 9½ and 13½ years (St ei nb erg , 2011 ). The speed of pub ert y ma y also differ greatl y, wit h girls comp l eti ng thei r pubert y in 1 – 6 years , and boys in 2 – 5 years (Tan n er, 1972 ). In oth er words , it is pos si bl e for an earl y -mat u ring , fast -mat u rin g ado les cent to comp l et e pub ert y ma n y years befo re a late -mat u ri ng , slo w -mat u ring adol es cen t has comp l eted pub erty. Whi l e the onset of pubert y is trigg ered by chang es in hormo nal lev el s , the facto rs und erl yi ng thes e chan ges are not comp l et el y clear. Both int ri nsic (i.e. , geneti c) and extern al (i.e. , env i ron me n t al and cult u ral ) sign als ma y play a role (Fel d man , 2006; Ge, Nat su aki , Neid erh is er, & Reiss , 2007 ). Evi d en ce for the env iron men t al infl uen ce on girl s ’ pub ert al timi ng is suppl i ed by res earch sho wing that fami l y and soci al fact ors such as paren tal healt h , mari t al tens ion , and the presence of a step fath er may af fect girl s ’ age of men arch e (Ell is & Garb er, 2000; Saxb e & Rep ett i , 2009 ). On a cult u ral lev el , the mean age of men arche is lat er in dev el opi ng coun t ries than in eco no mi call y advant ag ed cou nt ri es , pro babl y becaus e girl s in econ o mi call y adv an taged count ri es are 8 ADOLESCENCE Becaus e thi s thes is focu s es on the ado l escent years , I wil l bri efl y consi d er what charact eri zes this stag e of life. The word adol es cen c e come s fro m the Latin adolescere , wh i ch means “to gro w int o adul tho od ” (Lern er & Steinb erg , 2009 ). Differen t research ers hav e defi n ed the age rang e of adol es cen ce different l y. Whi l e some res earch ers defin e ado les cen ce as syn o n ymo u s with the teen ag e years , that is, the peri od bet ween the ages of 13 and 19 years (e.g . , Mos h man , 2012 ; Niels en , 1996), oth ers sugg es t that ado les cen ce has len gth ene d in the twent ieth cen tu ry. Due to earl ier phys i cal mat u ratio n and del ayed ent ran ce into work and marri ag e, some res earch ers claim that ado les cen ce now extend s fro m the ages of 10 to 20 years (St einb erg , 2011) or fro m 11 to 20 years (Berk , 2004 ). Steinb erg (2011 ) also div id es adol es cen ce int o earl y ado les cen ce ( ag e s of 10– 13 years ), mid dl e ado l es cen ce (age s 14 – 17 ), and late adol es cen ce (age s 18 – 21 ). The pres ent thesis has as its focal poin t ado l es cent s aged 13 – 16 years . The trans iti on bet ween child hoo d and adu lt hoo d is oft en des cri bed as a time of turbu l en ce and stress for you ng peo pl e. In the popu lar med i a, ado l es cent s are frequen tl y de pi ct ed stereotyp i c al l y as tormen t ed soul s , sub ject to hormo n al sto rms , who reb el again st their paren ts , eng ag e in dang erou s risk - t akin g beh avi o r, and fall in and out of lov e. Howev er, mos t res earch sug g est s that thi s “ st o rm and stress ” view of ado l es cen ce is exag g era t ed (Co ng er & Gal amb o s , 1997 ). Nev ert h el es s , ado lescen ce is a dyn ami c stage in life charact eri zed by ma n y fund amen t al chan ges — bi olo gi cal , psych o l ogi cal , a nd soci al . It is not ewo rt h y that , alt hou gh every adol es cen t goes throu gh these fund amen t al chang es, the int erp ret atio n and imp act of thes e chan g es are very much depend en t on the cont ex t in whi ch the adol es cen t dev el ops (St einb erg , 2011 ). Biological changes Th e bio log i cal chang es that occu r durin g adol es cen ce invo lv e the bodi l y chan ges ass o ci at ed with pub ert y. Thes e chan ges con sis t of dramat i c inn er and out er trans format i on s of the adol es cent bod y, includ ing develop men t a l chang es 9 i n phys i cal appearance and the dev el op men t of the abil it y to conceiv e chil d ren (Feld man , 2006 ). Phys i cal chang es comp ri s e bod y gro wt h , growt h of pub ic and und erarm hai r, and increas ed acne. Boys exp eri en ce the growt h of the tes t es , pen is , and faci al hai r and the deep enin g of the voi ce, whereas girl s gro w breasts and hav e thei r first men s t ru at ion (me n arch e). Perhaps one of the mos t vis ibl e bio log ical chang es is the heig ht spu rt and the rapid increase in bod ywei gh t resu lt ing fro m an increas e in bot h mus cl e and fat (Berk , 2004 ). Girls , howev er, gain more fat tis su e than do boys , and at a fas ter rat e (St einb erg , 199 9). Con s equ en tl y, girls fin ish pub ert y wit h a mus cl e -to -fat rati o of abo ut 5 to 4 and boys with a rati o of app rox i ma t el y 3 to 1 (St einb erg , 201 1 ). Pub ert y als o affects bod y shap e , wit h boys ’ shou ld ers wid en in g rel ati v e to the hips and girls ’ hi ps wid en ing rel at iv e to the sho uld ers and wai st (Berk , 2004 ). In con cret e terms , thes e dev el op men t al chan ges imp l y that girl s , as they go through pub ert y, mov e furt h er away fro m the thi n femal e bod y ideal , whereas boys mov e clo ser to the mal e mus cu l ar v- s h ap ed ideal (McCab e et al., 200 2). Girls , in parti cul ar, ma y int erp ret pub ert al chan ges as “ get ti ng fat ” or “ lo s ing cont ro l ” rat h er than turn ing int o a woman (Wert h ei m & Pax t on , 2012 ). Pub ertal timing Th e ons et of pub ert y vari es wid el y bet ween indi vid u als and by gen d er. Girl s ’ pub ert y generall y beg ins some time bet ween the ages of 7 and 13 years , and boys ’ pub ert y about two years lat er , between the age s of 9½ and 13½ years (St ei nb erg , 2011 ). The speed of pub ert y ma y also differ greatl y, wit h girls comp l eti ng thei r pubert y in 1 – 6 years , and boys in 2 – 5 years (Tan n er, 1972 ). In oth er words , it is pos si bl e for an earl y -mat u ring , fast -mat u rin g ado les cent to comp l et e pub ert y ma n y years befo re a late -mat u ri ng , slo w -mat u ring adol es cen t has comp l eted pub erty. Whi l e the onset of pubert y is trigg ered by chang es in hormo nal lev el s , the facto rs und erl yi ng thes e chan ges are not comp l et el y clear. Both int ri nsic (i.e. , geneti c) and extern al (i.e. , env i ron me n t al and cult u ral ) sign als ma y play a role (Fel d man , 2006; Ge, Nat su aki , Neid erh is er, & Reiss , 2007 ). Evi d en ce for the env iron men t al infl uen ce on girl s ’ pub ert al timi ng is suppl i ed by res earch sho wing that fami l y and soci al fact ors such as paren tal healt h , mari t al tens ion , and the presence of a step fath er may af fect girl s ’ age of men arch e (Ell is & Garb er, 2000; Saxb e & Rep ett i , 2009 ). On a cult u ral lev el , the mean age of men arche is lat er in dev el opi ng coun t ries than in eco no mi call y advant ag ed cou nt ri es , pro babl y becaus e girl s in econ o mi call y adv an taged count ri es are 1 0 b ett er nou rish ed and heal thi er (Feld man , 2006 ). Perh ap s the mos t con spi cu ous evid en ce for envi ronmen t al influ en ce on girls ’ pub ert al timi n g comes fro m the secular trend observed since the 186 0s whereb y the mean age of men arche in post in dus t ri al cou nt ries has decli n ed by three years fro m 15– 1 6 years to 12– 13 years (Con ger & Gal amb o s , 1997 ). At the mil l enni u m shift , Swed ish girl s on averag e reach ed men arch e at 12.7 years (Li u , Wikl and , & Karl berg , 200 0 ). A larg e bod y of research has inv esti g at ed the psych olo gi cal effect s of pub ert al timi n g , that is, of bein g earl y - ma t u rin g or lat e -mat u rin g in rel ati on to one’s peers . Earl y mat uratio n has been sho wn to hav e adv ers e psych olo gi cal effect s on girls and boys . Amo n g boys , earl y mat u rati on has been asso ci ated with great e r popul arit y, hig her sel f - est eem, and more sel f -con fid en ce, but also with more prob l emat i c beh av io r such as delin qu en cy, probl ems at sch ool , and subs t an ce ab u s e (Coll in s & Stei nb erg , 200 6; Stein berg , 2011 ). For girls , earl y mat u rat ion has been asso ci ated w ith mos t l y neg at iv e feat ures such as delin qu en cy and subs t an ce ab us e as wel l as anxi et y and dep res sio n (Als ak er , 1995 ; Kalt ial a -Hein o, Kosun en , & Rimp el ä, 200 3 ). However, these findi ngs ma y differ acros s cul tu res : Sko og , Statt in , Ruis el ov a, and Özdemi r (20 13 ) found a stro ng rel ati ons hi p bet ween girls ’ earl y mat u rati on and prob l em beh av io r in Swed en , but no such rel at ion sh ip in Slo vak i a. Cul tu re seem s to med i ate some of the effects of girls ’ earl y mat u rat ion . It has been sugg est ed that the neg ati v e effect s m a y be more pro mi n ent in cou nt ri es with high tol erance for adol es cen t heteros exu al invo lv eme n t (Skoo g et al., 2013 ). Psychological changes Ps ych o log ical changes durin g adol es cen ce invol v e adol es cen ts ’ cogni tio n , i.e. , ways of thin ki ng , which beco m es mor e advan ced and more simi l ar to an adul t ’s . Whereas youn g child ren ’s think ing is most l y ori ent ed to the here and now, ado l es cent s ’ think ing ma y con cern pas t and futu re event s as wel l as hyp o th eti cal sit uati ons or abst ract con cep ts (St ein b erg , 2011 ). Cog ni ti v e chan ges also invo lv e met acog nit ion , i.e., the abi li t y to think about one’s own think ing , and a well - d ev elop ed theo ry of min d , i.e., the abil it y to thin k about oth er peopl e’s pers p ectiv e s (Mosh man , 201 2 ). The cap aci t y to set perso n al goals as wel l as int erest in moral reas oni ng and the mea n ing of life are aspects of cog ni tive dev elop men t that evol v e start ing in mid -ad ol es cen ce (Sawyer et al., 2012 ). The 11 rapi d int ell ectu al advan ces and the abil it y t o int ro sp ect ma y lead to ext reme sel f - ab so rpt io n , somet hi n g that has been referred to as adolescent egocentrism (Sch wart z, Mayn ard , & Uzel ac, 2008 ) . Adol es cen t ego cent rism is charact eri zed by a hei ght ened sel f - con s cio usn ess and dis pl ays two dis tin ct but rel at ed thi nking patt erns , “th e imag in ary audi en ce” and “th e person al fab l e .” The imag in ary aud i en ce refers to ado l es cent s ’ ten dency to think that one is always bei ng seen and judg ed by others . For examp l e, an ado les cen t ma y be worri ed abo ut goin g to schoo l with a blemi s h o n his face becau s e “ev eryb od y wil l noti ce . ” The person al fabl e refers to the bel ief that the sel f is uniq ue and invul nerabl e (Vart an ian , 2000 ). Ind eed , adoles cen t egocen t ri s m turns attent ion to the phys i cal sel f, enco uragin g scru tiny of one’s own bod y and app earan ce. The follo wing quot atio n fro m a Swed ish girl , publ ish ed on an adol escen t web sit e, demo ns t rat es how ego cen tris m and bod y i mag e ma y be clo sel y rel at ed : “I don ’t und ers tand why EV ERYBODY stares at me when I’m downt o wn or at sch ool . I don ’t thi nk I look that bad , but I feel fat and ugl y any w ay” (UMO, 2013 , June 25). Social changes Finall y, ado les cen ce entail s imp o rt ant chan ges in indi vid ual soci al posit ion and statu s . Increas ed freedo m, ind ep end e nce , and respo ns ibi li ty are imp o rt ant aspects of adol esce nts ’ new soci al roles as they dist an c e thems elv es fro m thei r paren ts and spen d more time wit h peers (Sawyer et al., 201 2 ). Ind eed , it is durin g ado les cence that young peop le can trul y be said to liv e in a sep arate soci al world of thei r peers (Gi ffo rd -Smi t h & Bro wn el l , 200 3 ). In add it ion to the increas ed amo u nt of time spen t wit h peers , ado l es cent peer group s oft en functio n witho ut the sup ervi sio n of adu lt s , invo lv e more acti vi ti es with the oppo si te sex , and turn into larg er peer group s that are lik e “ mi n i -cu ltu res ” (St ei nb erg , 2011 ). Throug h t he format i o n of clos e fri en dsh ips , peers may help each other cope wit h the univ ers al , everyd ay pro b lems and pressu res of beco mi n g adult s . Along wit h the acq ui si tio n of new social rol es , man y ado l es cent s also strug gl e wit h thei r sen se of iden ti t y and worry abou t being “ no r mal ” in relati on to thei r peers (Sawyer et al., 2012 ). Being accept ed by peers is one of the mos t cent ral con cerns duri ng adol es cen ce (Buk o ws ki , 2003 ). Unfo rtu n at el y, peer teasi ng and bull yi ng are rel ati vel y commo n ado l es cent experi en ces . Abou t 16% of Swed ish 13 -year -olds rep ort bein g 1 0 b ett er nou rish ed and heal thi er (Feld man , 2006 ). Perh ap s the mos t con spi cu ous evid en ce for envi ronmen t al influ en ce on girls ’ pub ert al timi n g comes fro m the secular trend observed since the 186 0s whereb y the mean age of men arche in post in dus t ri al cou nt ries has decli n ed by three years fro m 15– 1 6 years to 12– 13 years (Con ger & Gal amb o s , 1997 ). At the mil l enni u m shift , Swed ish girl s on averag e reach ed men arch e at 12.7 years (Li u , Wikl and , & Karl berg , 200 0 ). A larg e bod y of research has inv esti g at ed the psych olo gi cal effect s of pub ert al timi n g , that is, of bein g earl y - ma t u rin g or lat e -mat u rin g in rel ati on to one’s peers . Earl y mat uratio n has been sho wn to hav e adv ers e psych olo gi cal effect s on girls and boys . Amo n g boys , earl y mat u rati on has been asso ci ated with great e r popul arit y, hig her sel f - est eem, and more sel f -con fid en ce, but also with more prob l emat i c beh av io r such as delin qu en cy, probl ems at sch ool , and subs t an ce ab u s e (Coll in s & Stei nb erg , 200 6; Stein berg , 2011 ). For girls , earl y mat u rat ion has been asso ci ated w ith mos t l y neg at iv e feat ures such as delin qu en cy and subs t an ce ab us e as wel l as anxi et y and dep res sio n (Als ak er , 1995 ; Kalt ial a -Hein o, Kosun en , & Rimp el ä, 200 3 ). However, these findi ngs ma y differ acros s cul tu res : Sko og , Statt in , Ruis el ov a , and Özdemi r (20 13 ) found a stro ng rel ati ons hi p bet ween girls ’ earl y mat u rati on and prob l em beh av io r in Swed en , but no such rel at ion sh ip in Slo vak i a. Cul tu re seem s to med i ate some of the effects of girls ’ earl y mat u rat ion . It has been sugg est ed that the neg ati v e effect s m a y be more pro mi n ent in cou nt ri es with high tol erance for adol es cen t heteros exu al invo lv eme n t (Skoo g et al., 2013 ). Psychological changes Ps ych o log ical changes durin g adol es cen ce invol v e adol es cen ts ’ cogni tio n , i.e. , ways of thin ki ng , which beco m es mor e advan ced and more simi l ar to an adul t ’s . Whereas youn g child ren ’s think ing is most l y ori ent ed to the here and now, ado l es cent s ’ think ing ma y con cern pas t and futu re event s as wel l as hyp o th eti cal sit uati ons or abst ract con cep ts (St ein b erg , 2011 ). Cog ni ti v e chan ges also invo lv e met acog nit ion , i.e., the abi li t y to think about one’s own think ing , and a well - d ev elop ed theo ry of min d , i.e., the abil it y to thin k about oth er peopl e’s pers p ectiv e s (Mosh man , 201 2 ). The cap aci t y to set perso n al goals as wel l as int erest in moral reas oni ng and the mea n ing of life are aspects of cog ni tive dev elop men t that evol v e start ing in mid -ad ol es cen ce (Sawyer et al., 2012 ). The 11 rapi d int ell ectu al advan ces and the abil it y t o int ro sp ect ma y lead to ext reme sel f - ab so rpt io n , somet hi n g that has been referred to as adolescent egocentrism (Sch wart z, Mayn ard , & Uzel ac, 2008 ) . Adol es cen t ego cent rism is charact eri zed by a hei ght ened sel f - con s cio usn ess and dis pl ays two dis tin ct but rel at ed thi nking patt erns , “th e imag in ary audi en ce” and “th e person al fab l e .” The imag in ary aud i en ce refers to ado l es cent s ’ ten dency to think that one is always bei ng seen and judg ed by others . For examp l e, an ado les cen t ma y be worri ed abo ut goin g to schoo l with a blemi s h o n his face becau s e “ev eryb od y wil l noti ce . ” The person al fabl e refers to the bel ief that the sel f is uniq ue and invul nerabl e (Vart an ian , 2000 ). Ind eed , adoles cen t egocen t ri s m turns attent ion to the phys i cal sel f, enco uragin g scru tiny of one’s own bod y and app earan ce. The follo wing quot atio n fro m a Swed ish girl , publ ish ed on an adol escen t web sit e, demo ns t rat es how ego cen tris m and bod y i mag e ma y be clo sel y rel at ed : “I don ’t und ers tand why EV ERYBODY stares at me when I’m downt o wn or at sch ool . I don ’t thi nk I look that bad , but I feel fat and ugl y any w ay” (UMO, 2013 , June 25). Social changes Finall y, ado les cen ce entail s imp o rt ant chan ges in indi vid ual soci al posit ion and statu s . Increas ed freedo m, ind ep end e nce , and respo ns ibi li ty are imp o rt ant aspects of adol escents ’ new soci al roles as they dist an c e thems elv es fro m thei r paren ts and spen d more time wit h peers (Sawyer et al., 201 2 ). Ind eed , it is durin g ado les cence that young peop le can trul y be said to liv e in a sep arate soci al world of thei r peers (Gi ffo rd -Smi t h & Bro wn el l , 200 3 ). In add it ion to the increas ed amo u nt of time spen t wit h peers , ado l es cent peer group s oft en functio n witho ut the sup ervi sio n of adu lt s , invo lv e more acti vi ti es with the oppo si te sex , and turn into larg er peer group s that are lik e “ mi n i -cu ltu res ” (St ei nb erg , 2011 ). Throug h t he format i o n of clos e fri en dsh ips , peers may help each other cope wit h the univ ers al , everyd ay pro b lems and pressu res of beco mi n g adult s . Along wit h the acq ui si tio n of new social rol es , man y ado l es cent s also strug gl e wit h thei r sen se of iden ti t y and worry abou t being “ no r mal ” in relati on to thei r peers (Sawyer et al., 2012 ). Being accept ed by peers is one of the mos t cent ral con cerns duri ng adol es cen ce (Buk o ws ki , 2003 ). Unfo rtu n at el y, peer teasi ng and bull yi ng are rel ati vel y commo n ado l es cent experi en ces . Abou t 16% of Swed ish 13 -year -olds rep ort bein g 1 2 b ul li ed by thei r peers (Fris én & Hol mq v i st, 201 0). Rates ten d to be even high er int ern at ion all y, wit h on averag e 32% of 13– 15 -year -o lds around the glob e being bul li ed (Du e & Hol stei n , 2008 ). Bein g bull i ed ha s majo r neg at iv e imp l i cati ons for adol es cen ts ’ healt h , bot h in thei r pres ent life and lat er in life (Fri s én & Bjarn el in d , 2010; Olweus , 199 2; Rigb y, 2003 ). Peer gro up pro cess es are imp o rt an t in mai n t ain ing bul l yi ng , whi ch is refl ect ed in the fact that previ o us bul l yi ng vict i ms rep o rt that the victimi zat i on oft en stopp ed aft er schoo l tran si tio ns when peer grou ps natu rally chan g ed (Fris én , Has s elb l ad , & Hol mq v is t , 2012 ). With the recent expl osio n of Int ern et use amo ng adol es cen ts , bul l yi ng has now spread to soc i al med i a , wit h man y ado l es cen ts , parti cu l arl y 14 – 1 6 -year - o ld s , repo rtin g bein g cyb erbu ll i ed (To kun ag a, 201 0). Commo n to all forms of victi mi zat ion ( i.e., tradit io nal bullyi n g , cyb erb ull yi n g , a nd peer teasi ng ) is that they frequ ent l y con cern the victi m ’ s a pp earance, bod ywei g ht , bod y shap e, or faci al feat u res (Cas h , 1995 ; Fris én , Bern e, & Lun d e, in press ). In sum, as chi ld ren beco me ado l es cents , peers beco me increasi ngl y influ en ti al soci al agen ts in shapin g adol esce nt s ’ thou gh ts abou t thei r bodi es . In comb i n at ion with oth er social chan ges duri ng adol es cen c e, and wit h the bio log ical and psych olo gi cal chang es previ ous l y des cri bed , adol escen ts are faced with the tas k s of comi n g to terms with thei r “new” bod i es , min d s , and soci al li v es and dev elo p in g a heal th y a nd posi tiv e view of their bodi es . 13 BODY IMAGE One of the pion eers of bod y i mag e res earch , Paul Shi ld er (1950 ), defi ned bod y imag e as “th e pictu re of our own bod y whi ch we form in our mi n d , that is to say, the way in whi ch the bod y appears to ourselv e s ” (p. 11). Thi s defi nit io n was later crit ici zed for bei ng too simp l e, and res earch ers have argued that the bod y imag e con st ru ct is more mul t i facet ed than can be dis tin gu ish ed in this earl y defi ni tio n (Pru zin sk y & Cash , 2002 ). Today, one commo n wa y of thin k ing abo ut bod y i mag e is to div id e it into two comp on en ts : one perceptu al, whi ch refers to esti mat i on of one’s size and app earan ce, and anot h er atti tud in al, whi ch rel at es to feeli ngs and atti tude s toward one’s bod y (Gard n er, 201 1). Both of these comp o n ent s are incl ud ed in Grog an ’s (1999 ) defi nit ion , referring to bod y imag e as “a pers on ’s percept io ns , tho ugh ts , and feeli ngs abou t his or her bod y” (p. 1). A person ’s bod y imag e ma y be pos it iv e or neg ati v e, or anywh ere in bet ween . Bod y imag e ma y chang e dep end i ng on cont ex tu al cues and over the cou rs e of life, thoug h it seems to be fai rl y stabl e during adol escen t and adu lt life (Ti gg eman n , 200 4; Wert h ei m & Pax ton , 2012 ). Bod y imag e con cern s may be man i fes t ed in man y ways , rang in g from a mil d preferen ce for oth er bod y charact eris ti cs , to path olo gi cal bod y imag e dis tu rb ances such as eat ing diso rd ers or mus cl e dys mo rp hia (a path ol ogi cal preo ccu pati on with mus cu larit y; Pop e et al., 2005 ). In addi tion , bod y imag e con cern s can be about the appearan c e of the tot al bod y (e.g . , shap e, mus cul arit y, wei g ht , or size) or, alt ern at iv el y, about speci fi c characterist ics or parts of the bod y ( e.g ., faci al charact eris ti cs , hai r, bod y parts , fit ness , and stren gth ; Wert hei m & Paxt on , 201 2 ). One commo n wa y to meas u re a pers on ’s bod y imag e is to meas u re his or her lev el of body -esteem, which can be understo od as sel f -es tee m rel at ed to the bod y. Mend el so n , Mend elso n , and Whi t e (2001 ) hav e sug g est ed that a perso n ’s bod y -es t eem co mp ri ses three domai n s: feel in gs abou t weigh t (Wei g ht ), feeli ngs abo ut app earan ce (Ap pearan c e), and beli efs abo ut how oth ers view one’s bod y and app earan ce (At tri but ion ). The idea is that indiv id uals ma y be placed somewh ere on the con ti nuu m bet ween low bod y -es teem (or bod y dis sati sfact io n) and high bod y -es t eem (or b od y sat is factio n ) on the three dimen si on s of bod y - es teem. In the studi es condu cte d withi n the frame of this thesi s , we used the concept of bod y -es t eem as a meas u re of adol es cen ts ’ bod y 1 2 b ul li ed by thei r peers (Fris én & Hol mq v i st, 201 0). Rates ten d to be even high er int ern at ion all y, wit h on averag e 32% of 13– 15 -year -o lds around the glob e being bul li ed (Du e & Hol stei n , 2008 ). Bein g bull i ed ha s majo r neg at iv e imp l i cati ons for adol es cen ts ’ healt h , bot h in thei r pres ent life and lat er in life (Fri s én & Bjarn el in d , 2010; Olweus , 199 2; Rigb y, 2003 ). Peer gro up pro cess es are imp o rt an t in mai n t ain ing bul l yi ng , whi ch is refl ect ed in the fact that previ o us bul l yi ng vict i ms rep o rt that the victimi zat i on oft en stopp ed aft er schoo l tran si tio ns when peer grou ps natu rally chan g ed (Fris én , Has s elb l ad , & Hol mq v is t , 2012 ). With the recent expl osio n of Int ern et use amo ng adol es cen ts , bul l yi ng has now spread to soc i al med i a , wit h man y ado l es cen ts , parti cu l arl y 14 – 1 6 -year - o ld s , repo rtin g bein g cyb erbu ll i ed (To kun ag a, 201 0). Commo n to all forms of victi mi zat ion ( i.e., tradit io nal bullyi n g , cyb erb ull yi n g , a nd peer teasi ng ) is that they frequ ent l y con cern the victi m ’ s a pp earance, bod ywei g ht , bod y shap e, or faci al feat u res (Cas h , 1995 ; Fris én , Bern e, & Lun d e, in press ). In sum, as chi ld ren beco me ado l es cents , peers beco me increasi ngl y influ en ti al soci al agen ts in shapin g adol esce nt s ’ thou gh ts abou t thei r bodi es . In comb i n at ion with oth er social chan ges duri ng adol es cen c e, and wit h the bio log ical and psych olo gi cal chang es previ ous l y des cri bed , adol escen ts are faced with the tas k s of comi n g to terms with thei r “new” bod i es , min d s , and soci al li v es and dev elo p in g a heal th y a nd posi tiv e view of their bodi es . 13 BODY IMAGE One of the pion eers of bod y i mag e res earch , Paul Shi ld er (1950 ), defi ned bod y imag e as “th e pictu re of our own bod y whi ch we form in our mi n d , that is to say, the way in whi ch the bod y appears to ourselv e s ” (p. 11). Thi s defi nit io n was later crit ici zed for bei ng too simp l e, and res earch ers have argued that the bod y imag e con st ru ct is more mul t i facet ed than can be dis tin gu ish ed in this earl y defi ni tio n (Pru zin sk y & Cash , 2002 ). Today, one commo n wa y of thin k ing abo ut bod y i mag e is to div id e it into two comp on en ts : one perceptu al, whi ch refers to esti mat i on of one’s size and app earan ce, and anot h er atti tud in al, whi ch rel at es to feeli ngs and atti tudes toward one’s bod y (Gard n er, 201 1). Both of these comp o n ent s are incl ud ed in Grog an ’s (1999 ) defi nit ion , referring to bod y imag e as “a pers on ’s percept io ns , tho ugh ts , and feeli ngs abou t his or her bod y” (p. 1). A person ’s bod y imag e ma y be pos it iv e or neg ati v e, or anywh ere in bet ween . Bod y imag e ma y chang e dep end i ng on cont ex tu al cues and over the cou rs e of life, thoug h it seems to be fai rl y stabl e during adol escen t and adu lt life (Ti gg eman n , 200 4; Wert h ei m & Pax ton , 2012 ). Bod y imag e con cern s may be man i fes t ed in man y ways , rang in g from a mil d preferen ce for oth er bod y charact eris ti cs , to path olo gi cal bod y imag e dis tu rb ances such as eat ing diso rd ers or mus cl e dys mo rp hia (a path ol ogi cal preo ccu pati on with mus cu larit y; Pop e et al., 2005 ). In addi tion , bod y imag e con cern s can be about the appearan c e of the tot al bod y (e.g . , shap e, mus cul arit y, wei g ht , or size) or, alt ern at iv el y, about speci fi c characterist ic s or parts of the bod y ( e.g ., faci al charact eris ti cs , hai r, bod y parts , fit ness , and stren gth ; Wert hei m & Paxt on , 201 2 ). One commo n wa y to meas u re a pers on ’s bod y imag e is to meas u re his or her lev el of body -esteem, which can be understo od as sel f -es tee m rel at ed to the bod y. Mend el so n , Mend elso n , and Whi t e (2001 ) hav e sug g est ed that a perso n ’s bod y -es t eem co mp ri ses three domai n s: feel in gs abou t weigh t (Wei g ht ), feeli ngs abo ut app earan ce (Ap pearan c e), and beli efs abo ut how oth ers view one’s bod y and app earan ce (At tri but ion ). The idea is that indiv id uals ma y be placed somewh ere on the con ti nuu m bet ween low bod y -es teem (or bod y dis sati sfact io n) and high bod y -es t eem (or b od y sat is factio n ) on the three dimen si on s of bod y - es teem. In the studi es condu cte d withi n the frame of this thesi s , we used the concept of bod y -es t eem as a meas u re of adol es cen ts ’ bod y 1 4 i mag e (fo r a met h odo log i cal discus sio n of different bod y ima g e meas u res , see pag e 70 ). Whi l e a pers on with hig h bod y -est eem can be con si dered to hav e a posi ti ve bod y imag e, there are reason s to beli ev e that the concept of bod y - es teem ma y not cap tu re the enti re ess en ce of posi tiv e bod y imag e. Thou gh it is clearl y the negativ e comp o n en t of body i mag e that is usual l y the focus of attent ion in bod y imag e research (Tyl k a, 2011 ), posi tiv e body i mag e research ha s tak en some init ial step s . With the gro wth of this area of res earch , the con cep t of body appreciation has been int rod u ced , a term inclu di ng the app reci atio n , accept an ce , res p ect , and prot ect ion of one’s body (Av al os et al., 2005 ). As will be dis cus s ed in the sect io n abo ut adol es cen ts ’ posit iv e bod y imag e (see page 38 ), there ma y be posit iv e bod y i mag e characteris ti cs that inc lu de asp ects other than bod ywei g ht and app earan ce as defin ed in the bod y - es teem con cep t . Exp eri en ces of the bod y can also go beyo n d the con cept of bod y i mag e. Piran and Teall (2012 ) sugg es t that , whi l e bod y i mag e ent ai ls evalu ati ng ones elf fro m the outsi d e, the term embodiment reflects an “in sid e out ” view of the bod y. Emb o di men t ma y incl ud e both neg at iv e bod y exp eri ences , such as neg at ive bod y imag e (Blo od , 2006 ) or alexi th ymi a (Tayl o r, Bag b y, & Park er, 199 1 ), and posi ti ve bod y exp eri en ces such as joy, se l f -care, attu nemen t with the bod y, and functio n ali t y (Pi ran et al., 2002 ). Imp o rt ant l y, emb o di me n t refers to the “ex p eri en ce of engage men t of the bod y with the world ” (All an, 2005 , p. 177 , cited in Piran & Teal l , 2012 ), emp has izing the conn ecti on bet ween the emb o di ed exp eri en ces and soci al cont exts and stru ctu res (Pi ran & Teal l , 201 2). The d evelo p men t al t heo ry of emb o d i men t (Pi ran & Teall , 201 2) sugg es ts that a rang e of soci al exp eri ences shap e s an indiv idu al ’s bod y experien ces , incl udi ng phys i cal exp eri en c es , exp eri en ces of being exp os ed to soci al stereot yp es , and exp eriences of soci al power stru ctu res (e.g . , class and gen d er). The vari et y of termi n olo gi es ass oci at ed with the bod y imag e concept does mirro r some of its comp l exi t y. Howev er, to furth er add res s this comp l ex it y, I will now turn to the wid e rang e of facto rs asso ci at ed wit h adol es cen ts ’ bod y imag e. 15 F ACTOR S ASSOCIATED W ITH ADOLESCENTS’ BODY IMAGE In att emp t i ng to bett er und erst and ado les cen ts ’ bod y imag e, a great deal of res earch concern s iden t i fyi ng the facto rs asso ciat ed with ado l es cent s ’ bod y imag e dev elo p men t . An array of fact ors has been sugg est ed , inclu din g facto rs rel at ed directl y to the indiv id ual , facto rs rel at ed to the ind ivid ual ’s clos e and dis tant env iron men t , as wel l as facto rs rela t ed to the cult u ral cont ex t in which the indiv idu al liv es . In an att emp t to organi ze this array, I will use the b io ecol og ical t heo ry of h uman d ev elopmen t of Bro nfenb ren ner (19 77; see Figu re 1). Fi gure 1. Th e la ye rs of s yst em s in the bio ecol o gi cal th eor y o f human devel opm ent (Bron fenbr enner, 1977). Ex am pl es of fact ors withi n la ye rs h ave b ee n adjus t ed to th e interpret at i on of the mod el in relat i on to bod y ima ge d evel opm ent . 1 4 i mag e (fo r a met h odo log i cal discus sio n of different bod y ima g e meas u res , see pag e 70 ). Whi l e a pers on with hig h bod y -est eem can be con si dered to hav e a posi ti ve bod y imag e, there are reason s to beli ev e that the concept of bod y - es teem ma y not cap tu re the enti re ess en ce of posi tiv e bod y imag e. Thou gh it is clearl y the negativ e comp o n en t of body i mag e that is usual l y the focus of attent ion in bod y imag e research (Tyl k a, 2011 ), posi tiv e body i mag e research ha s tak en some init ial step s . With the gro wth of this area of res earch , the con cep t of body appreciation has been int rod u ced , a term inclu di ng the app reci atio n , accept an ce , res p ect , and prot ect ion of one’s body (Av al os et al., 2005 ). As will be dis cus s ed in the sect io n abo ut adol es cen ts ’ posit iv e bod y imag e (see page 38 ), there ma y be posit iv e bod y i mag e characteris ti cs that inc lu de asp ects other than bod ywei g ht and app earan ce as defin ed in the bod y - es teem con cep t . Exp eri en ces of the bod y can also go beyo n d the con cept of bod y i mag e. Piran and Teall (2012 ) sugg es t that , whi l e bod y i mag e ent ai ls evalu ati ng ones elf fro m the outsi d e, the term embodiment reflects an “in sid e out ” view of the bod y. Emb o di men t ma y incl ud e both neg at iv e bod y exp eri ences , such as neg at ive bod y imag e (Blo od , 2006 ) or alexi th ymi a (Tayl o r, Bag b y, & Park er, 199 1 ), and posi ti ve bod y exp eri en ces such as joy, se l f -care, attu nemen t with the bod y, and functio n ali t y (Pi ran et al., 2002 ). Imp o rt ant l y, emb o di me n t refers to the “ex p eri en ce of engage men t of the bod y with the world ” (All an, 2005 , p. 177 , cited in Piran & Teal l , 2012 ), emp has izing the conn ecti on bet ween the emb o di ed exp eri en ces and soci al cont exts and stru ctu res (Pi ran & Teal l , 201 2). The d evelo p men t al t heo ry of emb o d i men t (Pi ran & Teall , 201 2) sugg es ts that a rang e of soci al exp eri ences shap e s an indiv idu al ’s bod y experien ces , incl udi ng phys i cal exp eri en c es , exp eri en ces of being exp os ed to soci al stereot yp es , and exp eriences of soci al power stru ctu res (e.g . , class and gen d er). The vari et y of termi n olo gi es ass oci at ed with the bod y imag e concept does mirro r some of its comp l exi t y. Howev er, to furth er add res s this comp l ex it y, I will now turn to the wid e rang e of facto rs asso ci at ed wit h adol es cen ts ’ bod y imag e. 15 F ACTOR S ASSOCIATED W ITH ADOLESCENTS’ BODY IMAGE In att emp t i ng to bett er und erst and ado les cen ts ’ bod y imag e, a great deal of res earch concern s iden t i fyi ng the facto rs asso ciat ed with ado l es cent s ’ bod y imag e dev elo p men t . An array of fact ors has been sugg est ed , inclu din g facto rs rel at ed directl y to the indiv id ual , facto rs rel at ed to the ind ivid ual ’s clos e and dis tant env iron men t , as wel l as facto rs rela t ed to the cult u ral cont ex t in which the indiv idu al liv es . In an att emp t to organi ze this array, I will use the b io ecol og ical t heo ry of h uman d ev elopmen t of Bro nfenb ren ner (19 77; see Figu re 1). Fi gure 1. Th e la ye rs of s yst em s in the bio ecol o gi cal th eor y o f human devel opm ent (Bron fenbr enner, 1977). Ex am pl es of fact ors withi n la ye rs h ave b ee n adjus t ed to th e interpret at i on of the mod el in relat i on to bod y ima ge d evel opm ent . MICROSYSTEM MESOSYSTEM EXOSYSTEM MACROSYSTEM INDIVIDUAL (e.g., gendered structures and industrializaon) (e.g., peers and family) (e.g., media) (e.g., biological and psychological factors) 1 6 Th e mod el sug gest s that human develop men t is the res u lt of interactio n bet ween peo pl e and thei r envi ron men t s . Speci ficall y, it propo s es that vario us layers of sys t ems infl uenc e peop l e’s dev el op men t. The influ en ce between layers is bid irect ion al , that is, the infl uence can run both toward and away fro m the i nd ivi du al . Whil e the bioeco lo gi cal theory of human develop men t is a well - k no wn theo ry of human dev el op men t , it has to my kno wl edg e not prev iou sl y been used to des crib e the facto rs asso ciat ed with bod y i mag e. I will now bri efl y des cri be the differen t layers of sys t ems comp ri s ing Bron fen b renn er’s mod el , befo re provi din g a more in -depth descrip ti on of each sys t em and its facto rs asso ci ated with adoles cen ts ’ bod y i mag e. At the cen t er of the mod el is the individual . This part tak es int o accou nt the ind ivi du al ’s age, sex, and oth er biol ogi cal or psycho lo gi cal charact eris ti cs . In rel at ion to the dev elo p men t of bod y imag e, rel evant bio lo gical facto rs ma y inclu de an ind ivi dual ’s bod y comp o s it io n or pub ertal timi n g . In addi ti on , psych olo gi cal fact ors ma y invol v e the indiv idu al ’s int erp ret ation of app earan ce - rel at ed info rmat i on fro m out sid e sys t em layers of the mod el . The microsystem is the layer nearest the indiv id ual , comp ris ing the immed i at e contex t , for examp l e , peers , fami l y, and scho ol . As con cerns the influ en ce on ado l es cent s ’ bod y imag e, the mos t frequ en tl y exami n ed facto rs with in the micro s ys t em are peers and fami l y, whi ch will be dis cus s ed on pag e 20 . The mesosystem conn ect s the stru ct ures of the indi vi du al ’s micro s ys t em, des crib ing how, for inst an ce , the infl u en ce of peers and fami l y ma y int eract . The nex t layer, the exosystem , defi n es the larg er social sys t em in which the indi vid u al does not direct l y functio n but that stil l influ en ce s the indi vi du al ’s develo p men t (e.g . , the med i a and soci al servi ces ). For bod y imag e devel op men t , the influ en ce of the med i a and their con veyan ce of appearan ce ideal s is an ess ent ial agent of the exo s ys t em. Fin all y, the macrosystem invo lv es atti tud es and ideo lo gi es of the cultu re in which the indi vid ual is a me mb er. Here, I will focus on the macro st ructu ral facto rs rel ev an t to this thes is: gend ered stru ct u res and the process of ind ust rializati on (fo r a des cri pti on of oth er macro stru ct u ral facto rs , see And erso n -Fye, 201 1 ). Cri ti ci zi ng his own theo ry, Bro n fen brenner (19 89 ) later clai m ed that his first theo ry ma y hav e focus ed too much on con t ext and dis co un t ed the rol e the pers on plays in his or her own dev elo p men t . As he revi ewed the theo ry, he pai d great er att enti on to aspects of person al exp erience, skill s , int ell ig en ce, and reso u rce s . He also sugg es ted that dev elop men t al pro ces s es are lik el y to vary dep endi ng on the cons is ten cy of int eracting even ts and acco rd in g to the speci fi c 17 h is to ri cal even ts occu rri ng when the devel opi ng indi vid uals are at one age or ano th er (th e Pro ces s -Person -Co nt ex t -Time Mod el; Bro n fen b renn er, 200 5; Bron fen b renn er & Evan s , 200 0; Bro n fenb ren ner & Morris , 2006 ). Becaus e of the int eg rat ion bet ween variou s sou rces of influ en ce on human dev elo p men t , one ma y als o ques tio n wheth er such influ en ce can be stri ctl y cat eg o ri zed into the layers of sys t ems des cri bed in Bronfenb ren ner’s ori gi nal mod el (1977 ); howev er, the origi nal mod el prov id es a valu ab le ped ag ogi cal frame for describi ng this influen ce, for ins t an ce , here in relatio n to ado l es cent s ’ bod y imag e. Belo w I will describ e the facto rs asso ci ated with adol escent s ’ bod y imag e in great er detai l , org an ized by the different layers of sys te ms comp ri s ing Bron fen b renn er’s bioecol ogi cal theo ry of human dev elo p me n t (19 77 ). The individual: b iological factors Body comp osition Co rresp ond in g to the previo us l y des cribe d ongoi ng “ tyran n y of slen derness ” prev alent in man y of tod ay’s societi es , there is a wel l - est ab lis h ed conn ecti on bet ween ado l es cents ’ bod y comp o s itio n and thei r body -es t eem. Bod y comp o si ti on is oft en meas u red by the b ody m as s i ndex (BMI), cal cul at ed using the formu l a: weig ht (in kilo s )/h eigh t 2 (in met ers ). Fin di ngs sho w that adol es cent s gen eral l y exp eri en ce lower bod y -est eem the high er their BMI, a rel at ion ship found in man y post in dus t ri al cou nt ri es , for examp l e , Aus trali a (Cl ark & Tigg eman n , 2008 ; McCab e & Ricci ard el li, 2001b ), Norway (Ho ls en , Jon es , & Birk eland , 201 2), Spai n (Bull y & Elo su a, 2011 ), Swed en (Lu nd e, Fri sén , & Hwan g , 2007 ), and the US A (Bark er & Gal amb o s , 2003 ; Hau s enb las , Downs , Flemi n g , & Conn au gh ton , 200 2; Carlso n Jon es , 200 4). However, in some non - Wes t ern cou nt ri es , stu di es find no rel ation shi p bet ween bod y -es teem and BMI, for examp l e , in Korea (Lee, Sohn , Lee, & Lee, 2004 ) and Gamb i a (Si erv o , Grey, Nyan , & Prent ice, 200 6 ). In coun tri es where bo d y -es t eem and BMI are rel ated , it has been sugg est ed that the character of thi s rel ati on shi p ma y be gend ered . Speci ficall y, it has been prop os ed that the relatio ns hip for girls is lin ear (th at is, girls experien ce lower bod y -es t eem the heavi er they are) bu t that the relati onsh ip for boys ma y be curv il in ear (Kos tan ski , Fis her, & Gull on e, 200 4; Presn el l , Bearman , & Sti ce, 1 6 Th e mod el sug gest s that human develop men t is the res u lt of interactio n bet ween peo pl e and thei r envi ron men t s . Speci ficall y, it propo s es that vario us layers of sys t ems infl uenc e peop l e’s dev el op men t. The influ en ce between layers is bid irect ion al , that is, the infl uence can run both toward and away fro m the i nd ivi du al . Whil e the bioeco lo gi cal theory of human develop men t is a well - k no wn theo ry of human dev el op men t , it has to my kno wl edg e not prev iou sl y been used to des crib e the facto rs asso ciat ed with bod y i mag e. I will now bri efl y des cri be the differen t layers of sys t ems comp ri s ing Bron fen b renn er’s mod el , befo re provi din g a more in -depth descrip ti on of each sys t em and its facto rs asso ci ated with adoles cen ts ’ bod y i mag e. At the cen t er of the mod el is the individual . This part tak es int o accou nt the ind ivi du al ’s age, sex, and oth er biol ogi cal or psycho lo gi cal charact eris ti cs . In rel at ion to the dev elo p men t of bod y imag e, rel evant bio lo gical facto rs ma y inclu de an ind ivi dual ’s bod y comp o s it io n or pub ertal timi n g . In addi ti on , psych olo gi cal fact ors ma y invol v e the indiv idu al ’s int erp ret ation of app earan ce - rel at ed info rmat i on fro m out sid e sys t em layers of the mod el . The microsystem is the layer nearest the indiv id ual , comp ris ing the immed i at e contex t , for examp l e , peers , fami l y, and scho ol . As con cerns the influ en ce on ado l es cent s ’ bod y imag e, the mos t frequ en tl y exami n ed facto rs with in the micro s ys t em are peers and fami l y, whi ch will be dis cus s ed on pag e 20 . The mesosystem conn ect s the stru ct ures of the indi vi du al ’s micro s ys t em, des crib ing how, for inst an ce , the infl u en ce of peers and fami l y ma y int eract . The nex t layer, the exosystem , defi n es the larg er social sys t em in which the indi vid u al does not direct l y functio n but that stil l influ en ce s the indi vi du al ’s develo p men t (e.g . , the med i a and soci al servi ces ). For bod y imag e devel op men t , the influ en ce of the med i a and their con veyan ce of appearan ce ideal s is an ess ent ial agent of the exo s ys t em. Fin all y, the macrosystem invo lv es atti tud es and ideo lo gi es of the cultu re in which the indi vid ual is a me mb er. Here, I will focus on the macro st ructu ral facto rs rel ev an t to this thes is: gend ered stru ct u res and the process of ind ust rializati on (fo r a des cri pti on of oth er macro stru ct u ral facto rs , see And erso n -Fye, 201 1 ). Cri ti ci zi ng his own theo ry, Bro n fen brenner (19 89 ) later clai m ed that his first theo ry ma y hav e focus ed too much on con t ext and dis co un t ed the rol e the pers on plays in his or her own dev elo p men t . As he revi ewed the theo ry, he pai d great er att enti on to aspects of person al exp erience, skill s , int ell ig en ce, and reso u rce s . He also sugg es ted that dev elop men t al pro ces s es are lik el y to vary dep endi ng on the cons is ten cy of int eracting even ts and acco rd in g to the speci fi c 17 h is to ri cal even ts occu rri ng when the devel opi ng indi vid uals are at one age or ano th er (th e Pro ces s -Person -Co nt ex t -Time Mod el; Bro n fen b renn er, 200 5; Bron fen b renn er & Evan s , 200 0; Bro n fenb ren ner & Morris , 2006 ). Becaus e of the int eg rat ion bet ween variou s sou rces of influ en ce on human dev elo p men t , one ma y als o ques tio n wheth er such influ en ce can be stri ctl y cat eg o ri zed into the layers of sys t ems des cri bed in Bronfenb ren ner’s ori gi nal mod el (1977 ); howev er, the origi nal mod el prov id es a valu ab le ped ag ogi cal frame for describi ng this influen ce, for ins t an ce , here in relatio n to ado l es cent s ’ bod y imag e. Belo w I will describ e the facto rs asso ci ated with adol escent s ’ bod y imag e in great er detai l , org an ized by the different layers of sys te ms comp ri s ing Bron fen b renn er’s bioecol ogi cal theo ry of human dev elo p me n t (19 77 ). The individual: b iological factors Body comp osition Co rresp ond in g to the previo us l y des cribe d ongoi ng “ tyran n y of slen derness ” prev alent in man y of tod ay’s societi es , there is a wel l - est ab lis h ed conn ecti on bet ween ado l es cents ’ bod y comp o s itio n and thei r body -es t eem. Bod y comp o si ti on is oft en meas u red by the b ody m as s i ndex (BMI), cal cul at ed using the formu l a: weig ht (in kilo s )/h eigh t 2 (in met ers ). Fin di ngs sho w that adol es cent s gen eral l y exp eri en ce lower bod y -est eem the high er their BMI, a rel at ion ship found in man y post in dus t ri al cou nt ri es , for examp l e , Aus trali a (Cl ark & Tigg eman n , 2008 ; McCab e & Ricci ard el li, 2001b ), Norway (Ho ls en , Jon es , & Birk eland , 201 2), Spai n (Bull y & Elo su a, 2011 ), Swed en (Lu nd e, Fri sén , & Hwan g , 2007 ), and the US A (Bark er & Gal amb o s , 2003 ; Hau s enb las , Downs , Flemi n g , & Conn au gh ton , 200 2; Carlso n Jon es , 200 4). However, in some non - Wes t ern cou nt ri es , stu di es find no rel ation shi p bet ween bod y -es teem and BMI, for examp l e , in Korea (Lee, Sohn , Lee, & Lee, 2004 ) and Gamb i a (Si erv o , Grey, Nyan , & Prent ice, 200 6 ). In coun tri es where bo d y -es t eem and BMI are rel ated , it has been sugg est ed that the character of thi s rel ati on shi p ma y be gend ered . Speci ficall y, it has been prop os ed that the relatio ns hip for girls is lin ear (th at is, girls experien ce lower bod y -es t eem the heavi er they are) bu t that the relati onsh ip for boys ma y be curv il in ear (Kos tan ski , Fis her, & Gull on e, 200 4; Presn el l , Bearman , & Sti ce, 1 8 2 004 ). A curvi lin ear rel at ion shi p indi cat es that boys are more lik el y to exp erience low bod y -es teem when they are eith er und erweig ht or ove rweigh t . Due to the stig ma rel at ed to overweig ht , overwei gh t adol escents are not onl y more lik el y to hav e a neg at iv e bod y imag e, t hey are also more lik el y to be teas ed and bull ied by thei r peers (Fris én , Lund e, & Hwang , 2009 ; Lund e, Fri s én , & Hwan g , 2007 ) . These findi ng s sho w that BMI ma y co mb i n e wit h fact o rs pert aini ng to the ind iv idu al ’s micro s ys te m (e.g . , peers and fa mi l y) in its asso ci at ion with adoles cen ts ’ bod y i mag e. Pub ertal timing Pu bert y , not leas t its timi n g , has a majo r imp act on adol es cen ts ’ bod y i mag e. In lin e with the previ ous arg u men t clai mi n g that girls mov e further away fro m the thi n femal e bod y ideal as they go thro ugh pub ert y, sev eral stud i es hav e sho wn that earl y - mat u ri ng girl s tend to be at hig her ris k of dev el op ing low bod y -est eem (McCab e & Ricci ardel li , 2004 ; Raus t e -von Wri ght , 1989 ; Stri eg el -Mo o re et al., 2001 ). Howev er, Strieg el -Mo ore et al. (200 1 ) sugg es ted that pub ert al timi n g per se has no effect on girl s ’ bod y -es t eem, but that thi s effect is due to the imp act of earl y and lat e mat u rati on on BMI. Amo n g boys , the relat ion shi p bet ween pub ert al timi ng and bod y i mag e seem s to be rev ers ed in comp ari so n wit h girl s: in lin e with the prev ious argu men t clai mi n g that pub ert y mov es boys clos er to the mus cul ar v- sh ap ed mal e bod y ideal , most fin din gs sugg est that earl y - mat u ri ng boys are more satis fied with thei r bodi es (e.g . , McCabe & Ricci ard el li , 200 4 ). Boys who mat u re earl y not only mov e clos er to the mal e bod y idea l , b ut they ma y also obt ai n increas ed soci al statu s in thei r peer gro up a nd be perceiv ed as more gro wn - u p and comp et ent by peers and adul ts . The individual: p sychological factors Wh en int erp ret ing Bron fen b renn e r’s model in rel atio n to bod y i mag e, the “in d i vid u al ” at the cent er of the mod el als o includ es psych olo gi cal facto rs asso ci at ed with adoles cen ts ’ bod y i mag e. As wil l be dis cus sed in upco mi n g sect ion s about the micro - and exos ys t ems , peers , fami l y, and the med i a are imp o rt an t agen ts influ en cing ado les cent s ’ bod y i mag e. Howev er, adol escen ts are not jus t “ recei v ers ” of s ociet al mes s ages , as they play an act iv e role in 19 p s ych olo gi call y int erp ret ing the m . As pro pos ed by Keery, van den Berg , and Tho mp s on (200 4), bod y imag e con cerns tend to dep end on the ind ivi du al ’s deg ree of “ bo d y ideal int ern al izatio n ” and tend en cy to eng ag e in “ so cial comp ari son s ” with peers and med i a imag es. Body ideal internaliz ation Bod y ideal int ernali zat ion refers to the pro ces s of inco rpo rat ing curren t ideal s int o one’s pers on al bel iefs abou t what is phys i cal l y attract iv e (Jo nes , 2004 ). For ado l es c ent girls , body ideal int ern ali zat ion invo lv es internali z in g the thin femal e bod y ideal ; for adol es cen t boys , bod y ideal int ern ali zat io n invo lv es int ern al iz ing the lean and mus cul ar mal e bod y ideal . Numero us stud ies have sho wn a posi ti ve lin k bet ween bod y ideal int ern al izatio n and bod y i mag e con cern s amo ng ado l es cent s (e.g . , Cafri , Ya ma mi ya, Bran ni ck , & Tho mp s on , 200 5; Keery et al., 2004 ; Lawl er & Nixo n , 2011 ; Shro ff & Tho mp s on , 2006 ). Whi l e both girls and boys ma y int ern al ize their res pectiv e bod y ideals a nd devel op bod y imag e con cern s , girls tend to resp ond with great er int en si t y to the ideals (Kn aus s, Paxt on , & Als aker, 2007 ). Social comp arison Ad ol escen ts comp are thems el v es wit h others to underst an d how and where they fit int o the worl d (Fes tin ger, 19 54 ). Amo n g the soci al comp ari son s they mak e are app earance comp aris on s ( regardin g , e.g ., wei ght , shap e, and faci al feat ures), a pro cess in which girls engage more than boys (Jon es , 200 1 ). Targets of app earan ce comp ari so ns ma y be sa me -s ex peers , cel eb ri ti es , ath l et es , or mod els (Jon es , 200 1). App earan ce comp ari so ns tend to be “ up ward ” (i.e. , comp ari ng ones el f to someo n e bet ter off on the dime n sio n of interes t; Wheel er & Miyak e, 1992 ), resul tin g in feeli ngs of diss at is facti on . Sev eral stu di es hav e lin ked app e aran ce comp ariso ns to ado l es cent s ’ bod y i mag e con cerns (Jon es , 2001; Morri son , Kal in , & Morri son , 2004 ; Sto rmer & Tho mp s on , 1996 ), thoug h the rel at ion sh ip is not comp l etel y clear amo n g boys (Carl so n Jones , 2004; Ricci ard el li , McCab e, & Ban fi eld , 200 0 ). Other psych olo gi cal facto rs ass o ci at ed wit h adol es cen ts ’ bod y imag e con cerns , in parti cu l ar amo n g girls , are low sel f -es t ee m and hig h perfect io nis m (Wert h ei m & Paxt on , 201 2 ). Apart fro m thes e facto rs , some speci fi c behav io rs hav e been asso ci at ed with ado le s cen ts ’ bod y imag e, namel y , eng ag emen t in dieti ng and 1 8 2 004 ). A curvi lin ear rel at ion shi p indi cat es that boys are more lik el y to exp erience low bod y -es teem when they are eith er und erweig ht or ove rweigh t . Due to the stig ma rel at ed to overweig ht , overwei gh t adol escents are not onl y more lik el y to hav e a neg at iv e bod y imag e, t hey are also more lik el y to be teas ed and bull ied by thei r peers (Fris én , Lund e, & Hwang , 2009 ; Lund e, Fri s én , & Hwan g , 2007 ) . These findi ng s sho w that BMI ma y co mb i n e wit h fact o rs pert aini ng to the ind iv idu al ’s micro s ys te m (e.g . , peers and fa mi l y) in its asso ci at ion with adoles cen ts ’ bod y i mag e. Pub ertal timing Pu bert y , not leas t its timi n g , has a majo r imp act on adol es cen ts ’ bod y i mag e. In lin e with the previ ous arg u men t clai mi n g that girls mov e further away fro m the thi n femal e bod y ideal as they go thro ugh pub ert y, sev eral stud i es hav e sho wn that earl y - mat u ri ng girl s tend to be at hig her ris k of dev el op ing low bod y -est eem (McCab e & Ricci ardel li , 2004 ; Raus t e -von Wri ght , 1989 ; Stri eg el -Mo o re et al., 2001 ). Howev er, Strieg el -Mo ore et al. (200 1 ) sugg es ted that pub ert al timi n g per se has no effect on girl s ’ bod y -es t eem, but that thi s effect is due to the imp act of earl y and lat e mat u rati on on BMI. Amo n g boys , the relat ion shi p bet ween pub ert al timi ng and bod y i mag e seem s to be rev ers ed in comp ari so n wit h girl s: in lin e with the prev ious argu men t clai mi n g that pub ert y mov es boys clos er to the mus cul ar v- sh ap ed mal e bod y ideal , most fin din gs sugg est that earl y - mat u ri ng boys are more satis fied with thei r bodi es (e.g . , McCabe & Ricci ard el li , 200 4 ). Boys who mat u re earl y not only mov e clos er to the mal e bod y idea l , b ut they ma y also obt ai n increas ed soci al statu s in thei r peer gro up a nd be perceiv ed as more gro wn - u p and comp et ent by peers and adul ts . The individual: p sychological factors Wh en int erp ret ing Bron fen b renn e r’s model in rel atio n to bod y i mag e, the “in d i vid u al ” at the cent er of the mod el als o includ es psych olo gi cal facto rs asso ci at ed with adoles cen ts ’ bod y i mag e. As wil l be dis cus sed in upco mi n g sect ion s about the micro - and exos ys t ems , peers , fami l y, and the med i a are imp o rt an t agen ts influ en cing ado les cent s ’ bod y i mag e. Howev er, adol escen ts are not jus t “ recei v ers ” of s ociet al mes s ages , as they play an act iv e role in 19 p s ych olo gi call y int erp ret ing the m . As pro pos ed by Keery, van den Berg , and Tho mp s on (200 4), bod y imag e con cerns tend to dep end on the ind ivi du al ’s deg ree of “ bo d y ideal int ern al izatio n ” and tend en cy to eng ag e in “ so cial comp ari son s ” with peers and med i a imag es. Body ideal internaliz ation Bod y ideal int ernali zat ion refers to the pro ces s of inco rpo rat ing curren t ideal s int o one’s pers on al bel iefs abou t what is phys i cal l y attract iv e (Jo nes , 2004 ). For ado l es c ent girls , body ideal int ern ali zat ion invo lv es internali z in g the thin femal e bod y ideal ; for adol es cen t boys , bod y ideal int ern ali zat io n invo lv es int ern al iz ing the lean and mus cul ar mal e bod y ideal . Numero us stud ies have sho wn a posi ti ve lin k bet ween bod y ideal int ern al izatio n and bod y i mag e con cern s amo ng ado l es cent s (e.g . , Cafri , Ya ma mi ya, Bran ni ck , & Tho mp s on , 200 5; Keery et al., 2004 ; Lawl er & Nixo n , 2011 ; Shro ff & Tho mp s on , 2006 ). Whi l e both girls and boys ma y int ern al ize their res pectiv e bod y ideals a nd devel op bod y imag e con cern s , girls tend to resp ond with great er int en si t y to the ideals (Kn aus s, Paxt on , & Als aker, 2007 ). Social comp arison Ad ol escen ts comp are thems el v es wit h others to underst an d how and where they fit int o the worl d (Fes tin ger, 19 54 ). Amo n g the soci al comp ari son s they mak e are app earance comp aris on s ( regardin g , e.g ., wei ght , shap e, and faci al feat ures), a pro cess in which girls engage more than boys (Jon es , 200 1 ). Targets of app earan ce comp ari so ns ma y be sa me -s ex peers , cel eb ri ti es , ath l et es , or mod els (Jon es , 200 1). App earan ce comp ari so ns tend to be “ up ward ” (i.e. , comp ari ng ones el f to someo n e bet ter off on the dime n sio n of interes t; Wheel er & Miyak e, 1992 ), resul tin g in feeli ngs of diss at is facti on . Sev eral stu di es hav e lin ked app e aran ce comp ariso ns to ado l es cent s ’ bod y i mag e con cerns (Jon es , 2001; Morri son , Kal in , & Morri son , 2004 ; Sto rmer & Tho mp s on , 1996 ), thoug h the rel at ion sh ip is not comp l etel y clear amo n g boys (Carl so n Jones , 2004; Ricci ard el li , McCab e, & Ban fi eld , 200 0 ). Other psych olo gi cal facto rs ass o ci at ed wit h adol es cen ts ’ bod y imag e con cerns , in parti cu l ar amo n g girls , are low sel f -es t ee m and hig h perfect io nis m (Wert h ei m & Paxt on , 201 2 ). Apart fro m thes e facto rs , some speci fi c behav io rs hav e been asso ci at ed with ado le s cen ts ’ bod y imag e, namel y , eng ag emen t in dieti ng and 2 0 ex ercis e. Low bod y -est eem has rep eat ed l y been link ed to dieti ng beh av ior (Canpo l at , Ors el , Akd emi r, & Ozb ay, 200 5; Friest ad & Ris e, 200 4; Neu mark - Szt ei ner, Paxto n , Han nan , Hain es , & Story, 2006 ). Howev e r, the ass o ci at ion bet ween bod y -es t eem and exercis e seem s to be more comp l ex , depend ing , for examp l e, on the moti ves for exerci si ng , exerci s in g for app earan ce reasons tendi ng to be rel ated to lower bod y -es teem (Pri ch ard & Tig geman n , 2008; Tigg eman n & Wil li ams o n , 200 0). The microsystem As men t io ned , the micro s ys t em (Bro n fenb ren ner, 1977 ) is the layer neares t the ind ivi du al , comp ri si ng the ind ivi du al ’s immed i at e surroun ding s , for examp l e , the cont exts of peers , fami l y, and scho ol . As con cern s the influ en ce on ado l es cent s ’ bod y i mag e dev elo p men t , the mos t freq u ent l y exami n ed facto rs are peers and fami l y, whi ch wil l be dis cuss ed furth er bel o w. Peers Th roug h the man y chan g es of peer grou ps during adol es cen ce rev iewed abo v e , peers beco me imp o rtan t soci al agen ts influ en cing ado l es cent s ’ bod y imag e. Peer app earan ce con versati ons form an everyd ay con t ex t for dis cu ss in g , con st ru ctin g, and interpretin g informat i on rel ev an t to app earan ce (Jon es & Crawfo rd , 200 6 ). Fri en dsh ip grou ps often share simi l ar atti tu des tow ard the imp o rtan ce of app earan ce and simi lar exp eri en ces in body -ch an gi ng strat egi es , such as diet ing , diso rdered eatin g , and mus cl e bui ld ing (Jo nes , 201 1). For girls , so -cal l ed “fat talk ” (e.g ., “I am so fat ”) has beco me a nor mat i ve way of rep eat edl y cri t ici z ing one’s bod y size in the presen ce of peers (Jon es , 2011 ; Nicht er, 200 0 ). Alt hou gh the idea beh ind such talk ma y be to obtai n reas su ri ng commen ts fro m peers (e.g ., “No , you ’re not”), it pot en ti al l y normal i zes a neg at iv e percept ion of one’s bod y. Comme n t s fro m peers are unfo rtun a tel y not always as reas su rin g as in the abov e examp l e. Bei ng teas ed by peers is a rel at iv el y commo n experien ce for man y ado l es cen ts , and teasi ng oft en invo lv es asp ects rel at ed to bod ywei gh t, bod y shap e, and facial featu res (Cash , 199 5 ). Simi l arl y, in the case of bull yi n g , Fri sén , Hol mq v is t , and Oscarsso n (2008 ) foun d that when 13 -year -o l ds were 21 as ked why they th oug ht that some chil d ren or ado l es cent s we re bull ied , the mos t frequ en t resp ons e (39 %) was becau s e of thei r appearan ce ( e.g ., bein g ugl y, fat , smal l , wearin g braces , or look ing differen t ). Bot h bull yi n g and exp eri en ces of peer appearance teasing have been asso ci ated with lower body -es t eem amo n g ado l es cent s (Bark er & Gal amb o s , 2003 ; Eis en berg , Neu mark -Szt ai ner, Hain es , & Wal l , 2006 ; Hayd en -Wad e et al., 200 5; Lund e et al., 200 7 ). F amily An ot her imp o rt an t facto r of the microsys t e m influ en ci ng adol es cen ts ’ bod y imag e is fami l y. Alth oug h peers play an increas in gl y imp o rt ant rol e in ado l es cent s ’ liv es as they beco me more ind ep e n dent , there is no dou bt that paren ts too infl u en ce the bod y imag e of thei r chil dren by the thin gs they say and do (Ti gg eman n , 2011 ). Neu mark -Sztein er et al. (2010 ) foun d that 45% of mid - ado l es cent girls rep ort ed that thei r mot hers encou rag ed them to diet and 58% repo rted weigh t teasi ng by fami l y me mb ers . Parent al teas ing a nd paren tal enco uragemen t to diet ha ve been ass oci at ed wit h lower bod y -es t eem and wei gh t-lo ss att emp t s amo n g bot h girls and boys (Keel , Heat h erto n , Harnd en , & Horni g , 1997 ; Ricci ard el li e t al., 2000; Vin cent & McCab e, 2000; Wert h ei m, Marti n , Prio r, San son , & Smart , 200 2). Simi l arl y, both boys and girls whos e mot h ers eng age in diet ing are more lik el y to wan t to beco me thinn er (St ro ng & Huon , 1998 ; Wert h ei m et al., 200 2 ) and to att emp t to lo s e weig ht (Keery, Eis en berg , Bout el le, Nuemark -Szt ai ner, & Sto ry, 2006 ). Paren ts ’ co mmen t s on thei r chi ld ren ’s app earan ce and thei r own bod y -rel at ed behavio rs are powerfu l facto rs shap in g thei r child ren ’s bod y imag e and beh av io rs . The mesosystem The me s o s ys t em (Bron fen b renn e r, 197 7 ) comp ris es the con nectio ns and rel at ion sh ips bet ween the stru ctu res of the ind iv idu al ’s micro sys t e m. Peers and fami l y simu l t an eo usl y influ en ce a perso n ’s bod y imag e , and app earan ce mes s ag es comi n g from thes e two sou rces ma y be both simi l ar and different in charact er. If both peers and fami l y (an d perh ap s the sch oo l envi ro n men t ) are put tin g pres su re on the indi vi du al to con fo rm to soci et al app earan ce ideals , he or she ma y be more likel y to inv es t energ y in doi ng so, and bod y im ag e con cerns are more lik el y to ari se . However, if at leas t one of the comp o n ent s of the 2 0 ex ercis e. Low bod y -est eem has rep eat ed l y been link ed to dieti ng beh av ior (Canpo l at , Ors el , Akd emi r, & Ozb ay, 200 5; Friest ad & Ris e, 200 4; Neu mark - Szt ei ner, Paxto n , Han nan , Hain es , & Story, 2006 ). Howev e r, the ass o ci at ion bet ween bod y -es t eem and exercis e seem s to be more comp l ex , depend ing , for examp l e, on the moti ves for exerci si ng , exerci s in g for app earan ce reasons tendi ng to be rel ated to lower bod y -es teem (Pri ch ard & Tig geman n , 2008; Tigg eman n & Wil li ams o n , 200 0). The microsystem As men t io ned , the micro s ys t em (Bro n fenb ren ner, 1977 ) is the layer neares t the ind ivi du al , comp ri si ng the ind ivi du al ’s immed i at e surroun ding s , for examp l e , the cont exts of peers , fami l y, and scho ol . As con cern s the influ en ce on ado l es cent s ’ bod y i mag e dev elo p men t , the mos t freq u ent l y exami n ed facto rs are peers and fami l y, whi ch wil l be dis cuss ed furth er bel o w. Peers Th roug h the man y chan g es of peer grou ps during adol es cen ce rev iewed abo v e , peers beco me imp o rtan t soci al agen ts influ en cing ado l es cent s ’ bod y imag e. Peer app earan ce con versati ons form an everyd ay con t ex t for dis cu ss in g , con st ru ctin g, and interpretin g informat i on rel ev an t to app earan ce (Jon es & Crawfo rd , 200 6 ). Fri en dsh ip grou ps often share simi l ar atti tu des tow ard the imp o rtan ce of app earan ce and simi lar exp eri en ces in body -ch an gi ng strat egi es , such as diet ing , diso rdered eatin g , and mus cl e bui ld ing (Jo nes , 201 1). For girls , so -cal l ed “fat talk ” (e.g ., “I am so fat ”) has beco me a nor mat i ve way of rep eat edl y cri t ici z ing one’s bod y size in the presen ce of peers (Jon es , 2011 ; Nicht er, 200 0 ). Alt hou gh the idea beh ind such talk ma y be to obtai n reas su ri ng commen ts fro m peers (e.g ., “No , you ’re not”), it pot en ti al l y normal i zes a neg at iv e percept ion of one’s bod y. Comme n t s fro m peers are unfo rtun a tel y not always as reas su rin g as in the abov e examp l e. Bei ng teas ed by peers is a rel at iv el y commo n experien ce for man y ado l es cen ts , and teasi ng oft en invo lv es asp ects rel at ed to bod ywei gh t, bod y shap e, and facial featu res (Cash , 199 5 ). Simi l arl y, in the case of bull yi n g , Fri sén , Hol mq v is t , and Oscarsso n (2008 ) foun d that when 13 -year -o l ds were 21 as ked why they th oug ht that some chil d ren or ado l es cent s we re bull ied , the mos t frequ en t resp ons e (39 %) was becau s e of thei r appearan ce ( e.g ., bein g ugl y, fat , smal l , wearin g braces , or look ing differen t ). Bot h bull yi n g and exp eri en ces of peer appearance teasing have been asso ci ated with lower body -es t eem amo n g ado l es cent s (Bark er & Gal amb o s , 2003 ; Eis en berg , Neu mark -Szt ai ner, Hain es , & Wal l , 2006 ; Hayd en -Wad e et al., 200 5; Lund e et al., 200 7 ). F amily An ot her imp o rt an t facto r of the microsys t e m influ en ci ng adol es cen ts ’ bod y imag e is fami l y. Alth oug h peers play an increas in gl y imp o rt ant rol e in ado l es cent s ’ liv es as they beco me more ind ep e n dent , there is no dou bt that paren ts too infl u en ce the bod y imag e of thei r chil dren by the thin gs they say and do (Ti gg eman n , 2011 ). Neu mark -Sztein e r et al. (2010 ) foun d that 45% of mid - ado l es cent girls rep ort ed that thei r mot hers encou rag ed them to diet and 58% repo rted weigh t teasi ng by fami l y me mb ers . Parent al teas ing a nd paren tal enco uragemen t to diet ha ve been ass oci at ed wit h lower bod y -es t eem and wei gh t-lo ss att emp t s amo n g bot h girls and boys (Keel , Heat h erto n , Harnd en , & Horni g , 1997 ; Ricci ard el li e t al., 2000; Vin cent & McCab e, 2000; Wert h ei m, Marti n , Prio r, San son , & Smart , 200 2). Simi l arl y, both boys and girls whos e mot h ers eng age in diet ing are more lik el y to wan t to beco me thinn er (St ro ng & Huon , 1998 ; Wert h ei m et al., 200 2 ) and to att emp t to lo s e weig ht (Keery, Eis en berg , Bout el le, Nuemark -Szt ai ner, & Sto ry, 2006 ). Paren ts ’ co mmen t s on thei r chi ld ren ’s app earan ce and thei r own bod y -rel at ed behavio rs are powerfu l facto rs shap in g thei r child ren ’s bod y imag e and beh av io rs . The mesosystem The me s o s ys t em (Bron fen b renn e r, 197 7 ) comp ris es the con nectio ns and rel at ion sh ips bet ween the stru ctu res of the ind iv idu al ’s micro sys t e m. Peers and fami l y simu l t an eo usl y influ en ce a perso n ’s bod y imag e , and app earan ce mes s ag es comi n g from thes e two sou rces ma y be both simi l ar and different in charact er. If both peers and fami l y (an d perh ap s the sch oo l envi ro n men t ) are put tin g pres su re on the indi vi du al to con fo rm to soci et al app earan c e ideals , he or she ma y be more likel y to inv es t energ y in doi ng so, and bod y im ag e con cerns are more lik el y to ari se . However, if at leas t one of the comp o n ent s of the 2 2 mi cro s ys t em is pro vid ing the indi vid ual with mes s ag es that pro mo t e a pos iti ve bod y imag e (e.g . , a fami l y envi ron men t criti cal of soci et al app earan ce ideals and supp o rt i v e of the indiv idu al) , the ind iv idu al is more lik el y to dev elop a pos iti v e bod y imag e. However, these assu mp t io ns need to be exami ned furt h er , since how peer and fami l y influ en ces are int er rel ate d has not been inv esti gat ed . It has been sugg est ed , tho ug h , that peer and me d i a infl u en ces are more imp o rtant than paren tal infl u en ces in shapi ng ado les ce nts ’ bod y imag e (Sh roff & Tho mp s on , 2006 ) . The ex osystem The exo s ys t em (Bro nfenb ren ner, 1977 ) defi n es the larger social sys t em in whi ch the indi vi du al does not directl y fun ctio n but that stil l influ en ce s the ind iv idu al ’s dev elop men t (e.g . , the med i a and soci al serv ices). For bod y ima g e dev el op men t , med i a infl u en ce and the conv eyan ce of app earan ce ideal s are ess ent i al agent s of the exo s ys t e m. The Media Medi a im ag es unq u es ti on abl y hav e a maj o r imp act on ado les cen ts ’ percep tion s of thei r bod ies . Exp eri men t al and pros p ectiv e stu di es hav e foun d increas ed bod y dis sati sfact io n (and dimi n ish ed sel f -est eem) amo n g girl s and you n g women follo win g expo su re to phot og raph s , mag azi nes , and tel ev isio n commerci a l s featu ri ng women emb o d yi n g the thin ideal (Doh nt & Tigg eman n , 200 6; Harg reav es & Tigg eman n , 2004 ; Hei nb erg & Tho mp s on , 1995). Si mi l ar studi es o f boys and you ng men exp os ed to imag es of mus cu l ar, att racti v e men hav e found smal l er effects (Blo nd , 2008 ), but mal es are doub tl es s also affect ed by such imag es . Sti ce, Schu p ak -Neub erg , Shaw, and Stein (1994 ) con t end that the mas s med i a are pro babl y the strong est con veyer of appearance cult u re (includ in g the tyrann y of slen d ern es s , the bod y as a pro ject , and gend er - s t ereot yp i c al app earan ce ideal s , as speci fi ed earli er). Howev er, as men t ion ed abo v e , ado les cent s may differ in thei r int erp ret at io ns of the mes s ag es to whi ch they are exp os ed , dep en di ng on thei r degree of bod y ideal int ern al izatio n and tend en cy to mak e soci al comp aris on s . 23 The macrosystem Finall y, the macrosystem (Bron fen b ren ner, 1977 ) invo lves atti tud es and ideol ogi es of the cul tu re of whi ch the indiv idu al is a me mb er. Here, I will focus on the macro st ructu ral facto r s rel ev an t to this thesis : gend ered structu res and the process of indus t ri al iza ti on . Gendered structures To this poin t , I hav e rep eat ed l y men t io ned the imp o rt an ce of gen der for ado l es cent s ’ bod y imag e. Indeed , gen der is one of the core con cepts in ado l es cent s ’ bod y imag e, infl uencin g many of the fact ors des cri bed abo ve . On the macro s t ru ct ural lev el , gend ered stru ctu res , such as gend er role norms and gen d ered power struct ures , hav e con s equ en ces for girl s ’ and boys ’ wa ys of rel at ing to their bod ies . Chil d re n exp eri en ce norms that defin e “mas cul in it y” and “fe mi n i ni t y” fro m an earl y age. Boys are told not to cry, not to fear, and inst ead to be ass ert iv e, active , and stro ng; girls , on the oth er hand , are ask ed not to be deman d ing , but to be forgiv ing , comp l ian t , and “ lad y -l i k e ” (Un i cef, 2007 ). Corresp ond in gl y, the mal e gen der rol e is trad it ion all y asso ci ate d wit h activ it ies requ i rin g power and phys i cal streng th , whereas the femal e gen der rol e is asso ci at ed wit h caretak ing , domes t ic cho res , and beaut y pract ices ( Mu rn en & Don , 2012 ). In relatio n to thi s , the “ het ero sexu al script ,” portrayi n g mal es as acti v e and domi n ant and femal es as passi v e and doci l e, emp h asi zes the mal e preo ccu pati on wit h phys i cal stren gth and the femal e preo ccu pati on with phys i cal beau t y (Ki m et al., 2007 ). Ind eed , gend er - sp eci fi c bod y preo ccup at ion s are alread y evid en t in pres ch ool , when girls are more lik el y to worry abou t their “ fat tummy ” and boys abou t thei r mus cul ari t y (S mo l ak , 2011 ). Gend ered stru ctu res not onl y con t rib ut e to gend er dif feren ces in the nature of bod y i mag e concern s exp eri en ced by mal es and femal e s , t hey also exp l a in why girls and women are more suscept ibl e to bod y ima g e con cerns than are boys and men . Bartk y (199 0) sug ges ts that women eng ag e in a rang e of dis ci pl in ary pra ct ices to be cons id ered “f e mi n in e .” As men t ion ed earli er, such dis ci pl in ary pract ices ma y inv ol ve keepi ng their bodi es at a cert ai n size (i.e. , being slen der), engag ing in a speci fi c rep erto i re of “ fe mi ni ne ” gestu res , post u res , and mov emen ts (e.g . , act ing sexy), and disp lay i n g thei r bodi es as an ornamen t ed surface (e.g . , hav in g soft ski n and plu ck ed eyeb ro ws ; Bartk y, 199 0 ). For adol es cen t girl s , who are acti v el y tryi n g to determi n e what it mean s to be wom en , thes e are percept ion s of femi n i ni ty that they wil l learn to ass oci at e with 2 2 mi cro s ys t em is pro vid ing the indi vid ual with mes s ag es that pro mo t e a pos iti ve bod y imag e (e.g . , a fami l y envi ron men t criti cal of soci et al app earan ce ideals and supp o rt i v e of the indiv idu al) , the ind iv idu al is more lik el y to dev elop a pos iti v e bod y imag e. However, these assu mp t io ns need to be exami ned furt h er , since how peer and fami l y influ en ces are int er rel ate d has not been inv esti gat ed . It has been sugg est ed , tho ug h , that peer and me d i a infl u en ces are more imp o rtant than paren tal infl u en ces in shapi ng ado les ce nts ’ bod y imag e (Sh roff & Tho mp s on , 2006 ) . The ex osystem The exo s ys t em (Bro nfenb ren ner, 1977 ) defi n es the larger social sys t em in whi ch the indi vi du al does not directl y fun ctio n but that stil l influ en ce s the ind iv idu al ’s dev elop men t (e.g . , the med i a and soci al serv ices). For bod y ima g e dev el op men t , med i a infl u en ce and the conv eyan ce of app earan ce ideal s are ess ent i al agent s of the exo s ys t e m. The Media Medi a im ag es unq u es ti on abl y hav e a maj o r imp act on ado les cen ts ’ percep tion s of thei r bod ies . Exp eri men t al and pros p ectiv e stu di es hav e foun d increas ed bod y dis sati sfact io n (and dimi n ish ed sel f -est eem) amo n g girl s and you n g women follo win g expo su re to phot og ra ph s , mag azi nes , and tel ev isio n commerci a l s featu ri ng women emb o d yi n g the thin ideal (Doh nt & Tigg eman n , 200 6; Harg reav es & Tigg eman n , 2004 ; Hei nb erg & Tho mp s on , 1995). Si mi l ar studi es o f boys and you ng men exp os ed to imag es of mus cu l ar, att racti v e men hav e found smal l er effects (Blo nd , 2008 ), but mal es are doub tl es s also affect ed by such imag es . Sti ce, Schu p ak -Neub erg , Shaw, and Stein (1994 ) con t end that the mas s med i a are pro babl y the strong est con veyer of appearance cult u re (includ in g the tyrann y of slen d ern es s , the bod y as a pro ject , and gend er - s t ereot yp i c al app earan ce ideal s , as speci fi ed earli er). Howev er, as men t ion ed abo v e , ado les cent s may differ in thei r int erp ret at io ns of the mes s ag es to whi ch they are exp os ed , dep en di ng on thei r degree of bod y ideal int ern al izatio n and tend en cy to mak e soci al comp aris on s . 23 The macrosystem Finall y, the macrosystem (Bron fen b ren ner, 1977 ) invo lves atti tud es and ideol ogi es of the cul tu re of whi ch the indiv idu al is a me mb er. Here, I will focus on the macro st ructu ral facto r s rel ev an t to this thesis : gend ered structu res and the process of indus t ri al iza ti on . Gendered structures To this poin t , I hav e rep eat ed l y men t io ned the imp o rt an ce of gen der for ado l es cent s ’ bod y imag e. Indeed , gen der is one of the core con cepts in ado l es cent s ’ bod y imag e, infl uencin g many of the fact ors des cri bed abo ve . On the macro s t ru ct ural lev el , gend ered stru ctu res , such as gend er role norms and gen d ered power struct ures , hav e con s equ en ces for girl s ’ and boys ’ wa ys of rel at ing to their bod ies . Chil d re n exp eri en ce norms that defin e “mas cul in it y” and “fe mi n i ni t y” fro m an earl y age. Boys are told not to cry, not to fear, and inst ead to be ass ert iv e, active , and stro ng; girls , on the oth er hand , are ask ed not to be deman d ing , but to be forgiv ing , comp l ian t , and “ lad y -l i k e ” (Un i cef, 2007 ). Corresp ond in gl y, the mal e gen der rol e is trad it ion all y asso ci ate d wit h activ it ies requ i rin g power and phys i cal streng th , whereas the femal e gen der rol e is asso ci at ed wit h caretak ing , domes t ic cho res , and beaut y pract ices ( Mu rn en & Don , 2012 ). In relatio n to thi s , the “ het ero sexu al script ,” portrayi n g mal es as acti v e and domi n ant and femal es as passi v e and doci l e, emp h asi zes the mal e preo ccu pati on wit h phys i cal stren gth and the femal e preo ccu pati on with phys i cal beau t y (Ki m et al., 2007 ). Ind eed , gend er - sp eci fi c bod y preo ccup at ion s are alread y evid en t in pres ch ool , when girls are more lik el y to worry abou t their “ fat tummy ” and boys abou t thei r mus cul ar i t y (S mo l ak , 2011 ). Gend ered stru ctu res not onl y con t rib ut e to gend er dif feren ces in the nature of bod y i mag e concern s exp eri en ced by mal es and femal e s , t hey also exp l a in why girls and women are more suscept ibl e to bod y ima g e con cerns than are boys and men . Bartk y (199 0) sug ges ts that women eng ag e in a rang e of dis ci pl in ary pra ct ices to be cons id ered “f e mi n in e .” As men t ion ed earli er, such dis ci pl in ary pract ices ma y inv ol ve keepi ng their bodi es at a cert ai n size (i.e. , being slen der), engag ing in a speci fi c rep erto i re of “ fe mi ni ne ” gestu res , post u res , and mov emen ts (e.g . , act ing sexy), and disp lay i n g thei r bodi es as an ornamen t ed surface (e.g . , hav in g soft ski n and plu ck ed eyeb ro ws ; Bartk y, 199 0 ). For adol es cen t girl s , who are acti v el y tryi n g to determi n e what it mean s to be wom en , thes e are percept ion s of femi n i ni ty that they wil l learn to ass oci at e with 2 4 femal e statu s and success , and that they wil l try to emu l at e (Smo l ak & Murn en , 2011 ). In this way, cult ural ideas abou t femi n i n it y on a macros ys t emat i c level ma y influ ence girl s in parti cu lar to engag e in shapin g their bodi es and app earan ce. In add it ion , refl ecti ng gen d ered power stru ct u res on a macro s ys t e mi c level , there is in man y of tod ay’s soci et i es a perv as iv e view of the femal e bod y as pass iv e, objecti fied , and sexu al i zed . Thi s view is promo t ed by vari ous sou rces , includ ing the med i a and the cloth ing indu st ry , as well as in girls ’ and women ’s direct experi en ces of bein g sex uall y gazed at, havi ng thei r bodi es eval uat ed and comme n t ed on, and , in the worst cas es , bei ng sexual l y haras s ed or rap ed (Ameri can Psycho lo gi cal Asso ci ati o n , 2010; Smo l ak & Murn en , 201 1). Objecti ficatio n theo ry (Fred ri ck son & Rob ert s , 1997 ) posi ts that a wid e rang e of objecti fyi n g and sexu ali zin g soci et al mes s ag es lead s girls and women into objecti fyi n g and sex uali zi ng thems el v es —a pro cess referred to as sel f - o b jecti fi cati on . In self -ob jecti fi cat io n , girl s and women int ern alize an obs erv er’s view of thei r phys i cal sel f and learn to think abo ut their bodi es as objects of oth ers ’ desi res (Fred rickso n & Rob ert s, 199 7; McKi nl ey & Hyd e, 1996 ). Sev eral stud i es hav e docu men t ed the presen ce of self -ob ject i ficati on in femal es more than in mal es (e.g ., McKinl ey & Hyd e, 1996 ; Slat er & Tig geman n , 2011 ) , and girl s as you ng as 11 may eng ag e in self -ob ject i fi cati on (Grab e, Hyd e, & Lind berg , 200 7 ). Viewi ng thei r bod ies thro u gh the lens of sel f -o b jecti ficatio n, girls eng age in sel f -s urv eil l an ce ( i.e., const ant moni to ring of thei r bod ies ’ attract iv en ess ), try to con t rol thei r bod ies , and feel ash amed of thei r bodi es when they do not meas u re up to app earanc e stand ards —a process ren dering them more vuln erabl e to bod y imag e pro bl ems (McKi n ley & Hyd e, 199 6 ). The con cep t of o bjecti fi cat ion is a valu abl e examp l e of how the macro s ys t em layer of Bro n fenb renn er’s mod el ma y influ en ce girls ’ bod y i mag e devel op men t . Wit h time, gend ered str u ct ures are chang in g in man y part s of the world and trad iti on al gender roles have changed subst anti a ll y in recent decad es . Howev er, whil e women now hav e access to man y do mai ns typ icall y con si dered “mas cu l in e ,” there does not seem to be les s emp h as is on wom en ’s app earan c e, but the opp osi t e. Murn en and Don (201 2) argu e , in lin e with fe mi n is t theo ry , that this emp h asi s on app earan ce migh t hav e increas ed “as a typ e of ‘back l ash ’ to women ’s acco mp l is h men ts . If women need to focu s on app earan ce to a great deg ree, it capt u res streng th and energ y that could be used for oth er pursu it s” (p. 131 ). For examp l e, the “ tyran n y of slendern es s ” so pro nou nced amo n g today’s women coul d be int erp ret ed as a way to pro hib it women fro m tak in g up space , 25 p h ys i call y as well as in ter ms of power , and to encou rag e women to con cen trate on stayi ng thi n rat her than usin g thei r energ y for oth er more emp o wering pursu it s (Bart k y, 199 0 ) . Simi l arl y, it has been sugg es t ed that women who occu p y subo rd in at e femi n i n e rol e s in soci et y mig h t man i pu la t e their bodi es eith er to con form to fe mi n in e norms or to try to gain “ co n t rol ” (Mu rn en & Don , 2012 ). On a cultu ral lev el , one wond er s how gend ered stru ctu res ma y influ en ce the bod y i mag e of ado l es cent s liv ing in soci et i es wit h differing views of gend er. For inst an ce, what characterizes the bod y imag e of boys and girl s gro wi ng up in a soci et y charact eri zed by gend er equ alit y? Are they in fact more simi l ar in their bod y imag e? Does their bod y imag e differ fro m the bod y imag e of boys and girls gro wing up in a more pat riarch al cul tu re? Industrializ ation An ot her fact o r asso ci ated with ado les ce nts ’ bod y imag e and appl icab l e to the macro s ys t em la yer of Bron fenb ren ner’s mod el (197 7) is the pro ces s of indu st riali zat ion . And ers on -Fye (201 1 ) describ es how ind us t ri al izatio n can influ en ce a soci et y’s me mb ers to chan ge how they view thei r bod i es . Indus t ri al izatio n often acco mp an i es eco no mi c gro wth in devel opi ng coun tri es and ten ds to int rod u ce soci al chang e and glob ali z ati on . This , in turn , res ul ts in great er int eracti o n with imag es and ideas of beau t y fro m pos tin dus t ri al cou nt ri es , put tin g increased pres su re on the dev elop ing societ y’s me mb ers to con fo rm to these ideal s (And ers on -Fye, 2011 ). Indus t ri al izati on can also influ en ce bod y i mag e throu gh its tend en cy to chang e gend er rol es and pro mo t e great er indi vid uali zati on . Indeed , notio ns of ind ivi du al is m can tran sfo rm bod y imag e fro m somet hi ng perceiv ed as coll ect iv el y shared and stab le into somet hi ng perceiv ed as perso nal and mal leabl e. Once the bod y beco mes an object of indi vid ual “wo rk ,” bod y dis sat is facti on is more lik el y to arise (An d erso n -Fye, 2011; Hol mq v is t Gatt ario , Fri s én , & And erso n - Fye, 2014 ). The famo u s work of Beck er (20 04 , 2005 ) amo ng girls in rural Fiji onl y 18 mon t hs aft er the int ro du ct ion of tel evis ion bro ad cas tin g West ern prog ra mmi n g sho wed that the girls had moved fro m thin kin g of thei r bod ies as unch ang eabl e and supp o rt ed by a dens e soci al net wo rk to thi nki ng of them as mal l eab le by thems elv es as indi vid uals . In con t rast , Anderson -Fye (20 04 ) sugg est ed th at a soci et y’s int eract ion with Wes t ern valu es does not neces saril y imp l y more bod y dis sati sfact io n . Specifi cal l y, she foun d that ado l es cent girls in Beli ze, a rapi dl y dev elop ing nat ion in Lat in Ameri ca and high l y dep end en t on US tou ri s m, 2 4 femal e statu s and success , and that they wil l try to emu l at e (Smo l ak & Murn en , 2011 ). In this way, cult ural ideas abou t femi n i n it y on a macros ys t emat i c level ma y influ ence girl s in parti cu lar to engag e in shapin g their bodi es and app earan ce. In add it ion , refl ecti ng gen d ered power stru ct u res on a macro s ys t e mi c level , there is in man y of tod ay’s soci et i es a perv as iv e view of the femal e bod y as pass iv e, objecti fied , and sexu al i zed . Thi s view is promo t ed by vari ous sou rces , includ ing the med i a and the cloth ing indu st ry , as well as in girls ’ and women ’s direct experi en ces of bein g sex uall y gazed at, havi ng thei r bodi es eval uat ed and comme n t ed on, and , in the worst cas es , bei ng sexual l y haras s ed or rap ed (Ameri can Psycho lo gi c al Asso ci ati o n , 2010; Smo l ak & Murn en , 201 1). Objecti ficatio n theo ry (Fred ri ck son & Rob ert s , 1997 ) posi ts that a wid e rang e of objecti fyi n g and sexu ali zin g soci et al mes s ag es lead s girls and women into objecti fyi n g and sex uali zi ng thems el v es —a pro cess referred to as sel f - o b jecti fi cati on . In self -ob jecti fi cat io n , girl s and women int ern alize an obs erv er’s view of thei r phys i cal sel f and learn to think abo ut their bodi es as objects of oth ers ’ desi res (Fred rickso n & Rob ert s, 199 7; McKi nl ey & Hyd e, 1996 ). Sev eral stud i es hav e docu men t ed the presen ce of self -ob ject i ficati on in femal es more than in mal es (e.g ., McKinl ey & Hyd e, 1996 ; Slat er & Tig geman n , 2011 ) , and girl s as you ng as 11 may eng ag e in self -ob ject i fi cati on (Grab e, Hyd e, & Lind berg , 200 7 ). Viewi ng thei r bod ies thro u gh the lens of sel f -o b jecti ficatio n, girls eng age in sel f -s urv eil l an ce ( i.e., const ant moni to ring of thei r bod ies ’ attract iv en ess ), try to con t rol thei r bod ies , and feel ash amed of thei r bodi es when they do not meas u re up to app earanc e stand ards —a process ren dering them more vuln erabl e to bod y imag e pro bl ems (McKi n ley & Hyd e, 199 6 ). The con cep t of o bjecti fi cat ion is a valu abl e examp l e of how the macro s ys t em layer of Bro n fenb renn er’s mod el ma y influ en ce girls ’ bod y i mag e devel op men t . Wit h time, gend ered str u ct ures are chang in g in man y part s of the world and trad iti on al gender roles have changed subst anti a ll y in recent decad es . Howev er, whil e women now hav e access to man y do mai ns typ icall y con si dered “mas cu l in e ,” there does not seem to be les s emp h as is on wom en ’s app earan c e, but the opp osi t e. Murn en and Don (201 2) argu e , in lin e with fe mi n is t theo ry , that this emp h asi s on app earan ce migh t hav e increas ed “as a typ e of ‘back l ash ’ to women ’s acco mp l is h men ts . If women need to focu s on app earan ce to a great deg ree, it capt u res streng th and energ y that could be used for oth er pursu it s” (p. 131 ). For examp l e, the “ tyran n y of slendern es s ” so pro nou nced amo n g today’s women coul d be int erp ret ed as a way to pro hib it women fro m tak in g up space , 25 p h ys i call y as well as in ter ms of power , and to encou rag e women to con cen trate on stayi ng thi n rat her than usin g thei r energ y for oth er more emp o wering pursu it s (Bart k y, 199 0 ) . Simi l arl y, it has been sugg es t ed that women who occu p y subo rd in at e femi n i n e rol e s in soci et y mig h t man i pu la t e their bodi es eith er to con form to fe mi n in e norms or to try to gain “ co n t rol ” (Mu rn en & Don , 2012 ). On a cultu ral lev el , one wond er s how gend ered stru ctu res ma y influ en ce the bod y i mag e of ado l es cent s liv ing in soci et i es wit h differing views of gend er. For inst an ce, what characterizes the bod y imag e of boys and girl s gro wi ng up in a soci et y charact eri zed by gend er equ alit y? Are they in fact more simi l ar in their bod y imag e? Does their bod y imag e differ fro m the bod y imag e of boys and girls gro wing up in a more pat riarch al cul tu re? Industrializ ation An ot her fact o r asso ci ated with ado les ce nts ’ bod y imag e and appl icab l e to the macro s ys t em la yer of Bron fenb ren ner’s mod el (197 7) is the pro ces s of indu st riali zat ion . And ers on -Fye (201 1 ) describ es how ind us t ri al izatio n can influ en ce a soci et y’s me mb ers to chan ge how they view thei r bod i es . Indus t ri al izatio n often acco mp an i es eco no mi c gro wth in devel opi ng coun tri es and ten ds to int rod u ce soci al chang e and glob ali zati on . This , in turn , res ul ts in great er int eracti o n with imag es and ideas of beau t y fro m pos tin dus t ri al cou nt ri es , put tin g increased pres su re on the dev elop ing societ y’s me mb ers to con fo rm to these ideal s (And ers on -Fye, 2011 ). Indus t ri al izati on can also influ en ce bod y i mag e throu gh its tend en cy to chang e gend er rol es and pro mo t e great er indi vid uali zati on . Indeed , notio ns of ind ivi du al is m can tran sfo rm bod y imag e fro m somet hi ng perceiv ed as coll ect iv el y shared and stab le into somet hi ng perceiv ed as perso nal and mal leabl e. Once the bod y beco mes an object of indi vid ual “wo rk ,” bod y dis sat is f ac ti on is more lik el y to arise (An d erso n -Fye, 2011; Hol mq v is t Gatt ario , Fri s én , & And erso n - Fye, 2014 ). The famo u s work of Beck er (20 04 , 2005 ) amo ng girls in rural Fiji onl y 18 mon t hs aft er the int ro du ct ion of tel evis ion bro ad cas tin g West ern prog ra mmi n g sho wed that the girls had moved fro m thin kin g of thei r bod ies as unch ang eabl e and supp o rt ed by a dens e soci al net wo rk to thi nki ng of them as mal l eab le by thems elv es as indi vid ua ls . In con t rast , Anderson -Fye (20 04 ) sugg est ed th at a soci et y’s int eract ion with Wes t ern valu es does not neces saril y imp l y more bod y dis sati sfact io n . Specifi cal l y, she foun d that ado l es cent girls in Beli ze, a rapi dl y dev elop ing nat ion in Lat in Ameri ca and high l y dep end en t on US tou ri s m, 2 6 actu all y reject ed typ ical Wes tern bod y ideal s and demo n st rat ed very low lev els of diso rdered beh avio rs . Bod y shap e was more i mp o rtant than bod y size amo n g the Beli zean girl s , who ideali zed bein g curv aceou sl y shaped like a “Co ca -Col a” bot tl e. Thos e who did not natu ral l y pos ses s this parti cu l ar shap e could imp rov e thei r loo ks by weari ng the rig ht clot hes . The find in gs fro m Fiji and Beli ze refl ect how indu st riali zat ion and rel at ed macro st ructu ral chang es can hav e varyi ng effect s on ado l es cents ’ bod y i mag e. Summary of factors associated w ith adolescents’ b ody image Bron fen b renn er’s bioecol ogi cal theo ry of human dev el op men t (1977 ) serves as a valu ab le framewo rk for org ani z ing the fact ors asso ci ated with ado l es cent s ’ bod y imag e. It prov id es an overvi ew of the dist in ct layers of infl uen ce lin ked to how adol es cen ts rel ate to thei r bodi es . As regard s indi vid ual facto rs ass oci at ed with adol es cen ts ’ bod y i mag e, there are some inco nsi st en cies in previ ous research as to the indep end en t con t rib ut ion of each facto r. Surel y, man y of the facto rs (e.g., BMI, pub ert al timi n g , peer appearan ce teas ing , and bod y ideal int ern al i zatio n ) are clo sel y rel at ed and ma y comb i n e with each oth er. If we are to underst an d thes e rel at ion sh ips more ful l y, we need to exami n e sev eral of the facto rs simu l t an eo u sl y whi le con trol lin g for each one . In addit io n , different facto rs ma y be imp o rt ant for different dimen si ons of bod y -es t eem. Sin ce prev iou s research has mai nl y used a sin gl e tot al meas u re of bod y -es t eem or body sat i s fac tio n , the mat t er of whi ch facto rs ma y rel at e to whi ch bod y -es t eem dimen sio n s has not been thoroug hl y inv es ti gat ed . Furt h ermo re, the imp o rt an ce of macro st ru ctu ral facto rs , inclu ding indu st riali zat ion , ind iv idu ali zati on , and gen dered stru ctu res , sug gest s a need to extend the res earch to inclu d e ado l es cent s ’ bod y i mag e out sid e the Eng li sh - s p eakin g post ind us tri al worl d . Whil e bod y i mag e is imp o rt ant amo ng ado l es cent s in thes e cou nt ri es , it is imp o rt an t that res earch be geo g raph ical l y extend ed to incl ud e oth er parts of the world . 27 ADOLESCENTS’ BODY IMAGE ACR OSS CU LTU R ES The term “ cu l t u re , ” said to be one of the mos t comp l ex words in the Eng lis h langu ag e , is defin ed in man y wa ys (Eag l eto n , 2000 ). Hein e (2008 ) defin es cultu re as a group of peopl e who exis t with in a shared con t ext defin ed by ever yt hi ng fro m lan gu ag e, reli gio n , and soci al hab it s to cuis in e , mus i c , and arts . Cultu res ma y chang e over time, influ en c ed by eco no mi c and pol iti cal forces, cli mat i c and geo graph i c chang es , and the imp o rt at ion of ideas . The very notion of the con cept of cul t u re ma y d yn a mi call y chan ge over time due to ong oin g human int eractio n (Bal d wi n , Faul kn er, & Hech t , 2006 ). In cros s -cul tu ral body i mag e res earch , it is commo n to thi nk of cou nt ri es as rep res ent ing differen t “ cu l tu res .” Thoug h cult ural boun d ari es are not always as clear -cut as are the bord ers bet ween cou nt ri es (Hein e, 200 8 ), the und erl yi ng rati on al e of such research is that peop l e liv ing in the same count ry ma y hav e simi l ar socio -cul tu rall y and macro - s t ru ctu ral l y influ en ced ideas and experien ces rel at ed to b od y and appearan ce. In a chapter dis cus si ng futu re chall eng es facing bod y i mag e research , Cash and Pru zi nsk y (2002 ) stat ed that “co mp arat i ve cro ss - cu ltu ral stud ies of bod y i mag e are cru ci al to enh an ce our unders tand ing of the div ers it y of bod y imag es and the influ en ce of cul tu re on bod y imag e dev elop men t , dys funct ion , and chan ge” (p. 513 ). In add it ion , cross -cu lt ural stud i es can be a goo d way to dis co ver facto rs pot ent i al l y pro t ecti n g agains t neg ativ e bod y imag e (S mo l ak & Cas h , 2011 ) as wel l as to iden ti fy cul tu ral group s that are strugg li ng wit h bod y imag e prob lems more than oth ers (Smo l ak & Stri egel - Moo re, 200 1 ). The old sayi ng “beaut y is in the eye of the beh ol der” app li es wel l to the vari et y of ideas abou t att ract iv en es s acro ss cultu res . The appearan ce ideals describ ed thus far in thi s thesi s , depi ctin g thi n , sex y women and mus cul ar men , are indeed widesp read but far fro m univ ers al . With reference to app earance ideals in non -Wes t ern soci et ies , Edmo n ds (2012 ) cit es examp l es of how the Japanes e, for inst an ce, admi re “ nap e beau ti es ,” the Tiv of Nig eri a appreci ate curv aceou s mal e cal ves , and the Wes t African Wood ab ee pri ze a high foreh ead. Thes e are con cep ti on s of beau t y that are rath er different from thos e in most post in dus t ri al countri es . Howev er, as the world becomes increas ing l y glob ali zed , Wes t ern beau t y practi ces hav e spread rap id l y in ma n y part s of Asi a, Lat in Ameri ca, and Afri ca (Ed mo n d s , 2012). 2 6 actu all y reject ed typ ical Wes tern bod y ideal s and demo n st rat ed very low lev els of diso rdered beh avio rs . Bod y shap e was more i mp o rtant than bod y size amo n g the Beli zean girl s , who ideali zed bein g curv aceou sl y shaped like a “Co ca -Col a” bot tl e. Thos e who did not natu ral l y pos ses s this parti cu l ar shap e could imp rov e thei r loo ks by weari ng the rig ht clot hes . The find in gs fro m Fiji and Beli ze refl ect how indu st riali zat ion and rel at ed macro st ructu ral chang es can hav e varyi ng effect s on ado l es cents ’ bod y i mag e. Summary of factors associated w ith adolescents’ b ody image Bron fen b renn er’s bioecol ogi cal theo ry of human dev el op men t (1977 ) serves as a valu ab le framewo rk for org ani z ing the fact ors asso ci ated with ado l es cent s ’ bod y imag e. It prov id es an overvi ew of the dist in ct layers of infl uen ce lin ked to how adol es cen ts rel ate to thei r bodi es . As regard s indi vid ual facto rs ass oci at ed with adol es cen ts ’ bod y i mag e, there are some inco nsi st en cies in previ ous research as to the indep end en t con t rib ut ion of each facto r. Surel y, man y of the facto rs (e.g., BMI, pub ert al timi n g , peer appearan ce teas ing , and bod y ideal int ern al i zatio n ) are clo sel y rel at ed and ma y comb i n e with each oth er. If we are to underst an d thes e rel at ion sh ips more ful l y, we need to exami n e sev eral of the facto rs simu l t an eo u sl y whi le con trol lin g for each one . In addit io n , different facto rs ma y be imp o rt ant for different dimen si ons of bod y -es t eem. Sin ce prev iou s research has mai nl y used a sin gl e tot al meas u re of bod y -es t eem or body sat i s fac tio n , the mat t er of whi ch facto rs ma y rel at e to whi ch bod y -es t eem dimen sio n s has not been thoroug hl y inv es ti ga t ed . Furt h ermo re, the imp o rt an ce of macro st ru ctu ral facto rs , inclu ding indu st riali zat ion , ind iv idu ali zati on , and gen dered stru ctu res , sug gest s a need to extend the res earch to inclu d e ado l es cent s ’ bod y i mag e out sid e the Eng li sh - s p eakin g post ind us tri al worl d . Whil e bod y i mag e is imp o rt ant amo ng ado l es cent s in thes e cou nt ri es , it is imp o rt an t that res earch be geo g raph ical l y extend ed to incl ud e oth er parts of the world . 27 ADOLESCENTS’ BODY IMAGE ACR OSS CU LTU R ES The term “ cu l t u re , ” said to be one of the mos t comp l ex words in the Eng lis h langu ag e , is defin ed in man y wa ys (Eag l eto n , 2000 ). Hein e (2008 ) defin es cultu re as a group of peopl e who exis t with in a shared con t ext defin ed by ever yt hi ng fro m lan gu ag e, reli gio n , and soci al hab it s to cuis in e , mus i c , and arts . Cultu res ma y chang e over time, influ en c ed by eco no mi c and pol iti cal forces, cli mat i c and geo graph i c chang es , and the imp o rt at ion of ideas . The very notion of the con cept of cul t u re ma y d yn a mi call y chan ge over time due to ong oin g human int eractio n (Bal d wi n , Faul kn er, & Hech t , 2006 ). In cros s -cul tu ral body i mag e res earch , it is commo n to thi nk of cou nt ri es as rep res ent ing differen t “ cu l tu res .” Thoug h cult ural boun d ari es are not always as clear -cut as are the bord ers bet ween cou nt ri es (Hein e, 200 8 ), the und erl yi ng rati on al e of such research is that peop l e liv ing in the same count ry ma y hav e simi l ar socio -cul tu rall y and macro - s t ru ctu ral l y influ en ced ideas and experien ces rel at ed to b od y and appearan ce. In a chapter dis cus si ng futu re chall eng es facing bod y i mag e research , Cash and Pru zi nsk y (2002 ) stat ed that “co mp arat i ve cro ss - cu ltu ral stud ies of bod y i mag e are cru ci al to enh an ce our unders tand ing of the div ers it y of bod y imag es and the influ en ce of cul tu re on bod y imag e dev elop men t , dys funct ion , and chan ge” (p. 513 ). In add it ion , cross -cu lt ural stud i es can be a goo d way to dis co ver facto rs pot ent i al l y pro t ecti n g agains t neg ativ e bod y imag e (S mo l ak & Cas h , 2011 ) as wel l as to iden ti fy cul tu ral group s that are strugg li ng wit h bod y imag e prob lems more than oth ers (Smo l ak & Stri egel - Moo re, 200 1 ). The old sayi ng “beaut y is in the eye of the beh ol der” app li es wel l to the vari et y of ideas abou t att ract iv en es s acro ss cultu res . The appearan ce ideals describ ed thus far in thi s thesi s , depi ctin g thi n , sex y women and mus cul ar men , are indeed widesp read but far fro m univ ers al . With reference to app earance ideals in non -Wes t ern soci et ies , Edmo n ds (2012 ) cit es examp l es of how the Japanes e, for inst an ce, admi re “ nap e beau ti es ,” the Tiv of Nig eri a appreci ate curv aceou s mal e cal ves , and the Wes t African Wood ab ee pri ze a high foreh ead. Thes e are con cep ti on s of beau t y that are rath er different from thos e in most post in dus t ri al countri es . Howev er, as the world becomes increas ing l y glob ali zed , Wes t ern beau t y practi ces hav e spread rap id l y in ma n y part s of Asi a, Lat in Ameri ca, and Afri ca (Ed mo n d s , 2012). 2 8 Cross- cultural differences in b ody image As app earan ce ideals vary acros s cultu res , so do peop l e’s bod y i mag e. In attemp t i ng to elu cid at e such variet y, mos t prev iou s res earch has focus ed on the bod y i mag e of young adul ts , with fewer stud i es of adol escen ts (ho wev er, see , e.g ., Mell or et al., 2013 ; Rub in , Gluck , Kno ll , Loren ce, & Gel i ebt er, 2008; Wil l i ams , Ric ciardelli , McCabe, Waq a, & Bav adra, 2006 ) . Thes e studi es have mos t l y co mp ared the bod y i mag e of peop l e (yo ung women , in part i cul ar) in cou nt ri es referred to as “Wes t ern” (e.g . , the US A , the UK, and Aus t rali a) with that of peo pl e in cou nt ri es referred to as “no n -Wes tern” (e.g . , Jap an , Korea, Mal ays i a, and Fiji ). The overal l findi ngs of this bod y of res earch ind i cat e that bod y imag e con cerns tend to be rel at ed to greater afflu ence and Wes t ern lifest yl e (Hol mq v i st & Fris én , 201 0; Jaeg er et al., 2002 ; Soh , Tou y z, & Surg eno r, 2006 ; Swami et al., 201 0). For ins tance, Jaeg er et al. ’s (200 2 ) larg e - s cal e comp aris on of 1751 you ng women in 12 cou nt ri es sho wed that women in typ i cal l y Wes t ern soci et i es ( e.g ., Swed en, Ger man y, Spai n , Fran ce, Ital y, and the UK) were more d is sati s fi ed wit h thei r bod ies than were women in non - Wes t ern soci eti es ( e.g ., Ghan a, Indi a, and Gabo n). Simi l arly, Swa mi et al. (2010 ) exami n ed 743 4 femal es acros s 26 count ries in 10 world regi ons and found that sub jects in more afflu ent con tex ts were more diss at is fied with their bodi es than were their coun t erp arts in less affl u ent cont ex ts , even wit hin cou nt ri es . It has been popu lar to speak of the pro cess of mod ern izatio n, “ wes t erni zati on ” (i.e. , the ad o p ti on of a Wes t ern lifest yl e), or the accu ltu rat ion of Wes t ern ideal s and valu es as cau s e s of increased bod y i ma g e prob lems and eati ng diso rders amo ng women in the non -Wes tern worl d (Ri eg er, Tou yz, Swai n , & Beu mo nt, 200 1). Ind eed , man y non -Wes t ern societi es did not trad it ion all y greatl y valu e thin ness but ins tead valu ed plump n es s and , as men t ion ed abov e , the soci et al shi ft fro m coll ect ivi st ic valu es (co mmo n in non - Wes t ern count ries ) to indiv idu alis ti c valu es (co mmo n in Wes tern cou nt ri e s) ma y increas e the lik eli hoo d of bod y i mag e probl ems (An d erson -Fye, 2011 ). In add it ion , the pro cess of mod erni zat ion and wes terni zati on may i mp l y great er access to bod y -centered info rmat i on , hig her soci al press u res to con fo rm to app earan ce ideals , increased econ o mi c reso u rces to inv est in one’s app earance, as well as chan ge s i n gend er roles and the stat us of women . It has been sugg est ed that when there is gend er rol e chang e in a soci et y, peo pl e ten d to 29 b eco me more diss at isfi ed wit h thei r bod i es becaus e of pressu res asso ci at ed wit h the new rol es , and becaus e of rol e con fus io n (A n derson -Fye, 2011 ). Bearing thes e asp ects in min d , res earch has sho wn that wome n in East Asi an coun t ri es such as Korea and Jap an wit h rap idl y gro wi ng econo mi es and high lev el s of west ern i zatio n seem to be part i cul arl y sus cept ibl e to bod y imag e con cern s (Ho l mq v ist & Fri sén , 2010 ). In addi tio n , Korean and Jap an es e women ma y not onl y int ernal ize Wes t ern - o ri en ted beau t y ideal s , but als o exp eri en ce con fli ct fro m bei ng exp os ed to Cau casi an bod y ideal s and bei ng Asi an . This con fli ct is refl ect ed in the hig h prev al en ce of plas ti c surg ery to creat e doub l e eyel i d s or a narro wer or poi nt ier nos e in thes e coun t ri es (Kawa mu r a, 200 2; Kown er, 200 2 ). Imp o rtant l y, howev er, theo ri st s argu e that dis cuss ion s of the increas e in bod y ima g e con cerns in man y parts of the world shou l d go beyo nd the con cept s of westerni zat ion (si nce it mai n tain s a dich ot omo u s “ Wes t versus Eas t ” app ro ach to cult ure ), accul tu rati on to West ern lifes t yl e (sin ce we kno w that Wes t ern lifes t yle is cont inu al l y chan gin g ), and mod ern izati on (sin ce thi s cou ld und ermi n e non -bio med i cal persp ect iv es ; Nas ser, Kat zman , & Gordo n , 2001 ). In the cas e of Korean and Japanes e women , the high prev alence of bod y imag e con cern s does not necess ari l y depend onl y on w est erni zat io n , but may also ori gin at e in tradit io nal Asi an valu es , such as con formi t y to soci al norms and an emp h as is on mod es t y (Kawa mu ra , 2002; Mat su mo t o , as cit ed in Muk ai et al., 1998 ). Edmo n ds (201 2 ) arg u es that imp ort ed con cepts of beaut y “oft en int eract with local val ues and mean in gs , yiel di ng new, hyb ri d bod y pract i ces and dist inct heal th chall eng es ” (p. 238 ). In acco rd an ce wit h this , it can be arg ue d that , in res earch , the bod y imag e and bod y pract ices amo n g peop le in a parti cu l ar cultu re need to be interp ret ed in their own cultu ral con text , accord ing to a ran g e of asp ects , includ in g cult ural val u es and norms , cultu ral tran si ti ons , econo mi c and poli ti cal forces , and gen dered structu res . Due to the comp l exi t y of the rel atio nshi p bet ween cultu re and bod y imag e, it is unfortu na t e that prev iou s bod y imag e res earch has been geo g raph icall y limi t ed . In parti cu lar, there is a pau ci t y of bod y imag e res earch fro m Lat i n Ameri ca, and the Scandi n avi an coun tri es hav e rarel y been the sub ject of such res earch . Acco rd ing l y , the presen t thesi s focus es on two cul tu ral con t ext s that hav e receiv ed lit tl e att enti on in previo us bod y imag e res earch : the Swed ish and the Arg enti n ean . To set the stag e for th i s cro ss -cu ltu ral comp ari son , I wil l rev i ew some of the characteris ti c s of each cultu ral cont ext that ma y be imp o rt an t for how adol es cent s in Swed en and Arg en ti na come to rel at e to thei r bodi es . As sugg es t ed by Hol mq v ist and Fris én (2010 ), it is 2 8 Cross- cultural differences in b ody image As app earan ce ideals vary acros s cultu res , so do peop l e’s bod y i mag e. In attemp t i ng to elu cid at e such variet y, mos t prev iou s res earch has focus ed on the bod y i mag e of young adul ts , with fewer stud i es of adol escen ts (ho wev er, see , e.g ., Mell or et al., 2013 ; Rub in , Gluck , Kno ll , Loren ce, & Gel i ebt er, 2008; Wil l i ams , Ric ciardelli , McCabe, Waq a, & Bav adra, 2006 ) . Thes e studi es have mos t l y co mp ared the bod y i mag e of peop l e (yo ung women , in part i cul ar) in cou nt ri es referred to as “Wes t ern” (e.g . , the US A , the UK, and Aus t rali a) with that of peo pl e in cou nt ri es referred to as “no n -Wes tern” (e.g . , Jap an , Korea, Mal ays i a, and Fiji ). The overal l findi ngs of this bod y of res earch ind i cat e that bod y imag e con cerns tend to be rel at ed to greater afflu ence and Wes t ern lifest yl e (Hol mq v i st & Fris én , 201 0; Jaeg er et al., 2002 ; Soh , Tou y z, & Surg eno r, 2006 ; Swami et al., 201 0). For ins tance, Jaeg er et al. ’s (200 2 ) larg e - s cal e comp aris on of 1751 you ng women in 12 cou nt ri es sho wed that women in typ i cal l y Wes t ern soci et i es ( e.g ., Swed en, Ger man y, Spai n , Fran ce, Ital y, and the UK) were more d is sati s fi ed wit h thei r bod ies than were women in non - Wes t ern soci eti es ( e.g ., Ghan a, Indi a, and Gabo n). Simi l arly, Swa mi et al. (2010 ) exami n ed 743 4 femal es acros s 26 count ries in 10 world regi ons and found that sub jects in more afflu ent con tex ts were more diss at is fied with their bodi es than were their coun t erp arts in less affl u ent cont ex ts , even wit hin cou nt ri es . It has been popu lar to speak of the pro cess of mod ern izatio n, “ wes t erni zati on ” (i.e. , the ad o p ti on of a Wes t ern lifest yl e), or the accu ltu rat ion of Wes t ern ideal s and valu es as cau s e s of increased bod y i ma g e prob lems and eati ng diso rders amo ng women in the non -Wes tern worl d (Ri eg er, Tou yz, Swai n , & Beu mo nt, 200 1). Ind eed , man y non -Wes t ern societi es did not trad it ion all y greatl y valu e thin ness but ins tead valu ed plump n es s and , as men t ion ed abov e , the soci et al shi ft fro m coll ect ivi st ic valu es (co mmo n in non - Wes t ern count ries ) to indiv idu alis ti c valu es (co mmo n in Wes tern cou nt ri e s) ma y increas e the lik eli hoo d of bod y i mag e probl ems (An d erson -Fye, 2011 ). In add it ion , the pro cess of mod erni zat ion and wes terni zati on may i mp l y great er access to bod y -centered info rmat i on , hig her soci al press u res to con fo rm to app earan ce ideals , increased econ o mi c reso u rces to inv est in one’s app earance, as well as chan ge s i n gend er roles and the stat us of women . It has been sugg est ed that when there is gend er rol e chang e in a soci et y, peo pl e ten d to 29 b eco me more diss at isfi ed wit h thei r bod i es becaus e of pressu res asso ci at ed wit h the new rol es , and becaus e of rol e con fus io n (A n derson -Fye, 2011 ). Bearing thes e asp ects in min d , res earch has sho wn that wome n in East Asi an coun t ri es such as Korea and Jap an wit h rap idl y gro wi ng econo mi es and high lev el s of west ern i zatio n seem to be part i cul arl y sus cept ibl e to bod y imag e con cern s (Ho l mq v ist & Fri sén , 2010 ). In addi tio n , Korean and Jap an es e women ma y not onl y int ernal ize Wes t ern - o ri en ted beau t y ideal s , but als o exp eri en ce con fli ct fro m bei ng exp os ed to Cau casi an bod y ideal s and bei ng Asi an . This con fli ct is refl ect ed in the hig h prev al en ce of plas ti c surg ery to creat e doub l e eyel i d s or a narro wer or poi nt ier nos e in thes e coun t ri es (Kawa mu r a, 200 2; Kown er, 200 2 ). Imp o rtant l y, howev er, theo ri st s argu e that dis cuss ion s of the increas e in bod y ima g e con cerns in man y parts of the world shou l d go beyo nd the con cept s of westerni zat ion (si nce it mai n tain s a dich ot omo u s “ Wes t versus Eas t ” app ro ach to cult ure ), accul tu rati on to West ern lifes t yl e (sin ce we kno w that Wes t ern lifes t yle is cont inu al l y chan gin g ), and mod ern izati on (sin ce thi s cou ld und ermi n e non -bio med i cal persp ect iv es ; Nas ser, Kat zman , & Gordo n , 2001 ). In the cas e of Korean and Japanes e women , the high prev alence of bod y imag e con cern s does not necess ari l y depend onl y on w est erni zat io n , but may also ori gin at e in tradit io nal Asi an valu es , such as con formi t y to soci al norms and an emp h as is on mod es t y (Kawa mu ra , 2002; Mat su mo t o , as cit ed in Muk ai et al., 1998 ). Edmo n ds (201 2 ) arg u es that imp ort ed con cepts of beaut y “oft en int eract with local val ues and mean in gs , yiel di ng new, hyb ri d bod y pract i ces and dist inct heal th chall eng es ” (p. 238 ). In acco rd an ce wit h this , it can be arg ue d that , in res earch , the bod y imag e and bod y pract ices amo n g peop le in a parti cu l ar cultu re need to be interp ret ed in their own cultu ral con text , accord ing to a ran g e of asp ects , includ in g cult ural val u es and norms , cultu ral tran si ti ons , econo mi c and poli ti cal forces , and gen dered structu res . Due to the comp l exi t y of the rel atio nshi p bet ween cultu re and bod y imag e, it is unfortu na t e that prev iou s bod y imag e res earch has been geo g raph icall y limi t ed . In parti cu lar, there is a pau ci t y of bod y imag e res earch fro m Lat i n Ameri ca, and the Scandi n avi an coun tri es hav e rarel y been the sub ject of such res earch . Acco rd ing l y , the presen t thesi s focus es on two cul tu ral con t ext s that hav e receiv ed lit tl e att enti on in previo us bod y imag e res earch : the Swed ish and the Arg enti n ean . To set the stag e for th i s cro ss -cu ltu ral comp ari son , I wil l rev i ew some of the characteris ti c s of each cultu ral cont ext that ma y be imp o rt an t for how adol es cent s in Swed en and Arg en ti na come to rel at e to thei r bodi es . As sugg es t ed by Hol mq v ist and Fris én (2010 ), it is 3 0 es sent ial that cro ss -cu lt ural bod y i mag e stu di es be preced ed by det ail ed cul tu ral descript ion s of the cul tu ral cont ex ts to be invest ig at ed . The Sw edish contex t Individualism and modesty Swed en can be con sid ered a pos tin du st ri al coun t ry and is situ ated in Scand in avi a. Tros t (2012 ) describ es Swed en as an ind iv idual ist i c cul tu re in whi ch pers on al aut on o my is high l y val ued and confo rmi t y is commo n . Verb al passi vi t y is ass oci at ed with posi tiv e trai ts such as refl ect io n and mod est y, and gesti cu l at ing int ens ivel y and speak ing lou d l y ma y be reg arded as exces siv e . Indeed , Swedes oft en refer to the “Jante Law” (origi n all y describ ed by the Dan is h – No rwegi an autho r, Aks el San d emo ss e), whi ch hold s that one shoul d not thi nk that one is bet ter than anyb o d y els e. The Swedi sh term lagom, meaning “no t too lit tl e, not too much ” is freq uent l y used by Swed es , and Swed en is somet i mes humo ro usl y referred to as “th e coun t ry of lagom.” Oth er imp o rt ant virtu es in Swedi sh cul tu re are pro mp t n ess (Swed es ten d to be on time), hon es t y, fai rn es s , and equali ty (Tro s t , 201 2). The Swed is h men t al it y as port rayed by a Swed ish ethn olo gi st (Dau n , 1996 ) comp ri se s fou r dis tin ct parts : c on fo rmi t y, con fli ct avoid an ce, modernit y, and equ ality. Alt hou gh thes e qual iti es ma y app l y to other natio nali ti es, they are high l y val u ed by Swed es and ma y be more commo n in Sweden than in other coun t ri es (Tro st , 2012 ). Gender equality Swed en is cons id er ed one of the mos t gen d er equ al -co unt ries in the world (Gu is o , Mont e, Sap ien za, & Zin g al es , 2008 ). What one ma y cal l the dual - b read winn er norm — wh ere both parents work and care for the fami l y —i s wel l - es tabl ish ed in Swed is h cultu re (So mmes t ad , 1997 ). In 2003 , 79% of women aged 20– 64 were in the workfo rce , and the corres pon din g pro po rt ion of men was 84% (St atis ti cs Swed en , 200 4 ). Young peo pl e in Swed en ass oci ate success fu l careers and emp l o yme n t not onl y wit h men but als o wit h women (Tro st , 2012 ). Furth er mo re, the Swedi sh paren tal leav e sys t em is desig ned so that both men and women sho uld be abl e to comb i ne work and paren tho od (Haas & Hwang , 2000 ). Swed ish men take more parent al leave than do any of 31 t h ei r Nordi c coun t erp art s , with the excep tio n of Iceland i c men (St at ist i cs Swed en , 2009 ), alth ou gh Swedis h women still tak e much more paren tal leave than do Swedi sh men (Swed ish Con federati on for Pro fes sion al Emp l o yees , 2013 ). The imp o rt ance of gend er equ ali ty is simi l arl y express ed in the sch ool env i ron men t , where t eachers are by law obli ged to ens ure that mal e and femal e stud ents are treat ed the same way and are given equ al opp ort uni ti es to learn (Swed ish Del eg atio n for Gend er Equ al it y in Scho ol , 2009 ). Alto g eth er, these facts sugg es t that gend ered structu res ma y be les s rigi d and tradit ion al in Swed ish societ y than elsewh ere . Thinness and healthy eating As in mos t pos tin dust rial cou nt ri es , phys ical attract iv en es s and slend ern es s are high l y val u ed in Swed en . Popu lar tel ev is ion sho ws incl ud e mod eli ng comp et it ion s and pro grams encou rag ing weig ht loss and health y eat i ng . App earan ce ideals are narro w, depi ctin g thin youn g women and mus cul ar youn g men . Frequ ent l y visi bl e examp l es of the bod y ideals typ i cal l y desi red by ado l es cent Swedes are conv eyed in the adv ertis ing of the popul ar Swed ish cloth es ret ail er H&M (www.h m.co m). The comp an y has rep eat ed l y been crit i ci zed for using unreal ist i call y thin , and dang ero usl y tan n ed, fe mal e mod els in thei r adv ert is emen ts (Dagens Nyheter , 2012 , May 20; MåBra , 201 0 , April 3). The sub j ect s of heal th y foo d and heal th y eat ing hab it s are often dis cu ss ed in Swedish med i a and soci et y. The con su mp t ion of veg etabl es and frui ts in the adu lt pop ul at ion has increas ed by more than 20% over the last two decad es (Li vs med el sv e rk e t , 201 2 ). Man y ado l es cent s tak e ext ra care abou t what they eat , and app rox i mat el y 25% of Swed is h ado l es cent s are veg etarians , veg ans , or food exclu siv e in some wa y ( Lars son , Klo ck , Ast rø m, Hau g ejo rd en , & Johanss on , 2001 ). In add it ion , Edlun d , Halv ars son , Geb re -Medhi n , and Sjö d én (1999 ) demo n st rat ed that m an y Swed ish adol es cen t girls try to lose wei gh t (ag e 13 years : 51%; age 17 years : 66%). Signi ficantly lower rat es of wei gh t los s att emp t s were found amo n g boys (age 13 years : 18%; age 17 years : 17%). About 14% of ado l es cent gir l s and 19% of adol es cen t boys in Swed en are overweigh t or obes e (Sjö berg et al., 201 2 ), a fig u re much lower than the app roxi mat el y one thi rd of US chi ld ren and adol es cen ts who are overwei gh t or obes e (Amer i can Heart Asso ci at ion , 2013 ). 3 0 es sent ial that cro ss -cu lt ural bod y i mag e stu di es be preced ed by det ail ed cul tu ral descript ion s of the cul tu ral cont ex ts to be invest ig at ed . The Sw edish contex t Individualism and modesty Swed en can be con sid ered a pos tin du st ri al coun t ry and is situ ated in Scand in avi a. Tros t (2012 ) describ es Swed en as an ind iv idual ist i c cul tu re in whi ch pers on al aut on o my is high l y val ued and confo rmi t y is commo n . Verb al passi vi t y is ass oci at ed with posi tiv e trai ts such as refl ect io n and mod est y, and gesti cu l at ing int ens ive l y and speak ing lou d l y ma y be reg arded as exces siv e . Indeed , Swedes oft en refer to the “Jante Law” (origi n all y describ ed by the Dan is h – No rwegi an autho r, Aks el San d emo ss e), whi ch hold s that one shoul d not thi nk that one is bet ter than anyb o d y els e. The Swedi sh term lagom, meaning “no t too lit tl e, not too much ” is freq uent l y used by Swed es , and Swed en is somet i mes humo ro usl y referred to as “th e coun t ry of lagom.” Oth er imp o rt ant virtu es in Swedi sh cul tu re are pro mp t n ess (Swed es ten d to be on time), hon es t y, fai rn es s , and equali ty (Tro s t , 201 2). The Swed is h men t al it y as port raye d by a Swed ish ethn olo gi st (Dau n , 1996 ) comp ri se s fou r dis tin ct parts : c on fo rmi t y, con fli ct avoid an ce, modernit y, and equ ality. Alt hou gh thes e qual iti es ma y app l y to other natio nali ti es, they are high l y val u ed by Swed es and ma y be more commo n in Sweden than in other coun t ri es (Tro st , 2012 ). Gender equality Swed en is cons id er ed one of the mos t gen d er equ al -co unt ries in the world (Gu is o , Mont e, Sap ien za, & Zin g al es , 2008 ). What one ma y cal l the dual - b read winn er norm — wh ere both parents work and care for the fami l y —i s wel l - es tabl ish ed in Swed is h cultu re (So mmes t ad , 1997 ). In 2003 , 79% of women aged 20– 64 were in the workfo rce , and the corres pon din g pro po rt ion of men was 84% (St atis ti cs Swed en , 200 4 ). Young peo pl e in Swed en ass oci ate success fu l careers and emp l o ymen t not onl y wit h men but als o wit h women (Tro st , 2012 ). Furth er mo re, the Swedi sh paren tal leav e sys t em is desig ned so that both men and women sho uld be abl e to comb i ne work and paren tho od (Haas & Hwang , 2000 ). Swed ish men take more parent al leave than do any of 31 t h ei r Nordi c coun t erp art s , with the excep tio n of Iceland i c men (St at ist i cs Swed en , 2009 ), alth ou gh Swedis h women still tak e much more paren tal leave than do Swedi sh men (Swed ish Con federati on for Pro fes sion al Emp l o yees , 2013 ). The imp o rt ance of gend er equ ali ty is simi l arl y express ed in the sch ool env i ron men t , where t eachers are by law obli ged to ens ure that mal e and femal e stud ents are treat ed the same way and are given equ al opp ort uni ti es to learn (Swed ish Del eg atio n for Gend er Equ al it y in Scho ol , 2009 ). Alto g eth er, these facts sugg es t that gend ered structu res ma y be les s rigi d and tradit ion al in Swed ish societ y than elsewh ere . Thinness and healthy eating As in mos t pos tin dust rial cou nt ri es , phys ical attract iv en es s and slend ern es s are high l y val u ed in Swed en . Popu lar tel ev is ion sho ws incl ud e mod eli ng comp et it ion s and pro grams encou rag ing weig ht loss and health y eat i ng . App earan ce ideals are narro w, depi ctin g thin youn g women and mus cul ar youn g men . Frequ ent l y visi bl e examp l es of the bod y ideals typ i cal l y desi red by ado l es cent Swedes are conv eyed in the adv ertis ing of the popul ar Swed ish cloth es ret ail er H&M (www.h m.co m). The comp an y has rep eat ed l y been crit i ci zed for using unreal ist i call y thin , and dang ero usl y tan n ed, fe mal e mod els in thei r adv ert is emen ts (Dagens Nyheter , 2012 , May 20; MåBra , 201 0 , April 3). The sub j ect s of heal th y foo d and heal th y eat ing hab it s are often dis cu ss ed in Swedish med i a and soci et y. The con su mp t ion of veg etabl es and frui ts in the adu lt pop ul at ion has increas ed by more than 20% over the last two decad es (Li vs med el sv e rk e t , 201 2 ). Man y ado l es cent s tak e ext ra care abou t what they eat , and app rox i mat el y 25% of Swed is h ado l es cent s are veg etarians , veg ans , or food exclu siv e in some wa y ( Lars son , Klo ck , Ast rø m, Hau g ejo rd en , & Johanss on , 2001 ). In add it ion , Edlun d , Halv ars son , Geb re -Medhi n , and Sjö d én (1999 ) demo n st rat ed that m an y Swed ish adol es cen t girls try to lose wei gh t (ag e 13 years : 51%; age 17 years : 66%). Signi ficantly lower rat es of wei gh t los s att emp t s were found amo n g boys (age 13 years : 18%; age 17 years : 17%). About 14% of ado l es cent gir l s and 19% of adol es cen t boys in Swed en are overweigh t or obes e (Sjö berg et al., 201 2 ), a fig u re much lower than the app roxi mat el y one thi rd of US chi ld ren and adol es cen ts who are overwei gh t or obes e (Amer i can Heart Asso ci at ion , 2013 ). 3 2 Body image research on Sw edish adolescents Si nce the mil lenni um shi ft , increased res earch att en ti on has been paid to Swed ish adol es cen ts ’ bod y imag e. Overall , thi s research has con cen t rat ed on ado l es cent s ’ overweig ht (e.g . , Ask el ö f, Sten li d , & Edl und , 2007 ; Erlin g & Hwan g , 2004 a; Hayd en -Wad e et al., 200 5; Ivarsso n , Sval and er, Litl ere, & Nev on en , 2006 ; Magn uss on , Hult hén , & Kjel l gren , 200 5; Sjöb erg et al., 201 2 ), bod y percep tio ns (e.g. , Bergs t rö m, Sten lund , & Sved jeh äl l , 2000 ), diet ing (e.g . , Edlu nd et al., 199 9 ), peer victi m i zat io n (e.g . , Fri s én et al., 200 9; Lund e et al., 2007 ; Lund e et al., 2006 ), eat ing dis o rders (Gh aderi , Mårt ens son , & Sch wan, 2005 ; Gus tafsso n , Edlun d , Kjel lin , & Norri ng , 2008 ; Thu rfjel l et al., 2004; Wes t erberg - J acob son et al., 2010 ), phys i cal act ivi t y ( e.g ., Lindwal l & Lin dg ren , 2005 ; Rau sto rp , Mat ts son , Svenss on , & Ståh le, 2006 ; Seig el & Het t a, 200 1 ), and bod y i mag e intervent io n (Gh ad eri et al., 2005 , Lindv al l & Lind g ren , 2005 ). Bri efl y stat ed , the resu lt s of thes e studi es sugg est that the psych olo gi c al effect s of overweig ht found amo n g Swedi sh ado les cen ts are very simi l ar to thos e fou nd int ern at ion al l y, i.e., overweigh t you ng S wed es tend to exp erien ce lower bod y - es teem and more anx i et y, dep res si on , and dist urb ed eat ing beh av io r than do thei r normal -wei ght peers (Ask elö f et al. , 200 7; Erl ing & Hwan g , 200 4 a; Ivars son et al., 2006 ). Obes e boys tend to exp eri en ce even lower bod y -es t eem and more psych olo gical ill - b ein g and suici dal att emp ts and thoug ht s than do normal -weigh t boys (Berg , Simo n s son , & Ring qvi st , 2005 ). Peer victi mi zat ion in the form of bull yi ng and appearan ce teas ing has been stro ngl y link ed to Swed ish adol es cen ts ’ bod y imag e, with bot h girls and boys sufferin g long - t erm con s equ en ces (Lunde et al., 200 7 ). As reg ard s eat ing diso rders , fin di ngs ha v e sho wn that Swedi sh ado l es cent girl s who wish to be thinn er not onl y diet more ofte n , b ut are als o fou r times more lik el y to dev elop dis tu rb ed eati ng atti tud es over a five -year peri od (Wes terberg -J acob so n et al., 201 0). Bod y imag e int erv en tio n pro g rams for Swedi sh ado l es cen ts have had varyi n g res ul ts , and one stud y fou nd that exerci se ses si ons and dis cus si ons abou t heal th y lifest yl e s posi ti ve l y affect ed adol es cen ts ’ bod y i ma g e (Lin d wall & Lindg ren , 2005 ). On the oth er hand , ano ther stud y sho wed that an intervent ion program focus ing on enh anc ing sel f -est eem, increas i ng the accep t an ce of sel f and oth ers , and crit i cal l y rev i ew in g stereo t yp es did no t affect adol es cen ts ’ bod y i mag e (Gh aderi et al., 2005 ). Comb i ned with find ing s showi ng that the freq u ency of die t ing and diso rdered eati ng in Swed ish ado les cent girls is increasi ng (Halv ars son , Lunn er, Wes t erberg , Ant eso n , & Sjöd én , 2002 ), one can arg ue that Swed en is a coun t ry in whi ch more adol escent bod y imag e res earch is urg entl y needed . 33 Th e wel l-est ab lis h ed gen d er differen ce in bod y i mag e, with girls exp eriencin g more bod y diss at is facti on than do boys , seems to appl y to Swedi sh ado l es cent s as well (Fris én , Lund e, Klei berg , 201 3; Ivarsso n et al., 200 6; Sjö b erg et al., 201 2). Cross- cultural comp arisons w ith Sw edish adolescents. I hav e been able to find onl y one study that inclu ded Sweden in a cross -cu lt ural comp ari so n of ado l es cent s ’ bod y imag e (Lu nn er et al., 2000 ). In that stu d y, 14-year -old Swed ish ado l es cent girls were comp ared with 13- and 14 -year -ol d Aus trali an girls in terms of BMI, dieti ng , wei ght loss att emp t s , app earance teasi ng , bod y dis sati sfact io n , and mis cel l an eo us eati ng diso rder symp t o ms . Resu lt s sho wed that 14-year -ol d Aust ral i an girls were the mos t lik el y to have diet ed (59 %), follo wed by 14-year - o ld Swed ish girl s (48 %) and 13-year -o ld Aust ral i an girls (38 %). The 14 -year -o ld Aus trali an girl s exp erienced more eat in g dist urb an ce s and bul i mi c tend en cie s than did the Swedi sh girls . Howev er, in terms of bod y dis sati sfact io n , Aus t ral ian and Swedi sh girl s of the same age exp eri enced simi l ar levels , with youn ger Aust ral i an girls exp eri en cing lower levels. These findi ngs sugg est that Swedi sh adol es cent s ’ bod y imag e ma y be simi l ar to that of ado l es cent s in oth er indus t ri al i zed part s of the worl d , altho ugh Swe d es ma y be less likel y to eng ag e in dis ord ered eati ng . The fin din gs also sugg est that the use of age -sp eci fi c samp l es is imp o rt ant for val id it y in cro ss -cu ltu ral comp aris ons . The Argentinean contex t Collectivism and ex p ressiveness Th ou gh Arg en ti na is d efi ned as a dev elop ing coun try (In t ern at io nal Stat ist i cal Insti tu te, 2013 ) , it is one of the largest econ o mi es in South Ameri ca and has achi ev ed reco rd nati on al indu st r ial gro wt h in recen t years (Wo rl d Ban k , 201 3). Arg enti n ean cultu re is both simi l ar to an d differen t fro m Swed ish cul tu re. Located in sou th ern South A meri ca, Arg en ti na is geo graphi call y al mo s t as far away fro m Swed en as one cou ld get . Stil l , the eno rmo u s wav e of immi g rati on in the nin et een th cen tury, con sis ti ng mai n ly of Itali an s and Span i ards , mad e Arg enti n a one of the mos t Euro p eani zed cou nt ri es in Latin Ameri ca (Facio & Res et t , 2012 ). It has been sugg es ted that Argent in eans see thems el v es as 3 2 Body image research on Sw edish adolescents Si nce the mil lenni um shi ft , increased res earch att en ti on has been paid to Swed ish adol es cen ts ’ bod y imag e. Overall , thi s research has con cen t rat ed on ado l es cent s ’ overweig ht (e.g . , Ask el ö f, Sten li d , & Edl und , 2007 ; Erlin g & Hwan g , 2004 a; Hayd en -Wad e et al., 200 5; Ivarsso n , Sval and er, Litl ere, & Nev on en , 2006 ; Magn uss on , Hult hén , & Kjel l gren , 200 5; Sjöb erg et al., 201 2 ), bod y percep tio ns (e.g. , Bergs t rö m, Sten lund , & Sved jeh äl l , 2000 ), diet ing (e.g . , Edlu nd et al., 199 9 ), peer victi m i zat io n (e.g . , Fri s én et al., 200 9; Lund e et al., 2007 ; Lund e et al., 2006 ), eat ing dis o rders (Gh aderi , Mårt ens son , & Sch wan, 2005 ; Gus tafsso n , Edlun d , Kjel lin , & Norri ng , 2008 ; Thu rfjel l et al., 2004; Wes t erberg - J acob son et al., 2010 ), phys i cal act ivi t y ( e.g ., Lindwal l & Lin dg ren , 2005 ; Rau sto rp , Mat ts son , Svenss on , & Ståh le, 2006 ; Seig el & Het t a, 200 1 ), and bod y i mag e intervent io n (Gh ad eri et al., 2005 , Lindv al l & Lind g ren , 2005 ). Bri efl y stat ed , the resu lt s of thes e studi es sugg est that the psych olo gi cal effect s of overweig ht found amo n g Swedi sh ado les cen ts are very simi l ar to thos e fou nd int ern at ion al l y, i.e., overweigh t you ng S wed es tend to exp erien ce lower bod y - es teem and more anx i et y, dep res si on , and dist urb ed eat ing beh av io r than do thei r normal -wei ght peers (Ask elö f et al. , 200 7; Erl ing & Hwan g , 200 4 a; Ivars son et al., 2006 ). Obes e boys tend to exp eri en c e even lower bod y -es t eem and more psych olo gical ill - b ein g and suici dal att emp ts and thoug ht s than do normal -weigh t boys (Berg , Simo n s son , & Ring qvi st , 2005 ). Peer victi mi zat ion in the form of bull yi ng and appearan ce teas ing has been stro ngl y link ed to Swed ish adol es cen ts ’ bod y imag e, with bot h girls and boys sufferin g long - t erm con s equ en ces (Lunde et al., 200 7 ). As reg ard s eat ing diso rders , fin di ngs ha v e sho wn that Swedi sh ado l es cent girl s who wish to be thinn er not onl y diet more ofte n , b ut are als o fou r times more lik el y to dev elop dis tu rb ed eati ng atti tud es over a five -year peri od (Wes terberg -J acob so n et al., 201 0). Bod y imag e int erv en tio n pro g rams for Swedi sh ado l es cen ts have had varyi n g res ul ts , and one stud y fou nd that exerci se ses si ons and dis cus si ons abou t heal th y lifest yl e s posi ti ve l y affect ed adol es cen ts ’ bod y i ma g e (Lin d wall & Lindg ren , 2005 ). On the oth er hand , ano ther stud y sho wed that an intervent ion program focus ing on enh anc ing sel f -est eem, increas i ng the accep t an ce of sel f and oth ers , and crit i cal l y rev i ew in g stereo t yp es did no t affect adol es cen ts ’ bod y i mag e (Gh aderi et al., 2005 ). Comb i ned with find ing s showi ng that the freq u ency of die t ing and diso rdered eati ng in Swed ish ado les cent girls is increasi ng (Halv ars son , Lunn er, Wes t erberg , Ant eso n , & Sjöd én , 2002 ), one can arg ue that Swed en is a coun t ry in whi ch more adol escent bod y imag e res earch is urg entl y needed . 33 Th e wel l-est ab lis h ed gen d er differen ce in bod y i mag e, with girls exp eriencin g more bod y diss at is facti on than do boys , seems to appl y to Swedi sh ado l es cent s as well (Fris én , Lund e, Klei berg , 201 3; Ivarsso n et al., 200 6; Sjö b erg et al., 201 2). Cross- cultural comp arisons w ith Sw edish adolescents. I hav e been able to find onl y one study that inclu ded Sweden in a cross -cu lt ural comp ari so n of ado l es cent s ’ bod y imag e (Lu nn er et al., 2000 ). In that stu d y, 14-year -old Swed ish ado l es cent girls were comp ared with 13- and 14 -year -ol d Aus trali an girls in terms of BMI, dieti ng , wei ght loss att emp t s , app earance teasi ng , bod y dis sati sfact io n , and mis cel l an eo us eati ng diso rder symp t o ms . Resu lt s sho wed that 14-year -ol d Aust ral i an girls were the mos t lik el y to have diet ed (59 %), follo wed by 14-year - o ld Swed ish girl s (48 %) and 13-year -o ld Aust ral i an girls (38 %). The 14 -year -o ld Aus trali an girl s exp erienced more eat in g dist urb an ce s and bul i mi c tend en cie s than did the Swedi sh girls . Howev er, in terms of bod y dis sati sfact io n , Aus t ral ian and Swedi sh girl s of the same age exp eri enced simi l ar levels , with youn ger Aust ral i an girls exp eri en cing lower levels. These findi ngs sugg est that Swedi sh adol es cent s ’ bod y imag e ma y be simi l ar to that of ado l es cent s in oth er indus t ri al i zed part s of the worl d , altho ugh Swe d es ma y be less likel y to eng ag e in dis ord ered eati ng . The fin din gs also sugg est that the use of age -sp eci fi c samp l es is imp o rt ant for val id it y in cro ss -cu ltu ral comp aris ons . The Argentinean contex t Collectivism and ex p ressiveness Th ou gh Arg en ti na is d efi ned as a dev elop ing coun try (In t ern at io nal Stat ist i cal Insti tu te, 2013 ) , it is one of the largest econ o mi es in South Ameri ca and has achi ev ed reco rd nati on al indu st r ial gro wt h in recen t years (Wo rl d Ban k , 201 3). Arg enti n ean cultu re is both simi l ar to an d differen t fro m Swed ish cul tu re. Located in sou th ern South A meri ca, Arg en ti na is geo graphi call y al mo s t as far away fro m Swed en as one cou ld get . Stil l , the eno rmo u s wav e of immi g rati on in the nin et een th cen tury, con sis ti ng mai n ly of Itali an s and Span i ards , mad e Arg enti n a one of the mos t Euro p eani zed cou nt ri es in Latin Ameri ca (Facio & Res et t , 2012 ). It has been sugg es ted that Argent in eans see thems el v es as 3 4 d i fferen t fro m peop le in nei ghb o rin g countri es , and emp h asi ze these differen ces t h rou gh what Meehan a nd Kat zman (200 1 ) des cri be as “over -id en ti fi cat io n” with Euro p e. Lik e Swed ish cult u re, Arg ent in ean cul ture is characterized by a high level of indiv id uali sm, but differs fro m Swed is h cul tu re in that it also has a high level of coll ect ivi s m (Facio & Res et t , 2012 ). The f ami l y is great l y emp h asi zed in Arg ent in ean soci ety, and Arg enti n ean adol es cen ts see thei r fa mi l i es as much more i mp o rt an t than fri en ds , poli ti cal ideas , or reli gio n . As opp os ed to the mod es t y and cul tu re of lagom in Swedis h soci et y, Arg ent ine ans are high l y influ en ced by the Itali an person al styl e, whi ch is typ i call y port raye d as passi on at e, emo t io n al, and exp res si ve. Machismo men and small w omen Machis mo cult u re, i.e., the not ion of me n ’s sup remac y over women , is often stereot yp i call y app li ed to Latin Ameri can cultu re. Indeed , Arg en ti nean men are und er pressu re to ass ert thei r mas cu lin it y by bein g succes sful and psych olo gi call y and phys i call y stro ng , even thou gh the social and econo mi c con st rai nt s of tod ay’s Arg en ti nean societ y ma y hind er them (Meeh an & Kat zman , 2001 ). Arg en ti nean women , on the other hand , exp eri ence con st an t pres su re to be thin (Fo rman & Morel lo , 200 3 ), and femal e thin nes s is con st an tl y asso ci at ed wit h succes s and power (Riv aro la, 200 3). As both a caus e and a con s equ en ce of this exag gerat ed thi n ideal amo ng women , Arg en tin a has long had a very res t rict ed rang e of sizes avail abl e in women ’s cloth in g (Fo rb es et al., 2012 ). In 2005 , the diffi cu lt y of findi ng teen clot hi ng in size s larg er than 38 (US size 8) res ult ed in govern men t al ini ti at ives requ i rin g that stores shou ld sto ck teen cloth es in size s 38 – 48 (US sizes 8 – 18 ), whi ch pro vok ed cri ti ci s m fro m Arg enti n ean fas hio n des ign ers (Argentina Independent , 201 1, Nov emb er 23). Amo n g Argenti n ean girls , the imp o rt an ce of phys i cal appe aran ce and thi nn es s is demo n st rat ed by the fact that 55% of adoles cen t girls agree with the stat emen t “Yo u don ’t exi st if you can ’t get peop l e’s att en tio n by hav ing a nice, perfect figu re” (Ro mer, 1996 , as cited by Meeh an & Kat zman , 200 1 ). In addi tio n , Arg enti n a’s capit al Buen os Aires has been referred to as the cap it al of cos met i c surg ery ( The Week , 2007 , Janu ary 23) and the epi cent er of an “ ep id emi c of eati ng dis o rd ers ” (Gord on , 200 1). 35 Body image research on Argentinean adolescents Few s tud i es exami n e A rg enti n ean ado lescen ts ’ bod y i mag e ; i n fact , I hav e found onl y fiv e stud ies of Arg enti n ean ado lescen ts ’ bod y imag e (Bl arrin a, Gut i érrez - Martí nez, Fachin nell i, & Lóp ez, 2007 ; Cas ull o , Gon zál ez, Sifre, & Mart orell, 2000 ; Forman & Morel lo , 2003 ; McArt hu r, Hol b ert , & Peñ a, 200 5; Rut s zt ei n et al., 2010 ). Forman and Morello (200 3) exami n ed weig ht con cern s and percei ved diffi cul t y of quit ting smo k ing amo n g 14- and 17 -year -o ld Arg ent in ean ado l es cent s . In terms of wei ght con cerns , they demo n s t rat ed that percei ved fatn ess , dri v e for thin ness , and frequ en t dieti ng were more commo n amo n g Arg enti n ean girls than boys , cong ruent with well -es t abl ish ed sex differen ces ident i fi ed in int ern atio nal stu di es . Simi l arly, Blarrin a et al. (20 07 ) foun d that 15 – 1 8 -year - o ld Argent inean boys general l y had a more pos it iv e bod y imag e and were hap pi er and less anxi ous than were their femal e cou nt erparts . Rut szt ein et al. (201 0 ) exami ned eat ing diso rd er charact eris ti cs (in clud ing bod y dis sati sfact io n) amo n g Arg en tin ean ado lescent s who were dan ce stu dent s , high schoo l stud ent s , or pat i ent s with an eatin g diso rder. Thei r r esul ts sho wed that , in levels of bod y diss atis fact ion , dan ce stud en ts were more simi l ar to pat i ent s with an eati ng diso rder than to high sch oo l stud en ts , ind i cati ng the severi t y of bod y imag e concern s amo ng Arg ent in e an dan ce stud ents . Cross- cultural comp arisons w ith Argentinean adolescents. Th e other two stud ies on Arg ent in ean ado les cent s ’ bod y imag e are cro ss - cu ltu ral . Casu ll o et al. (2000 ) inv es ti gat ed driv e for thi nn ess , bod y dissat is facti on , and perfecti oni s m amo n g 13 – 1 9 -year -o ld boys and girls in Arg ent in a and Spain . Thei r r esu lt s sho wed that you ng er adol escent s were more lik el y to experien ce driv e for thin n ess , bod y diss at is facti on , and perfect io nis m than were old er ado l es cent s , and that Spani sh adol escen ts were more lik el y to exp erience these con cern s than were Arg enti n ean ado les cen ts . Fin all y , McArt h u r et al. (2005 ) exami n ed att itu din a l and percep tu al bod y imag e amo n g 1272 adol es cen ts (age d 12 – 1 9 years ) fro m six citi es in Lati n Ameri ca ( i.e., Buenos Aires in Arg enti na, Sant i ago in Chil e, Guat emal a Cit y in Guate mal a, Hav ana in Cub a, Lima in Peru , and Panama Cit y in Pan ama). Al mo s t 40% of the normal -wei ght adol escen ts fro m all thes e cit ies indi cat ed a preferen ce to be thi n n er, alth oug h a large propo rt io n of the nor mal -weig ht adol escen ts alread y percei ved thems el v es as thi n . Cong ruent with the find ing s of Forman and Morel lo (2003 ) and Blarri n a et al. (20 07 ) on sex differenc es , femal es in all citi es except Havan a had stron g er desi res to be thi nn er than did boys . This sex differen ce was mos t obvio us in 3 4 d i fferen t fro m peop le in nei ghb o rin g countri es , and emp h asi ze these differen ces t h rou gh what Meehan a nd Kat zman (200 1 ) des cri be as “over -id en ti fi cat io n” with Euro p e. Lik e Swed ish cult u re, Arg ent in ean cul ture is characterized by a high level of indiv id uali sm, but differs fro m Swed is h cul tu re in that it also has a high level of coll ect ivi s m (Facio & Res et t , 2012 ). The f ami l y is great l y emp h asi zed in Arg ent in ean soci ety, and Arg enti n ean adol es cen ts see thei r fa mi l i es as much more i mp o rt an t than fri en ds , poli ti cal ideas , or reli gio n . As opp os ed to the mod es t y and cul tu re of lagom in Swedis h soci et y, Arg ent ine ans are high l y influ en ced by the Itali an person al styl e, whi ch is typ i call y port raye d as passi on at e, emo t io n al, and exp res si ve. Machismo men and small w omen Machis mo cult u re, i.e., the not ion of me n ’s sup remac y over women , is often stereot yp i call y app li ed to Latin Ameri can cultu re. Indeed , Arg en ti nean men are und er pressu re to ass ert thei r mas cu lin it y by bein g succes sful and psych olo gi call y and phys i call y stro ng , even thou gh the social and econo mi c con st rai nt s of tod ay’s Arg en ti nean societ y ma y hind er them (Meeh an & Kat zman , 2001 ). Arg en ti nean women , on the other hand , exp eri ence con st an t pres su re to be thin (Fo rman & Morel lo , 200 3 ), and femal e thin nes s is con st an tl y asso ci at ed wit h succes s and power (Riv aro la, 200 3). As both a caus e and a con s equ en ce of this exag gerat ed thi n ideal amo ng women , Arg en tin a has long had a very res t rict ed rang e of sizes avail abl e in women ’s cloth in g (Fo rb es et al., 2012 ). In 2005 , the diffi cu lt y of findi ng teen clot hi ng in size s larg er than 38 (US size 8) res ult ed in govern men t al ini ti at ives requ i rin g that stores shou ld sto ck teen cloth es in size s 38 – 48 (US sizes 8 – 18 ), whi ch pro vok ed cri ti ci s m fro m Arg enti n ean fas hio n des ign ers (Argentina Independent , 201 1, Nov emb er 23). Amo n g Argenti n ean girls , the imp o rt an ce of phys i cal appe aran ce and thi nn es s is demo n st rat ed by the fact that 55% of adoles cen t girls agree with the stat emen t “Yo u don ’t exi st if you can ’t get peop l e’s att en tio n by hav ing a nice, perfect figu re” (Ro mer, 1996 , as cited by Meeh an & Kat zman , 200 1 ). In addi tio n , Arg enti n a’s capit al Buen os Aires has been referred to as the cap it al of cos met i c surg ery ( The Week , 2007 , Janu ary 23) and the epi cent er of an “ ep id emi c of eati ng dis o rd ers ” (Gord on , 200 1). 35 Body image research on Argentinean adolescents Few s tud i es exami n e A rg enti n ean ado lescen ts ’ bod y i mag e ; i n fact , I hav e found onl y fiv e stud ies of Arg enti n ean ado lescen ts ’ bod y imag e (Bl arrin a, Gut i érrez - Martí nez, Fachin nell i, & Lóp ez, 2007 ; Cas ull o , Gon zál ez, Sifre, & Mart orell, 2000 ; Forman & Morel lo , 2003 ; McArt hu r, Hol b ert , & Peñ a, 200 5; Rut s zt ei n et al., 2010 ). Forman and Morello (200 3) exami n ed weig ht con cern s and percei ved diffi cul t y of quit ting smo k ing amo n g 14- and 17 -year -o ld Arg ent in ean ado l es cent s . In terms of wei ght con cerns , they demo n s t rat ed that percei ved fatn ess , dri v e for thin ness , and frequ en t dieti ng were more commo n amo n g Arg enti n ean girls than boys , cong ruent with well -es t abl ish ed sex differen ces ident i fi ed in int ern atio nal stu di es . Simi l arly, Blarrin a et al. (20 07 ) foun d that 15 – 1 8 -year - o ld Argent inean boys general l y had a more pos it iv e bod y imag e and were hap pi er and less anxi ous than were their femal e cou nt erparts . Rut szt ein et al. (201 0 ) exami ned eat ing diso rd er charact eris ti cs (in clud ing bod y dis sati sfact io n) amo n g Arg en tin ean ado lescent s who were dan ce stu dent s , high schoo l stud ent s , or pat i ent s with an eatin g diso rder. Thei r r esul ts sho wed that , in levels of bod y diss atis fact ion , dan ce stud en ts were more simi l ar to pat i ent s with an eati ng diso rder than to high sch oo l stud en ts , ind i cati ng the severi t y of bod y imag e concern s amo ng Arg ent in e an dan ce stud ents . Cross- cultural comp arisons w ith Argentinean adolescents. Th e other two stud ies on Arg ent in e an ado les cent s ’ bod y imag e are cro ss - cu ltu ral . Casu ll o et al. (2000 ) inv es ti gat ed driv e for thi nn ess , bod y dissat is facti on , and perfecti oni s m amo n g 13 – 1 9 -year -o ld boys and girls in Arg ent in a and Spain . Thei r r esu lt s sho wed that you ng er adol escent s were more lik el y to experien ce driv e for thin n ess , bod y diss at is facti on , and perfect io nis m than were old er ado l es cent s , and that Spani sh adol escen ts were more lik el y to exp erience these con cern s than were Arg enti n ean ado les cen ts . Fin all y , McArt h u r et al. (2005 ) exami n ed att itu din a l and percep tu al bod y imag e amo n g 1272 adol es cen ts (age d 12 – 1 9 years ) fro m six citi es in Lati n Ameri ca ( i.e., Buenos Aires in Arg enti na, Sant i ago in Chil e, Guat emal a Cit y in Guate mal a, Hav ana in Cub a, Lima in Peru , and Panama Cit y in Pan ama). Al mo s t 40% of the normal -wei ght adol escen ts fro m all thes e cit ies indi cat ed a preferen ce to be thi n n er, alth oug h a large propo rt io n of the nor mal -weig ht adol escen ts alread y percei ved thems el v es as thi n . Cong ruent with the find ing s of Forman and Morel lo (2003 ) and Blarri n a et al. (20 07 ) on sex differenc es , femal es in all citi es except Havan a had stron g er desi res to be thi nn er than did boys . This sex differen ce was mos t obvio us in 3 6 Bu en os Aires , Argenti n a, where 62% of the femal es , but onl y 28% of the mal es , woul d prefer to be thinn er. In addi tio n , the preference for bei ng thi nn er was app aren t in tho se of b ot h lower and high er soci o -eco no mi c statu s (SES ) in Buen os Aires , whereas it was typ i cal l y evi d ent onl y amo n g thos e of hig her SES in the oth er exami n ed citi es . Thes e fin din gs con firm that bod il y con cern and dis sati sfact io n ma y b e fai rl y wid es p read pro bl ems amo n g you ng Arg en tin e an s, especiall y amo n g girl s , thou gh , as men ti on ed abov e , there is a pau cit y of res earch fro m and into this area of the world . Summary of adolescents’ b ody image across cultures: The Sw edish and Argentinean contex ts Sev eral featu res of the Swed is h and Argen tin ean cult ure s mak e them valu able con t ext s for res earch on adol es cen ts ’ body i mag e. Swed is h societ y, whi ch is post in dus t ri al and ind iv idu al is ti c with a focu s on thin ness and att ractiv en ess , seem s to inclu de ma n y featu res rel at ed to ado l es cent s ’ bod y imag e con cerns . Howev er , Swed ish societ y is different becaus e of its valui ng of mod est y and con fo rmi t y, and for bei ng cons id ered one of the mos t gen d er -eq ual coun tr i es in the world . If we consi d er gend er differen ces in bod y i mag e as refl ect i n g gen d ered power stru ct u res , mig ht ado l es cen ts , girl s in part i cul ar, gro wi ng up in a rel at iv el y gen d er - equ al soci et y be les s lik el y to exp eri en ce bod y i mag e con cern s? Arg enti n ean soci et y, in cont ra s t , with its mach i s mo men and peti te women , mig h t imp l y more rig id gen dered structu res , perh aps increas ing the lik el iho od of gen d er differences in bod y imag e. Prev io us res earch seem s to supp o rt thi s view (Bl arri na et al., 2007; Forman & Morel lo; McArth u r et al., 2005 ). Arg ent in ean soci et y’s focu s on femal e thinn es s and beau t y furth er emp h as i zes that Arg en ti nean ado l es cent s , girls in parti cul ar, may be at great ris k of exp eri en cing body i mag e con cerns . Howev er , the col lect iv ist i c valu es of Arg enti n ean soci et y ma y offer pro t ecti on agai nst such con cerns. It is u nclear whether the cul tu ral differen ces bet ween Swed ish and Arg enti n ean soci et y ma y affect the bod y i mag e of adol escent s in the two con t ext s . To my knowl edg e, the s e soci et ies hav e nev er befo re been the sub ject of cro ss -cu ltu ral comp ari son . 37 Aft er havin g in t rodu ced the cul tu ral app ro ach to adol escen ts ’ bod y imag e, I wil l now con si der ano th er app roach to ado l es cent s ’ bod y i mag e: posi ti ve psych o log y and ado l es cent s ’ posi tiv e bod y i mag e. 3 6 Bu en os Aires , Argenti n a, where 62% of the femal es , but onl y 28% of the mal es , woul d prefer to be thinn er. In addi tio n , the preference for bei ng thi nn er was app aren t in tho se of b ot h lower and high er soci o -eco no mi c statu s (SES ) in Buen os Aires , whereas it was typ i cal l y evi d ent onl y amo n g thos e of hig her SES in the oth er exami n ed citi es . Thes e fin din gs con firm that bod il y con cern and dis sati sfact io n ma y b e fai rl y wid es p read pro bl ems amo n g you ng Arg en tin ean s, especiall y amo n g girl s , thou gh , as men ti on ed abov e , there is a pau cit y of res earch fro m and into this area of the world . Summary of adolescents’ b ody image across cultures: The Sw edish and Argentinean contex ts Sev eral featu res of the Swed is h and Argen tin ean cult ure s mak e them valu able con t ext s for res earch on adol es cen ts ’ body i mag e. Swed is h societ y, whi ch is post in dus t ri al and ind iv idu al is ti c with a focu s on thin ness and att ractiv en ess , seem s to inclu de ma n y featu res rel at ed to ado l es cent s ’ bod y imag e con cerns . Howev er , Swed ish societ y is different becaus e of its valui ng of mod est y and con fo rmi t y, and for bei ng cons id ered one of the mos t gen d er -eq ual coun tr i es in the world . If we consi d er gend er differen ces in bod y i mag e as refl ect i n g gen d ered power stru ct u res , mig ht ado l es cen ts , girl s in part i cul ar, gro wi ng up in a rel at iv el y gen d er - equ al soci et y be les s lik el y to exp eri en ce bod y i mag e con cern s? Arg enti n ean soci et y, in cont ra s t , with its mach i s mo men and peti te women , mig h t imp l y more rig id gen dered structu res , perh aps increas ing the lik el iho od of gen d er differences in bod y imag e. Prev io us res earch seem s to supp o rt thi s view (Bl arri na et al., 2007; Forman & Morel lo; McArth u r et al., 2005 ). Arg ent in ean soci et y’s focu s on femal e thinn es s and beau t y furth er emp h as i zes that Arg en ti nean ado l es cent s , girls in parti cul ar, may be at great ris k of exp eri en cing body i mag e con cerns . Howev er , the col lect iv ist i c valu es of Arg enti n ean soci et y ma y offer pro t ecti on agai nst such con cerns. It is u nclear whether the cul tu ral differen ces bet ween Swed ish and Arg enti n ean soci et y ma y affect the bod y i mag e of adol escent s in the two con t ext s . To my knowl edg e, the s e soci et ies hav e nev er befo re been the sub ject of cro ss -cu ltu ral comp ari son . 37 Aft er havin g in t rodu ced the cul tu ral app ro ach to adol escen ts ’ bod y imag e, I wil l now con si der ano th er app roach to ado l es cent s ’ bod y i mag e: posi ti ve psych o log y and ado l es cent s ’ posi tiv e bod y i mag e. 3 8 ADOLESCENTS’ POSITIV E BODY IMAGE So far, this thes is has focus ed mai n l y on neg ati ve bod y i mag e and low bod y - es teem. Lik ewis e, in the fiel d of bod y i ma g e res earch , mos t research , theo ri zi ng , and tho ugh t is pathol og y focus ed , emp h as i zin g the con cep t of neg at iv e bod y imag e (S mo l ak & Cas h , 201 1; Tyl k a, 201 2 ). In man y wa ys , thi s focu s does mak e sens e. As dis cu ss ed abo v e , havi ng a neg at iv e bod y i mag e is so commo n that it is sadl y cons id ered the mos t stand ard way to rel at e to one’s bod y. In add it ion , the neg ati ve con s equ en ces of low bod y -es t eem are man y and seri ous , so furt her res earch in the area is imp o rt an t in ord er to guid e futu re int erv en tion and prev ent io n . Stil l , it must be ack no wl edg ed that there are peop l e out there who are not dissati sfi ed wit h thei r bod ies , peopl e who rel at e to thei r bod ies in vari ous ways tha t ma y n ot be consi d ered “st an dard , ” peo pl e who mig ht even be happ y with the way they look . Most imp o rt an tl y, acco rdi ng to the ideas of posi tive psych olo g y, we mi g ht not be abl e to prov id e the best int erv ent ion s and prev en t ati v e meas u res unti l we kno w how they — p eo pl e wit h a posi ti ve bod y imag e —rel at e to their bodi es . Positive p sychology Po sit iv e psych olo g y is an area in the sci en ce of psych ol og y that has flo u ris h ed durin g the las t decade. The fiel d has emerg ed in respo ns e to the imb al an ce in tod ay’s psych o lo g y , whi ch focus e s mai n ly on the neg ativ e asp ect s of human psych olo gi cal exi st ence . Unl ik e mos t of today’s psych o log y res earch , whi ch is preo ccu pi ed with peop l e’s ill - b ei ng , weakn es s es , and sufferin g , posi tiv e psych olo g y concent rat es on peop le’s wel l -b ein g , streng ths , and hap pin ess (Gu d mu n dsd ott i r, 2011 ). Acco rd ing to Seli g man (20 03 ), the best -kno wn propo nent of the field , the sci en ce of pos it iv e psych o log y is mai nl y abo ut three aspects: 1) peopl e’s posi ti ve exp eri en ces in the pas t , pres en t , and futu re, 2) the charact eris ti cs of peop l e’s streng ths and virt ues , and 3) pos it iv e ins ti tut ion s and posi ti ve commu n i t i es. The curren t aims of posi tiv e psych olo g y are in line with 39 t h es e three asp ects and invol ve ass ess me n t (e.g . , how to meas u re strengt hs and virtu es), int e rv enti on (e.g . , how to bui ld on these streng ths and virtu es ), and life - s p an dev el op men t (ho w peop le’s stren gth s and virt ues chang e over the cou rs e of life ; Sel ig man , 200 3). The overall idea of pos iti v e psycho lo gy is not onl y to fost er a more comp l et e and b al an ced scien ti fi c underst an din g of the human exp erience , whi ch con cern s more than jus t path olo g y; i t is als o about und erst andi ng what mak es peo pl e feel good and help s other peo pl e feel good . As Keyes and Haid t (2003 ) put it, “po s iti ve psych olo g y aims to help peop l e live and flo uris h rath er than merel y exi s t ” (p. 3). An imp o rt an t obs ervat ion of pos it iv e psych olo g y is the pro bl emat i c fact that psych olo gi cal interv en tio ns are bas ed mos t l y on path olo g y -fo cu s ed res earch and are int end ed to prev en t “ bad thin gs ” fro m happ en in g rath er than enabl ing “ go o d thi ngs ” to happ en . Ind eed , it has been argu ed that “ps ycho lo g y remai n s tod ay ill - equ ipp ed to help indiv id uals to live healt hi er and more mean i ng ful liv es . It has a box ful l of tool s to work on stress , dis eas e, and dys fu n ct ion , but prev en ti ng the wors t fro m hap peni ng does not equ al pro mo t i ng the bes t in peo pl e” (Keyes & Hai dt , 2003 , p. 5 ). Simi larl y, Sel i g man (2003) stres ses that if we base our int erv ent io ns sol el y on path ol og y -fo cus ed res earch , the best res ul t that even a n opt i mal ly succes sful intervent io n pro g ram can achi eve is to att ain “zero ” path ol og y . Simp l y re mo v i ng neg ati v e/ mal ad ap tiv e charact e ris ti cs but not teach ing posi tiv e/adap ti ve one s wil l lik ely res u lt in lan gui shin g (Tyl k a, 2012 ). This is an int ermed i ate state of men t al health charact eri zed by a lack of psych op ath ol og y but an abs en ce of vit al it y, mean i ng that peop l e who are langu ish ing do not ful l y experien ce the joys of life or hav e sup eri o r well -being (Tyl k a, 201 2 ). To imp ro ve psych ol og i ca l int erv en t ion s , we firs t need to iden ti fy hu man streng ths and virtu es , and then amp l i fy and con cent rat e thes e in peop le at risk (Seli g man , 2002 ). Positive p sychology in the b ody image field Unfo rtu n at el y, the ideas of pos iti v e psych o log y hav e so far had littl e e ffect on the bod y imag e fiel d . As men t ion ed previo usl y , bod y imag e res earch is almo s t excl usi v el y path olo gy focu s ed , cen tering on the negativ e asp ect s of bod y imag e (Cash & Pru zins k y, 2002 ; Tyl k a, 201 1 ). Whi l e such res earch has pro du ced a 3 8 ADOLESCENTS’ POSITIV E BODY IMAGE So far, this thes is has focus ed mai n l y on neg ati ve bod y i mag e and low bod y - es teem. Lik ewis e, in the fiel d of bod y i ma g e res earch , mos t research , theo ri zi ng , and tho ugh t is pathol og y focus ed , emp h as i zin g the con cep t of neg at iv e bod y imag e (S mo l ak & Cas h , 201 1; Tyl k a, 201 2 ). In man y wa ys , thi s focu s does mak e sens e. As dis cu ss ed abo v e , havi ng a neg at iv e bod y i mag e is so commo n that it is sadl y cons id ered the mos t stand ard way to rel at e to one’s bod y. In add it ion , the neg ati ve con s equ en ces of low bod y -es t eem are man y and seri ous , so furt her res earch in the area is imp o rt an t in ord er to guid e futu re int erv en tion and prev ent io n . Stil l , it must be ack no wl edg ed that there are peop l e out there who are not dissati sfi ed wit h thei r bod ies , peopl e who rel at e to thei r bod ies in vari ous ways tha t ma y n ot be consi d ered “st an dard , ” peo pl e who mig ht even be happ y with the way they look . Most imp o rt an tl y, acco rdi ng to the ideas of posi tive psych olo g y, we mi g ht not be abl e to prov id e the best int erv ent ion s and prev en t ati v e meas u res unti l we kno w how they — p eo pl e wit h a posi ti ve bod y imag e —rel at e to their bodi es . Positive p sychology Po sit iv e psych olo g y is an area in the sci en ce of psych ol og y that has flo u ris h ed durin g the las t decade. The fiel d has emerg ed in respo ns e to the imb al an ce in tod ay’s psych o lo g y , whi ch focus e s mai n ly on the neg ativ e asp ect s of human psych olo gi cal exi st ence . Unl ik e mos t of today’s psych o log y res earch , whi ch is preo ccu pi ed with peop l e’s ill - b ei ng , weakn es s es , and sufferin g , posi tiv e psych olo g y concent rat es on peop le’s wel l -b ein g , streng ths , and hap pin ess (Gu d mu n dsd ott i r, 2011 ). Acco rd ing to Seli g man (20 03 ), the best -kno wn propo nent of the field , the sci en ce of pos it iv e psych o log y is mai nl y abo ut three aspects: 1) peopl e’s posi ti ve exp eri en ces in the pas t , pres en t , and futu re, 2) the charact eris ti cs of peop l e’s streng ths and virt ues , and 3) pos it iv e ins ti tut ion s and posi ti ve commu n i t i es. The curren t aims of posi tiv e psych olo g y are in line with 39 t h es e three asp ects and invol ve ass ess me n t (e.g . , how to meas u re strengt hs and virtu es), int e rv enti on (e.g . , how to bui ld on these streng ths and virtu es ), and life - s p an dev el op men t (ho w peop le’s stren gth s and virt ues chang e over the cou rs e of life ; Sel ig man , 200 3). The overall idea of pos iti v e psycho lo gy is not onl y to fost er a more comp l et e and b al an ced scien ti fi c underst an din g of the human exp erience , whi ch con cern s more than jus t path olo g y; i t is als o about und erst andi ng what mak es peo pl e feel good and help s other peo pl e feel good . As Keyes and Haid t (2003 ) put it, “po s iti ve psych olo g y aims to help peop l e live and flo uris h rath er than merel y exi s t ” (p. 3). An imp o rt an t obs ervat ion of pos it iv e psych olo g y is the pro bl emat i c fact that psych olo gi cal interv en tio ns are bas ed mos t l y on path olo g y -fo cu s ed res earch and are int end ed to prev en t “ bad thin gs ” fro m happ en in g rath er than enabl ing “ go o d thi ngs ” to happ en . Ind eed , it has been argu ed that “ps ycho lo g y remai n s tod ay ill - equ ipp ed to help indiv id uals to live healt hi er and more mean i ng ful liv es . It has a box ful l of tool s to work on stress , dis eas e, and dys fu n ct ion , but prev en ti ng the wors t fro m hap peni ng does not equ al pro mo t i ng the bes t in peo pl e” (Keyes & Hai dt , 2003 , p. 5 ). Simi larl y, Sel i g man (2003) stres ses that if we base our int erv ent io ns sol el y on path ol og y -fo cus ed res earch , the best res ul t that even a n opt i mal ly succes sful intervent io n pro g ram can achi eve is to att ain “zero ” path ol og y . Simp l y re mo v i ng neg ati v e/ mal ad ap tiv e charact e ris ti cs but not teach ing posi tiv e/adap ti ve one s wil l lik ely res u lt in lan gui shin g (Tyl k a, 2012 ). This is an int ermed i ate state of men t al health charact eri zed by a lack of psych op ath ol og y but an abs en ce of vit al it y, mean i ng that peop l e who are langu ish ing do not ful l y experien ce the joys of life or hav e sup eri o r well -being (Tyl k a, 201 2 ). To imp ro ve psych ol og i cal int erv en t ion s , we firs t need to iden ti fy hu man streng ths and virtu es , and then amp l i fy and con cent rat e thes e in peop le at risk (Seli g man , 2002 ). Positive p sychology in the b ody image field Unfo rtu n at el y, the ideas of pos iti v e psych o log y hav e so far had littl e e ffect on the bod y imag e fiel d . As men t ion ed previo usl y , bod y imag e res earch is almo s t excl usi v el y path olo gy focu s ed , cen tering on the negativ e asp ect s of bod y imag e (Cash & Pru zins k y, 2002 ; Tyl k a, 201 1 ). Whi l e such res earch has pro du ced a 4 0 ri ch underst and in g of negati ve bod y i mag e, our und erst an din g of pos it iv e bod y imag e is stil l very poo r. In fact , it was long ass u med that pos it iv e bod y imag e was simp l y the oppos it e of neg at iv e bod y imag e, and that the con cep t therefo re need ed no furth er inves tig atio n . Body ap p reciation St riegel -Moo re and Cach eli n (19 99 ) were amo n g the firs t res earch ers to start thi nki ng of posit iv e bod y i mag e as some t hi ng more than jus t the oppo si te of neg ativ e bod y i mag e. Some years lat er, Aval os et al. (200 5) devel op ed the Bod y App rec i ati on Scal e (BAS) to meas u re an aspect of posit iv e bod y i mag e referred to as “bo d y app recia tio n .” They defi ned bod y app reci ati on as comp ri s i ng sev eral posi ti ve bod y i mag e quali ti es : a) favo rab le opi nio ns of the bod y reg ardl ess of actu al phys i cal appearan c e, b) accep tan ce of the bod y de s pi te its weigh t , shap e, and imp erfecti ons , c) resp ect for the bod y by att en di ng to its need s and eng ag ing in healt h y behavio rs , and d) pro tectio n of the bod y by reject i ng unrealis ti c bod y imag es port rayed in the med i a. Sin ce the dev elop men t of the BAS, sev eral stud i es hav e exami n ed bod y app reci atio n , mai nl y in adult samp l es . Bod y app reci atio n has been asso ci ated with hig her sel f -est eem (Swa mi , Airs , Cho uh an , Leo n , & Towell , 2009 ; Swami , Sti eg er, Hau bn er, & Voracek , 2008 ), great er psych o log i cal wel l - b ein g , les s body shame and bod y preo ccup atio n , and fewer eati ng diso rder symp t o ms (Av al o s et al., 2005 ). Furth ermo r e, bod y app reci atio n has been ass o ci at ed with lower BMI (Swami , 2009 , Swami & Chamo rro -Premu zi c, 2008 ; Swami , Had ji - Mi ch ael , & Furnh am, 2008 ), intui ti ve eati ng (Aug us tus -Ho rv ath & Tyl k a, 2011 ), adapt iv e perfect ion ism (Ian n antu ono & Tyl k a, 201 2), and less tradi ti on al femi n i ni t y ideo log y (Swa mi & Abb as n ejad , 2010 ). To my kno wl edg e, onl y two studi es hav e exami n ed bod y appr eci ation amo n g adol es cen ts . Lund e (20 13 ) invest ig ated bod y app reci ati on , attit ud es to cos met i c surg ery, bod y ideal int ern al i zatio n , and the frequ ency of fash io n blo g readi ng in a samp l e of 110 Swed ish adoles cen ts aged 16 – 1 8 years . The r esul ts sho wed no rel atio nsh ip bet ween bod y app reci at ion , bod y ideal int ern al i zati on , and atti tud es to cosmet i c surg ery, perh ap s due to the smal l samp l e size or becaus e the facto rs stud i ed are simp l y more rel ated to negat iv e asp ects of ado l es cent s ’ bod y imag e. Lob era and Rios (20 11 ) exami n ed a samp l e of 312 Span is h ado les cents and fou nd that bod y app reciatio n was related to lower BMI, less stres s and soci al with d rawal , and higher sel f -est eem and adap tiv e copi ng . In lin e wit h what one mig h t exp ect con si derin g the gend er differen ces fou nd in 41 res earch on neg ative bod y imag e, girls in bot h the afo remen tio ne d studi es exp erienced lower bod y app reciati on than did boys . Amo n g adu lt s , onl y three stud i es of bod y app reci at ion hav e inclu ded men (Swami , Had ji -Mi chael et al., 2008 ; Swami & Ja afar, 201 2; Swami , Sti eg er et al., 2008 ). Int eres tin gl y, these stud i es have foun d inco ns ist ent resu lt s in terms of gend er differen ces in bod y app reci atio n . Whi le Indon esi an men had high er bod y app reciatio n than did their femal e coun t erparts (Swa mi & Jaafar , 2012 ), there were no gen der differences in bod y appreci atio n amo n g Bri tis h adul ts (Swa mi , Had ji - Mi chael et al., 200 8), and onl y a s mal l gend er difference amo n g Ger man adul ts (Swami , Sti eger et al., 2008 ). In- dep th research on p ositive b ody image Wh i l e quan ti tati ve stu di es on posi ti ve bod y i mag e and bod y app reci atio n are imp o rt an t in ord er to elu ci d at e the fact o rs ass oci at ed with posit iv e bod y imag e, in- d ept h stud i es are essent ial in ord er to ident i fy addi tio nal charact eris ti cs of posi ti ve bod y imag e. T o inv esti g at e charact eris ti cs of pos itiv e bod y imag e, Woo d -Barcal o w et al. (201 0) int ervi ewed five bod y imag e experts and a group of 15 col l eg e wome n (ag e d 18 – 21 years ) clas si fi ed as hav ing a pos it iv e bod y imag e. The res earchers were able to iden ti fy a ran g e of posit iv e bod y i mag e charact eris ti cs , includ ing app reci at ion of the uniq ue beau t y and fun ct io nali t y of one’s bod y, a bro ad defi ni tio n of beau t y, and an emp h as is on the bod y’s ass ets whil e min i mi zi ng perceiv ed imp erfect io ns . The parti ci pati ng women als o felt that the inn er posit ivi t y that they exp eri enced influ en ced thei r out er demean or, and that their fami l y, fri ends , and partn ers unco ndi tio n all y accept ed them as they were. Some of the women also spoke abo ut how thei r reli gi on/ spi ritu alit y help ed them pres erve their pos it iv e body i mag e , in that they bel i ev ed that a high er power had des ign ed them to be speci al and that they therefo re shou ld hono r thei r bodi es . In rel at io n to the pro cess es by whi ch the s e women int erp ret ed and intern ali z ed info rmat io n abo ut thei r bodi es , Woo d -Barcal o w et al. (20 10 ) prop os ed a mod el illu st rati ng how the women creat ed a “fi l t er” to blo ck out imag es and mes s ag es that cou ld end ang er thei r posit iv e bod y imag e whil e int ern al izin g info rmat i on that pres erv ed thei r posit iv e bod y imag e. Howev er, as not ed by the autho rs , it is unk no wn wheth er thes e fin din gs can be extend ed to oth er sa mp l es of different age s or fro m different cul tu res or geo g raph ical locat ion s . Furth ermo re, it is unkn o wn wheth er the characterist i cs 4 0 ri ch underst and in g of negati ve bod y i mag e, our und erst an din g of pos it iv e bod y imag e is stil l very poo r. In fact , it was long ass u med that pos it iv e bod y imag e was simp l y the oppos it e of neg at iv e bod y imag e, and that the con cep t therefo re need ed no furth er inves tig atio n . Body ap p reciation St riegel -Moo re and Cach eli n (19 99 ) were amo n g the firs t res earch ers to start thi nki ng of posit iv e bod y i mag e as some t hi ng more than jus t the oppo si te of neg ativ e bod y i mag e. Some years lat er, Aval os et al. (200 5) devel op ed the Bod y App rec i ati on Scal e (BAS) to meas u re an aspect of posit iv e bod y i mag e referred to as “bo d y app recia tio n .” They defi ned bod y app reci ati on as comp ri s i ng sev eral posi ti ve bod y i mag e quali ti es : a) favo rab le opi nio ns of the bod y reg ardl ess of actu al phys i cal appearan c e, b) accep tan ce of the bod y de s pi te its weigh t , shap e, and imp erfecti ons , c) resp ect for the bod y by att en di ng to its need s and eng ag ing in healt h y behavio rs , and d) pro tectio n of the bod y by reject i ng unrealis ti c bod y imag es port rayed in the med i a. Sin ce the dev elop men t of the BAS, sev eral stud i es hav e exami n ed bod y app reci atio n , mai nl y in adult samp l es . Bod y app reci atio n has been asso ci ated with hig her sel f -est eem (Swa mi , Airs , Cho uh an , Leo n , & Towell , 2009 ; Swami , Sti eg er, Hau bn er, & Voracek , 2008 ), great er psych o log i cal wel l - b ein g , les s body shame and bod y preo ccup atio n , and fewer eati ng diso rder symp t o ms (Av al o s et al., 2005 ). Furth ermo re, bod y app reci atio n has been ass o ci at ed with lower BMI (Swami , 2009 , Swami & Chamo rro -Premu zi c, 2008 ; Swami , Had ji - Mi ch ael , & Furnh am, 2008 ), intui ti ve eati ng (Aug us tus -Ho rv ath & Tyl k a, 2011 ), adapt iv e perfect ion ism (Ian n antu ono & Tyl k a, 201 2), and less tradi ti on al femi n i ni t y ideo log y (Swa mi & Abb as n ejad , 2010 ). To my kno wl edg e, onl y two studi es hav e exami n ed bod y appr eci ation amo n g adol es cen ts . Lund e (20 13 ) invest ig ated bod y app reci ati on , attit ud es to cos met i c surg ery, bod y ideal int ern al i zatio n , and the frequ ency of fash io n blo g readi ng in a samp l e of 110 Swed ish adoles cen ts aged 16 – 1 8 years . The r esul ts sho wed no rel atio nsh ip bet ween bod y app reci at ion , bod y ideal int ern al i zati on , and atti tud es to cosmet i c surg ery, perh ap s due to the smal l samp l e size or becaus e the facto rs stud i ed are simp l y more rel ated to negat iv e asp ects of ado l es cent s ’ bod y imag e. Lob era and Rios (20 11 ) exami n ed a samp l e of 312 Span is h ado les cents and fou nd that bod y app reciatio n was related to lower BMI, less stres s and soci al with d rawal , and higher sel f -est eem and adap tiv e copi ng . In lin e wit h what one mig h t exp ect con si derin g the gend er differen ces fou nd in 41 res earch on neg ative bod y imag e, girls in bot h the afo remen tio ne d studi es exp erienced lower bod y app reciati on than did boys . Amo n g adu lt s , onl y three stud i es of bod y app reci at ion hav e inclu ded men (Swami , Had ji -Mi chael et al., 2008 ; Swami & Ja afar, 201 2; Swami , Sti eg er et al., 2008 ). Int eres tin gl y, these stud i es have foun d inco ns ist ent resu lt s in terms of gend er differen ces in bod y app reci atio n . Whi le Indon esi an men had high er bod y app reciatio n than did their femal e coun t erparts (Swa mi & Jaafar , 2012 ), there were no gen der differences in bod y appreci atio n amo n g Bri tis h adul ts (Swa mi , Had ji - Mi chael et al., 200 8), and onl y a s mal l gend er difference amo n g Ger man adul ts (Swami , Sti eger et al., 2008 ). In- dep th research on p ositive b ody image Wh i l e quan ti tati ve stu di es on posi ti ve bod y i mag e and bod y app reci atio n are imp o rt an t in ord er to elu ci d at e the fact o rs ass oci at ed with posit iv e bod y imag e, in- d ept h stud i es are essent ial in ord er to ident i fy addi tio nal charact eris ti cs of posi ti ve bod y imag e. T o inv esti g at e charact eris ti cs of pos itiv e bod y imag e, Woo d -Barcal o w et al. (201 0) int ervi ewed five bod y imag e experts and a group of 15 col l eg e wome n (ag e d 18 – 21 years ) clas si fi ed as hav ing a pos it iv e bod y imag e. The res earchers were able to iden ti fy a ran g e of posit iv e bod y i mag e charact eris ti cs , includ ing app reci at ion of the uniq ue beau t y and fun ct io nali t y of one’s bod y, a bro ad defi ni tio n of beau t y, and an emp h as is on the bod y’s ass ets whil e min i mi zi ng perceiv ed imp erfect io ns . The parti ci pati ng women als o felt that the inn er posit ivi t y that they exp eri enced influ en ced thei r out er demean or, and that their fami l y, fri ends , and partn ers unco ndi tio n all y accept ed them as they were. Some of the women also spoke abo ut how thei r reli gi on/ spi ritu alit y help ed them pres erve their pos it iv e body i mag e , in that they bel i ev ed that a high er power had des ign ed them to be speci al and that they therefo re shou ld hono r thei r bodi es . In rel at io n to the pro cess es by whi ch the s e women int erp ret ed and intern ali z ed info rmat io n abo ut thei r bodi es , Woo d -Barcal o w et al. (20 10 ) prop os ed a mod el illu st rati ng how the women creat ed a “fi l t er” to blo ck out imag es and mes s ag es that cou ld end ang er thei r posit iv e bod y imag e whil e int ern al izin g info rmat i on that pres erv ed thei r posit iv e bod y imag e. Howev er, as not ed by the autho rs , it is unk no wn wheth er thes e fin din gs can be extend ed to oth er sa mp l es of different age s or fro m different cul tu res or geo g raph ical locat ion s . Furth ermo re, it is unkn o wn wheth er the characterist i cs 4 2 o f men ’s pos iti ve bod y imag e are the same as thos e of women ’ s (Wo o d - Barcal o w et al., 201 0). 43 GENER AL AIMS Th is thes is has two gen eral aims . Firs t , the thesis aims to exami ne ado l es cent s ’ bod y i mag e using a cul tu ral app ro ach . By focus ing on two cul tu ral con t ext s , the Swed i s h and the Argent in ean , this thes is inv esti gat es how ado l es cent s gro wi ng up in thes e dist in ct , thoug h not dis si mi l ar cultu res come to view thei r own bod ies . The thes is also tak es a parti cul ar l y clos e loo k at the Swed ish con t ext , exami n i n g a ran g e of fact or s asso ciat ed wit h Swedi sh girls ’ and boys ’ bod y i mag e. Second , this thesi s aims to ext end our und erst a ndi ng of the almo s t unexp lo red con cep t of posi ti ve bod y imag e. Bei ng the firs t to qual it at iv e l y stud y posi ti ve bod y imag e charact eris ti cs amo ng adol escen t boys and girls , it aims to elucid at e charact eri sti cs of adol es cen ts ’ posi tiv e bod y i mag e in terms of how ado l es cent s rel ate to their own bod i es , appearance ideal s , views o f exerci se , and influ en ce of fami l y and fri end s . 4 2 o f men ’s pos iti ve bod y imag e are the same as thos e of women ’ s (Wo o d - Barcal o w et al., 201 0). 43 GENER AL AIMS Th is thes is has two gen eral aims . Firs t , the thesis aims to exami ne ado l es cent s ’ bod y i mag e using a cul tu ral app ro ach . By focus ing on two cul tu ral con t ext s , the Swed i s h and the Argent in ean , this thes is inv esti gat es how ado l es cent s gro wi ng up in thes e dist in ct , thoug h not dis si mi l ar cultu res come to view thei r own bod ies . The thes is also tak es a parti cul ar l y clos e loo k at the Swed ish con t ext , exami n i n g a ran g e of fact or s asso ciat ed wit h Swedi sh girls ’ and boys ’ bod y i mag e. Second , this thesi s aims to ext end our und erst a ndi ng of the almo s t unexp lo red con cep t of posi ti ve bod y imag e. Bei ng the firs t to qual it at iv e l y stud y posi ti ve bod y imag e charact eris ti cs amo ng adol escen t boys and girls , it aims to elucid at e charact eri sti cs of adol es cen ts ’ posi tiv e bod y i mag e in terms of how ado l es cent s rel ate to their own bod i es , appearance ideal s , views o f exerci se , and influ en ce of fami l y and fri end s . 4 4 SU MMAR Y OF THE STU DIES Th e cons ti tu en t papers of this thes is are bas ed on an ongoi ng Swedis h long it udi nal stu d y, the MOS pro ject , det ails of whi ch wil l be outl in ed belo w. The MOS p roj ect “ MOS ” refers to the Swedi sh “Mo bbn ing och Sko l a ,” mean in g “b u l l yi ng and s choo l . ” D es pit e its name, the MOS pro ject has inv es tig ated both bull yi n g and bod y i mag e fro m the start , alt hou gh bod y i mag e has been more emp h asi zed as the parti ci p ant s hav e gro wn old er. The project was init iat ed in the year 2000 in Goth en bu rg , Sweden’s seco nd larg est city. Part i cip an t s were recruit ed amo ng fourth - g rad e stu d ent s (10 -year -old s ) in 53 pub li c schoo ls situ at ed in different socio -econ o mi c areas of the cit y (Erl in g & Hwang , 200 4a , 200 4 b ). The samp l e at the first meas u ring point in the MOS pro ject cons is te d of 960 parti cip ant s (515 girls , 445 boys ). Sin ce then , the pro ject has coll ect ed dat a using quest ion n ai res at fiv e time point s , at ages 10, 13, 16, 18, and 21 years , and on ce , at age 14 years , using int erv i ews with a smal l samp l e recru it ed fro m the large long it udi nal samp l e. This thesis is bas ed on the ques ti onn ai re data coll ect ed at age s 13 and 16, and on the qual it ativ e dat a coll ect ed at age 14 (see Tab l e 1 ). For the cros s - cult u ral comp ari s on with Arg ent in ean adol escen ts at age 13 , dat a w ere coll ect ed sep arat el y in Arg ent in a. Furth er det ai ls on the data coll ect ion are describ ed in the indi vi du al stud i es . T ab l e 1. Age of part i ci pa nt s in each stud y. Ag e Stud y I Stud y II Stud y III Stud y IV 13 years ● 14 years ● ● 16 years ● 45 Study I Gi v en the imp act of cul tu re on bod y imag e, cross -cu lt ural comp aris on s of ado l es cent s ’ bod y imag e are valu ab l e in ord er to full y underst and the bod y imag e phen o men on . Two cult u ral contex ts that hav e never befo re been comp ared are the Swed is h and the Argen tin ean . Both cult ures great l y value phys i cal att ract iv en ess , but differ in cul tu ral norms and valu es con cern ing , for examp l e , mod est y/ ex p ress iv en es s , ind ivi du al is m/ co ll ect ivi s m , and gend er equ alit y/ mach i s mo . It is uncert ain , however, wheth er cul tu ral differen ces such as these pro ject onto the bod y imag e beli efs and bod y -ch an gin g strat eg ies of Swed ish and Argent in ean adol es cen ts . Aim St ud y I aimed to cro ss -cu lt urall y exami n e differen ces in bod y -es t eem, perceiv ed bod y shap e, diet in g , and weig ht loss att emp t s amo n g 13 -year -o ld Argent in ean and Swedi sh adol es cen ts . Particip ants Th e Swed is h parti ci pan ts were fro m the secon d wave of the lon gi tud in al MOS pro ject and comp ri sed 874 ado les ce nt s (474 girls , 400 boys ; mean age 13.6 years , SD = 0.6 ). The Arg ent in ean parti cipa n ts were 358 adol escent s (193 girls , 165 boys ; mean age 13.3 years , SD = 0.8) fro m the cit y of Vil l a Mari a in the heart of Arg ent in a. At least one class fro m each of the 11 seco nd ary scho ols in the cit y took part in the Arg ent in ean stu d y. Procedure Th e S wed is h parti cip an ts ’ quest ion nai res were comp l et ed eith er in the sch ool setti ng duri ng regu l ar clas s es ( n = 626 ) or by parti ci pant s at home , who then mai l ed them to the res earch team ( n = 248 ). The differen t dat a coll ecti on proced u res were used becaus e not all part i cip an ts fro m the firs t wav e coul d be locat ed by visi ti ng the sch oo l they att end ed duri ng the first wave. In Argent in a, pers onal cont act was est ab li sh ed wit h one of the sch ool prin cip als in Vill a Mari a, who was very fa mi l i ar with other sch ool sta ff in the cit y. Thi s prin cip al con t act ed the prin cipal s of all secon dary schoo l s in Vill a Mari a, ask ing them to parti cip at e in the stu d y, to which they all agreed . 4 4 SU MMAR Y OF THE STU DIES Th e cons ti tu en t papers of this thes is are bas ed on an ongoi ng Swedis h long it udi nal stu d y, the MOS pro ject , det ails of whi ch wil l be outl in ed belo w. The MOS p roj ect “ MOS ” refers to the Swedi sh “Mo bbn ing och Sko l a ,” mean in g “b u l l yi ng and s choo l . ” D es pit e its name, the MOS pro ject has inv es tig ated both bull yi n g and bod y i mag e fro m the start , alt hou gh bod y i mag e has been more emp h asi zed as the parti ci p ant s hav e gro wn old er. The project was init iat ed in the year 2000 in Goth en bu rg , Sweden’s seco nd larg est city. Part i cip an t s were recruit ed amo ng fourth - g rad e stu d ent s (10 -year -old s ) in 53 pub li c schoo ls situ at ed in different socio -econ o mi c areas of the cit y (Erl in g & Hwang , 200 4a , 200 4 b ). The samp l e at the first meas u ring point in the MOS pro ject cons is te d of 960 parti cip ant s (515 girls , 445 boys ). Sin ce then , the pro ject has coll ect ed dat a using quest ion n ai res at fiv e time point s , at ages 10, 13, 16, 18, and 21 years , and on ce , at age 14 years , using int erv i ews with a smal l samp l e recru it ed fro m the large long it udi nal samp l e. This thesis is bas ed on the ques ti onn ai re data coll ect ed at age s 13 and 16, and on the qual it ativ e dat a coll ect ed at age 14 (see Tab l e 1 ). For the cros s - cult u ral comp ari s on with Arg ent in ean adol escen ts at age 13 , dat a w ere coll ect ed sep arat el y in Arg ent in a. Furth er det ai ls on the data coll ect ion are describ ed in the indi vi du al stud i es . T ab l e 1. Age of part i ci pa nt s in each stud y. Ag e Stud y I Stud y II Stud y III Stud y IV 13 years ● 14 years ● ● 16 years ● 45 Study I Gi v en the imp act of cul tu re on bod y imag e, cross -cu lt ural comp aris on s of ado l es cent s ’ bod y imag e are valu ab l e in ord er to full y underst and the bod y imag e phen o men on . Two cult u ral contex ts that hav e never befo re been comp ared are the Swed is h and the Argen tin ean . Both cult ures great l y value phys i cal att ract iv en ess , but differ in cul tu ral norms and valu es con cern ing , for examp l e , mod est y/ ex p ress iv en es s , ind ivi du al is m/ co ll ect ivi s m , and gend er equ alit y/ mach i s mo . It is uncert ain , however, wheth er cul tu ral differen ces such as these pro ject onto the bod y imag e beli efs and bod y -ch an gin g strat eg ies of Swed ish and Argent in ean adol es cen ts . Aim St ud y I aimed to cro ss -cu lt urall y exami n e differen ces in bod y -es t eem, perceiv ed bod y shap e, diet in g , and weig ht loss att emp t s amo n g 13 -year -o ld Argent in ean and Swedi sh adol es cen ts . Particip ants Th e Swed is h parti ci pan ts were fro m the secon d wave of the lon gi tud in al MOS pro ject and comp ri sed 874 ado les ce nt s (474 girls , 400 boys ; mean age 13.6 years , SD = 0.6 ). The Arg ent in ean parti cipa n ts were 358 adol escent s (193 girls , 165 boys ; mean age 13.3 years , SD = 0.8) fro m the cit y of Vil l a Mari a in the heart of Arg ent in a. At least one class fro m each of the 11 seco nd ary scho ols in the cit y took part in the Arg ent in e an stu d y. Procedure Th e S wed is h parti cip an ts ’ quest ion nai res were comp l et ed eith er in the sch ool setti ng duri ng regu l ar clas s es ( n = 626 ) or by parti ci pant s at home , who then mai l ed them to the res earch team ( n = 248 ). The differen t dat a coll ecti on proced u res were used becaus e not all part i cip an ts fro m the firs t wav e coul d be locat ed by visi ti ng the sch oo l they att end ed duri ng the first wave. In Argent in a, pers onal cont act was est ab li sh ed wit h one of the sch ool prin cip als in Vill a Mari a, who was very fa mi l i ar with other sch ool sta ff in the cit y. Thi s prin cip al con t act ed the prin cipal s of all secon dary schoo l s in Vill a Mari a, ask ing them to parti cip at e in the stu d y, to which they all agreed . 4 6 In fo rmat i on let t ers and quest io nn ai res were sent to teach ers in the scho ol s and were then di st ri but ed in class . Part i cip ants were assu red of con fid en ti al it y befo re being hand ed the ques ti onn ai re. Measures Bod y i mag e was measu red by the Body -Es t ee m Scal e for Adol escen ts and Adul ts (BESAA), des ign ed by Men d el son et al. (2001 ). The BESAA cov ers three dimen s io ns of bod y -es t eem: Wei g ht (e.g ., “I real l y like what I weigh ”), App earan ce (e.g ., “I lik e what I see when I look in the mirro r”), and Attrib uti on (e.g ., “Peo pl e my own age lik e my looks ”). Part i cip ants indicat e thei r lev el of agreemen t with 24 such stat emen t s on a 5- p oi nt Lik ert scal e rang ing fro m 0 ( “ n ev er ” ) to 4 ( “ al ways ”). The subs cal es hav e hig h int ern al cons is ten cy (Wei g h t α = .92, Appearance α = .92, and Attribution α = .81) and high 3 -mo nt h test - ret es t rel iabi lit y (We i gh t r = .92 , p < .00 1 , App earan ce r = .89 , p < .001 , and Att ri but io n r = .83 , p < .001 ; Mend el son et al., 2001 ). BMI was cal cu l at ed bas ed on sel f - repo rt ed heigh t and weig ht . Previ ous dieti ng and ongo ing wei ght los s attemp t s were meas u red by the quest ion s “Hav e you diet ed? ” and “Are you curren tl y tryi n g to los e weigh t?” with the res pon s e opti ons “yes ” or “no .” Bod y shape percep ti on was meas ured by a ques tio n obt ain ed fro m Marklu nd (19 97 ): “Do you think you are too skinn y or too fat? ” The r esp on se opt ion s were: “Far too skinn y ,” “a litt l e too skin n y ,” “ju s t rig ht ,” “a lit tl e too fat ,” and “far too fat .” R esults A mai n find ing was that Arg ent in ean and Swed ish adol es cen ts did not differ in thei r lev el s of bod y -es teem, but that girls in both coun t ri es disp l ayed lower bod y -es t e em than did boys . Diet ing and wei ght los s attemp t s were more prev alent amo n g the Arg enti n ean adol escen ts , girl s in parti cu lar, with 33% of Arg enti n ean girls repo rtin g hav ing diet ed and 40% rep orti ng current att emp t s to los e wei ght (amo n g Swed ish girl s , 13% repo rted hav ing diet ed and 28% repo rted curren t weig ht loss att emp t s ). Imp o rt ant l y, Arg en tinean girl s ’ diet ing and wei ght los s attemp t s did not app ear to dep en d on overweig ht or percep tio n of bod y shap e. The sa mp l es als o differed in their percept ion s of bod y shap e and the effect s thos e percept ion s had on their bod y -es t eem, with Swedi sh ado l es cent s sufferi ng more fro m neg ativ e bod y shap e percept ions . 47 Conclusions Arg enti n ean and Swed is h adol escents do seem to battl e with bod y i mag e con cern s to a simi l ar ext ent . Howev er, the hig h rates of diet ing and weig ht los s attemp t s amo n g Argen tin ean girl s are alar mi n g and meri t furth er exami n atio n . Futu re res earch ma y scrut in ize these behav io rs to judg e wheth er Arg en tin ean girls ’ dieti ng is part of a soci al pheno men o n t hat simp l y entails keep ing an eye on one’s phys i cal shap e, or wheth er it is man i fes t ed in res t ri cted eati ng or foo d dep riv at ion that ma y lead to more severe phys i cal (e.g . , mal n ut ri tio n ) and clini cal (i.e., eat ing diso rd ers ) con di tio ns . Invest ig at ion s of c ultu ral differen ces in conn ect ion with the term dieti ng would be valu abl e for the int erp ret ati on of futu re resu lts . Study II Previ ous res earch has ident i fi ed a ran ge of fact o rs (phys i cal /bi olo gi cal , psych olo gi cal , socio - cu ltu ral , and beh avi oral ) ass oc i at ed with adol es cen ts ’ bod y imag e. Howev er, the ind ep en de nt con t rib ut io n of each fact or in asso ci at ion with bod y -es t eem is uncl ear. In addi ti on , prev iou s res earch ha s used rath er homo g en e o us samp les in terms of gender and cultu re (i.e., mos t l y girl s , and fro m the US A ) and ha s not cons id ered the mul t i pl e dimen s ion s of bod y -es t eem. Aims Th e seco nd stud y in this thesi s aim ed to exa mi n e a set of phys i cal ( i.e., BMI and pub ert al timi n g), socio cul tu ral ( i.e., bod y ideal int ern al i zat ion and peer app earan ce teasin g ), and beh av io ral (i.e., wei ght loss attemp t s ) fact ors in rel at ion to three dimen s ion s of Swedi sh adol es cent girl s ’ and boys ’ bod y - es teem. The bod y -es teem dimen s i ons exami n ed were wei gh t-bas ed bod y -es teem (Wei g ht ), app earan ce -b as ed bod y -est eem (Ap p earan ce), and bel iefs abou t how oth ers view one’s bod y and app earance (At t rib ut ion ). An overarch ing purpo se of Stud y II was to exami n e wheth er the state of gen der equ al it y in Swed ish soci et y is mirro red in the body i mag e con cerns of Swed ish adol escents . 4 6 In fo rmat i on let t ers and quest io nn ai res were sent to teach ers in the scho ol s and were then di st ri but ed in class . Part i cip ants were assu red of con fid en ti al it y befo re being hand ed the ques ti onn ai re. Measures Bod y i mag e was measu red by the Body -Es t ee m Scal e for Adol escen ts and Adul ts (BESAA), des ign ed by Men d el son et al. (2001 ). The BESAA cov ers three dimen s io ns of bod y -es t eem: Wei g ht (e.g ., “I real l y like what I weigh ”), App earan ce (e.g ., “I lik e what I see when I look in the mirro r”), and Attrib uti on (e.g ., “Peo pl e my own age lik e my looks ”). Part i cip ants indicat e thei r lev el of agreemen t with 24 such stat emen t s on a 5- p oi nt Lik ert scal e rang ing fro m 0 ( “ n ev er ” ) to 4 ( “ al ways ”). The subs cal es hav e hig h int ern al cons is ten cy (Wei g h t α = .92, Appearance α = .92, and Attribution α = .81) and high 3 -mo nt h test - ret es t rel iabi lit y (We i gh t r = .92 , p < .00 1 , App earan ce r = .89 , p < .001 , and Att ri but io n r = .83 , p < .001 ; Mend el son et al., 2001 ). BMI was cal cu l at ed bas ed on sel f - repo rt ed heigh t and weig ht . Previ ous dieti ng and ongo ing wei ght los s attemp t s were meas u red by the quest ion s “Hav e you diet ed? ” and “Are you curren tl y tryi n g to los e weigh t?” with the res pon s e opti ons “yes ” or “no .” Bod y shape percep ti on was meas ured by a ques tio n obt ain ed fro m Marklu nd (19 97 ): “Do you think you are too skinn y or too fat? ” The r esp on se opt ion s were: “Far too skinn y ,” “a litt l e too skin n y ,” “ju s t rig ht ,” “a lit tl e too fat ,” and “far too fat .” R esults A mai n find ing was that Arg ent in ean and Swed ish adol es cen ts did not differ in thei r lev el s of bod y -es teem, but that girls in both coun t ri es disp l ayed lower bod y -es t e em than did boys . Diet ing and wei ght los s attemp t s were more prev alent amo n g the Arg enti n ean adol escen ts , girl s in parti cu lar, with 33% of Arg enti n ean girls repo rtin g hav ing diet ed and 40% rep orti ng current att emp t s to los e wei ght (amo n g Swed ish girl s , 13% repo rted hav ing diet ed and 28% repo rted curren t weig ht loss att emp t s ). Imp o rt ant l y, Arg en tinean girl s ’ diet ing and wei ght los s attemp t s did not app ear to dep en d on overweig ht or percep tio n of bod y shap e. The sa mp l es als o differed in their percept ion s of bod y shap e and the effect s thos e percept ion s had on their bod y -es t eem, with Swedi sh ado l es cent s sufferi ng more fro m neg ativ e bod y shap e percept ions . 47 Conclusions Arg enti n ean and Swed is h adol escents do seem to battl e with bod y i mag e con cern s to a simi l ar ext ent . Howev er, the hig h rates of diet ing and weig ht los s attemp t s amo n g Argen tin ean girl s are alar mi n g and meri t furth er exami n atio n . Futu re res earch ma y scrut in ize these behav io rs to judg e wheth er Arg en tin ean girls ’ dieti ng is part of a soci al pheno men o n t hat simp l y entails keep ing an eye on one’s phys i cal shap e, or wheth er it is man i fes t ed in res t ri cted eati ng or foo d dep riv at ion that ma y lead to more severe phys i cal (e.g . , mal n ut ri tio n ) and clini cal (i.e., eat ing diso rd ers ) con di tio ns . Invest ig at ion s of c ultu ral differen ces in conn ect ion with the term dieti ng would be valu abl e for the int erp ret ati on of futu re resu lts . Study II Previ ous res earch has ident i fi ed a ran ge of fact o rs (phys i cal /bi olo gi cal , psych olo gi cal , socio - cu ltu ral , and beh avi oral ) ass oc i at ed with adol es cen ts ’ bod y imag e. Howev er, the ind ep en de nt con t rib ut io n of each fact or in asso ci at ion with bod y -es t eem is uncl ear. In addi ti on , prev iou s res earch ha s used rath er homo g en e o us samp les in terms of gender and cultu re (i.e., mos t l y girl s , and fro m the US A ) and ha s not cons id ered the mul t i pl e dimen s ion s of bod y -es t eem. Aims Th e seco nd stud y in this thesi s aim ed to exa mi n e a set of phys i cal ( i.e., BMI and pub ert al timi n g), socio cul tu ral ( i.e., bod y ideal int ern al i zat ion and peer app earan ce teasin g ), and beh av io ral (i.e., wei ght loss attemp t s ) fact ors in rel at ion to three dimen s ion s of Swedi sh adol es cent girl s ’ and boys ’ bod y - es teem. The bod y -es teem dimen s i ons exami n ed were wei gh t-bas ed bod y -es teem (Wei g ht ), app earan ce -b as ed bod y -est eem (Ap p earan ce), and bel iefs abou t how oth ers view one’s bod y and app earance (At t rib ut ion ). An overarch ing purpo se of Stud y II was to exami n e wheth er the state of gen der equ al it y in Swed ish soci et y is mirro red in the body i mag e con cerns of Swed ish adol escents . 4 8 Particip ants Parti cip ant s were drawn fro m the thi rd exa mi n at io n poin t in the MOS pro ject . The total numb er of part i cip an ts was 758 Swed ish 16-year -old s (42 6 girls and 332 boys ), mean age 16.1 8 years ( SD = .46). Procedure An i nv it at ion to the stud y, ques tio n n ai re, and prep ai d ret urn envelo pe (us ed to sub mi t the ques ti onn aire) were mai l ed to the 874 part i cip an ts who had part i cip ated in the firs t two waves of the MOS pro ject . A mov i e tick et was offered as comp en s ati on once the ques tio nn aire had been ret u rned . Measures Bod y -es t eem was meas ured by the BESAA (Mend el son et al., 2001 ) and BMI was calcul at ed bas ed on sel f -repo rt ed heigh t and weig ht . Pubertal timi n g was meas u red by the ques ti on “In comp ari son to you r peers , how was you r pub ert al dev el op men t?” (Berg -Kel l y & Erd es , 1997 ). Resp ons e alt ern at iv es were “I am/ was much lat er ,” “I am/ wa s a litt le lat er ,” “Sa me as my peers ,” “I am/ was a littl e earli er ,” and “I am/ was much earl ier .” Bod y ideal int ern al izat ion was meas u red by the Int ern al izatio n subs cale of th e Soci o - cult u ral Attit ud es Towards App earan ce Ques ti on nai re —Rev ised (SATAQ-R; Cus u man o & Tho mp s on , 1997 ). Parti cip an ts indi cat e d thei r lev el of agreemen t with 11 stat emen t s (e.g . , “I wis h I loo k ed like the underwea r models in mag azin es ,” “I often find mys e l f comp arin g my phys i qu e to that of athl etes pictu red in mag azin es ”) on a 5-poi nt Likert scal e rang ing from (1) “defi ni t el y dis ag ree” to (5) “defin it el y agree . ” The intern al izatio n subs cal e has sho wn high internal consistency (α = .89) in a sample of adult women (ag e 18 – 4 9 years ; n = 175 [Cusu man o & Tho mp s on , 1997 ]) and mod erat e to high intern al con sis t en cy (α =.77 – .8 5 ) in samp l es of adol escen t girls and boys (ag e 12 – 15 years ; n = 304 , altho ugh for a somew h at mod ifi ed versio n [Carlso n Jon es , 2004 ]). Peer ap pearan ce teasi ng was ass ess ed by the quest io n “Hav e you ever been teas ed abo ut you r app earan ce?” which is one of five items in the “Vi ct i m Scal e” of Rigb y (199 9 ). The r espo ns e altern at iv es were “nev er ,” “so met i mes ,” and “al wa ys .” Finall y, wei g ht loss att e mp t s were ass es s ed by two ques ti ons : “Hav e you tried to los e weigh t at any time befo re you r firs t year of upp er seco nd ary 49 s choo l?” and “Hav e you tri ed to los e wei ght duri ng you r firs t year of upp er seco nd ary schoo l?” The r es pon s e alt ern atives were “yes ” an d “no .” R esults Th e r esu lts sho wed that girl s had lower bod y -es t eem than did boys for the dimen si on s wei gh t -bas ed and app earan ce -b as ed bod y -es t eem. There were no gen d er differen ces in bel iefs about how oth ers view one’s bod y and app earance (the Att ribu ti o n dime n sio n of bod y -est eem). Furt hermo re, the imp o rt an ce of the exami n ed facto rs in expl ai nin g variet y in bod y -est eem dep end ed on gen der and bod y -es t eem dimen s io n . Whereas mos t of the facto rs exami n ed were rel at ed to the Wei ght dimen si on , fewer were rel at ed to the App earan ce dimen s io n , and almo s t non e was relat ed to the Attrib utio n dimen s io n of ado l es cent s ’ bod y - es teem. Furt h ermo re, the facto rs exami n ed were abl e to expl ai n a much larg er amo u nt of vari an ce i n the girls ’ bod y -es teem dimen s i ons (6 – 4 2 %) than in the boys ’ bod y -es t eem dimen s ion s (2 – 19 %). Bod y ideal int ern aliz ati on was the stron gest facto r acros s all bod y - es teem dimen s i ons , ind ep en dent l y pred i cti ng girls ’ bod y -est eem on all dimen si on s and boys ’ wei g ht - and appearan ce - b as ed bod y -es t eem. The ind ep en dent cont ribut io n of BMI was als o sig ni fi can t , pred ict ing girls ’ and boys ’ wei g ht - b as ed bod y -est eem and girls’ bel i efs about how oth ers view thei r bod y and appearan ce. Wei g ht loss att emp ts were ind epend en tl y ass oci at ed with girls ’ and boys ’ wei g ht - b as ed bod y -est eem and wit h boys ’ appearan ce - b as ed bod y -es t eem. Furt h er mo re, we found that peer app earan ce teasi ng predi cted girls ’ app earance - b as ed bod y -es teem and boys ’ wei g h t - b ased bod y -es t eem. Pubertal timi n g , howev er, onl y play ed a rol e in boys ’ wei g ht - b as ed bod y - es teem. Conclusions Wh i l e several of the facto rs exami n ed were imp o rt ant for both boys ’ and girls ’ bod y -es t eem, there were larg e differences in the amo u nt of vari an ce that they were abl e to expl ain (wit h high er amo u nts of exp l ain ed vari an ce for gir ls ). Furt h ermo re, as one mig h t exp ect for adol escents in societi es with less gen d er equ alit y, the girls demo n s t rat ed lower body -es t eem than did the boys in terms of both wei ght and appearance. Even in more egal it ari an soci eti es such as that of Swed en , low bod y -est eem does not seem to be an equal - op po rt uni t y pheno men o n for boys and girl s , as girls stil l repo rt lower overal l bod y -es teem. 4 8 Particip ants Parti cip ant s were drawn fro m the thi rd exa mi n at io n poin t in the MOS pro ject . The total numb er of part i cip an ts was 758 Swed ish 16-year -old s (42 6 girls and 332 boys ), mean age 16.1 8 years ( SD = .46). Procedure An i nv it at ion to the stud y, ques tio n n ai re, and prep ai d ret urn envelo pe (us ed to sub mi t the ques ti onn aire) were mai l ed to the 874 part i cip an ts who had part i cip ated in the firs t two waves of the MOS pro ject . A mov i e tick et was offered as comp en s ati on once the ques tio nn aire had been ret u rned . Measures Bod y -es t eem was meas ured by the BESAA (Mend el son et al., 2001 ) and BMI was calcul at ed bas ed on sel f -repo rt ed heigh t and weig ht . Pubertal timi n g was meas u red by the ques ti on “In comp ari son to you r peers , how was you r pub ert al dev el op men t?” (Berg -Kel l y & Erd es , 1997 ). Resp ons e alt ern at iv es were “I am/ was much lat er ,” “I am/ wa s a litt le lat er ,” “Sa me as my peers ,” “I am/ was a littl e earli er ,” and “I am/ was much earl ier .” Bod y ideal int ern al izat ion was meas u red by the Int ern al izatio n subs cale of th e Soci o - cult u ral Attit ud es Towards App earan ce Ques ti on nai re —Rev ised (SATAQ-R; Cus u man o & Tho mp s on , 1997 ). Parti cip an ts indi cat e d thei r lev el of agreemen t with 11 stat emen t s (e.g . , “I wis h I loo k ed like the underwea r models in mag azin es ,” “I often find mys e l f comp arin g my phys i qu e to that of athl etes pictu red in mag azin es ”) on a 5-poi nt Likert scal e rang ing from (1) “defi ni t el y dis ag ree” to (5) “defin it el y agree . ” The intern al izatio n subs cal e has sho wn high internal consistency (α = .89) in a sample of adult women (ag e 18 – 4 9 years ; n = 175 [Cusu man o & Tho mp s on , 1997 ]) and mod erat e to high intern al con sis t en cy (α =.77 – .8 5 ) in samp l es of adol escen t girls and boys (ag e 12 – 15 years ; n = 304 , altho ugh for a somew h at mod ifi ed versio n [Carlso n Jon es , 2004 ]). Peer ap pearan ce teasi ng was ass ess ed by the quest io n “Hav e you ever been teas ed abo ut you r app earan ce?” which is one of five items in the “Vi ct i m Scal e” of Rigb y (199 9 ). The r espo ns e altern at iv es were “nev er ,” “so met i mes ,” and “al wa ys .” Finall y, wei g ht loss att e mp t s were ass es s ed by two ques ti ons : “Hav e you tried to los e weigh t at any time befo re you r firs t year of upp er seco nd ary 49 s choo l?” and “Hav e you tri ed to los e wei ght duri ng you r firs t year of upp er seco nd ary schoo l?” The r es pon s e alt ern atives were “yes ” an d “no .” R esults Th e r esu lts sho wed that girl s had lower bod y -es t eem than did boys for the dimen si on s wei gh t -bas ed and app earan ce -b as ed bod y -es t eem. There were no gen d er differen ces in bel iefs about how oth ers view one’s bod y and app earance (the Att ribu ti o n dime n sio n of bod y -est eem). Furt hermo re, the imp o rt an ce of the exami n ed facto rs in expl ai nin g variet y in bod y -est eem dep end ed on gen der and bod y -es t eem dimen s io n . Whereas mos t of the facto rs exami n ed were rel at ed to the Wei ght dimen si on , fewer were rel at ed to the App earan ce dimen s io n , and almo s t non e was relat ed to the Attrib utio n dimen s io n of ado l es cent s ’ bod y - es teem. Furt h ermo re, the facto rs exami n ed were abl e to expl ai n a much larg er amo u nt of vari an ce i n the girls ’ bod y -es teem dimen s i ons (6 – 4 2 %) than in the boys ’ bod y -es t eem dimen s ion s (2 – 19 %). Bod y ideal int ern aliz ati on was the stron gest facto r acros s all bod y - es teem dimen s i ons , ind ep en dent l y pred i cti ng girls ’ bod y -est eem on all dimen si on s and boys ’ wei g ht - and appearan ce - b as ed bod y -es t eem. The ind ep en dent cont ribut io n of BMI was als o sig ni fi can t , pred ict ing girls ’ and boys ’ wei g ht - b as ed bod y -est eem and girls’ bel i efs about how oth ers view thei r bod y and appearan ce. Wei g ht loss att emp ts were ind epend en tl y ass oci at ed with girls ’ and boys ’ wei g ht - b as ed bod y -est eem and wit h boys ’ appearan ce - b as ed bod y -es t eem. Furt h er mo re, we found that peer app earan ce teasi ng predi cted girls ’ app earance - b as ed bod y -es teem and boys ’ wei g h t - b ased bod y -es t eem. Pubertal timi n g , howev er, onl y play ed a rol e in boys ’ wei g ht - b as ed bod y - es teem. Conclusions Wh i l e several of the facto rs exami n ed were imp o rt ant for both boys ’ and girls ’ bod y -es t eem, there were larg e differences in the amo u nt of vari an ce that they were abl e to expl ain (wit h high er amo u nts of exp l ain ed vari an ce for gir ls ). Furt h ermo re, as one mig h t exp ect for adol escents in societi es with less gen d er equ alit y, the girls demo n s t rat ed lower body -es t eem than did the boys in terms of both wei ght and appearance. Even in more egal it ari an soci eti es such as that of Swed en , low bod y -est eem does not seem to be an equal - op po rt uni t y pheno men o n for boys and girl s , as girls stil l repo rt lower overal l bod y -es teem. 5 0 Fu tu re res earch inv es ti gati ng Swedi sh ado l es cent s coul d inclu de bod y imag e meas u res part icul arl y relev ant to boys ’ bod y ima g e and more in -depth quest ions abo ut adol es cen ts ’ wei ght loss strat eg ies and peer app earan ce teas ing . Study III Bod y i mag e res earch has always been a pat hol og y -fo cu s ed field , with posi tiv e bod y i mag e asp ects being overl ook ed . Whil e the con cept of bod y app reci ati on has been add ed to the literat u re, there is stil l a need for more qual it at iv e inv es tig atio ns of the charact eris ti cs of adol escents ’ pos it iv e bod y i mag e. Stud y III was , to our kno wledg e, the firs t att emp t to qual it at iv el y exami n e adol es cen ts ’ p osi ti ve bod y imag e. Aim Th e aim of Stu d y III was to inv est ig at e the characteris ti cs of adol es cen ts wit h a posi ti ve bod y imag e. Particip ants Parti cip ant s were recru it ed fro m the MOS pro ject based on partici pants ’ lev el of bod y est eem in the firs t two wa v es of the pro ject (wh en they were age d 10 and 13 years ), as meas u red by the BESAA (Men dels on et al., 2001 ). Th e parti ci p ants in the lon gi tud in al samp l e (n = 874 ) who demo n st rat ed the high est lev el of bod y esteem in both wav es were chos en as the targ et gro u p for this stud y. We had a pred efi ned goal of includ ing 30 parti ci pan ts in the stud y wit h a 50 / 50 gender spl it , so we creat ed a des cend ing -order list of the mos t sat is fied part icip an ts at age s 10 and 13 years . The parti cip ant s with the hig h est lev el of bod y est eem were con tacted firs t ; onl y if someo n e decli n ed part icip at io n (3 girls and 3 boys did so) did we cont act the nex t perso n on the lis t . The fin al samp l e cons is ted of 15 girls (mean age = 13.93 years , SD = 0.2 6 ) and 15 boys (mean age = 14.0 7 years , S D = 0.2 6 ). Procedure Su b jects were i nvi t ed to part icip at e in the stud y by a let ter, cont ai ning info rmat i on abou t the stud y, mai l ed to the i r parent s or other caregi vers . In the 51 fo llo win g week s , a trai ned res earch ass is tan t call ed the parent s , enab lin g them to ask quest io ns abou t the int erv iew and to grant acti ve paren tal con s ent . Once paren ts had cons ent ed (onl y two did not ), the res earch ass ist an t spok e to the propo sed int ervi ewee s . They w ere informe d of the purpos e of the int ervi e w ( i.e., to exami n e adol e scen ts ’ tho ugh ts abou t vari ous bod y i mag e top ics ) and ask ed wheth er they agreed to tak e part . As an incen tiv e, parti ci p ant s were offered a mov i e tick et once thei r intervi e w had been comp l et ed . Semi- structured interview s Th e semi -st ructu red int erv iew guid e was formu l at ed in acco rdan ce with Smi t h and Osb o rn ’s (2003 ) guid elin es . Based on the exi st ing adol escent bod y i mag e lit eratu re (e.g ., Furh am & Cal n an , 1998 ; Gro g an , 1999 ; McCab e & Ricci ard el li, 2001 a; Ricci ard ell i et al., 200 0; Tig geman n & Will i ams on , 2000 ), we chos e the follo win g topi cs for the int erv i e w: sati s fact io n with one’s appearan ce, views o f exercis e, and influ en ce of fami l y and friends . A pilo t int ervi ew was cond uct ed to dis cern any pot en ti al con cerns wit h the int ervi ew guid e and to all o w the th ree int erv iewers to dis cuss their bias es . Parti cip an ts were ind iv idu all y int ervi ewed at the Depart men t of Psych o l og y, Uni versit y of Goth en bu rg , Swed en , in a sett ing that was mad e as comfo rt ab l e as pos sib l e for them. Chall en gi ng , clari fyi n g , and probi ng que st ion s were ask ed alon g with the mai n ques ti ons as necess ary. Intervi ews las ted no more than 1 hou r, and were audi o recorded fro m the out set . The audi o -reco rded int ervi ews were transcrib ed verb at i m and anal yzed usin g an indu ct iv e the mat i c app ro ach , as sugg es ted by Braun and Clark e (2006 ). Intervi ew trans cri pt s were read repeatedl y and int erest in g featu res were assig n ed ini ti al cod es clos el y rel at ed to the dat a. Cod es asso ciat ed with simi l ar con tent were comb i ned into pot en ti al themes . A rev iew of the pot en t i al themes resul ted in eight fin al theme s characterizing the ado l es cent s ’ posi ti ve bod y i mag e in terms of thei r sati s fact ion with thei r own app earan ce (th ree the mes ), views o f exercis e (two themes ), and influ en ce of fami l y and fri end s (th ree themes ). R esults Th e r es ult s indi cat ed that the ado les cents reflect ed on thei r own app earan ce rath er mod est l y , charact eri s ti cal l y view ing thems elv es as averag e look ing and accep t i ng the i r sel f - p erceiv ed bod il y imp erfecti ons . A fun ctio nal view of the bod y was pro mi n en t amo n g the adol esce nt s , in that sev eral of them focus ed on what thei r bod y cou ld do rath er than on how it loo k ed . The vas t majo ri t y of the 5 0 Fu tu re res earch inv es ti gati ng Swedi sh ado l es cent s coul d inclu de bod y imag e meas u res part icul arl y relev ant to boys ’ bod y ima g e and more in -depth quest ions abo ut adol es cen ts ’ wei ght loss strat eg ies and peer app earan ce teas ing . Study III Bod y i mag e res earch has always been a pat hol og y -fo cu s ed field , with posi tiv e bod y i mag e asp ects being overl ook ed . Whil e the con cept of bod y app reci ati on has been add ed to the literat u re, there is stil l a need for more qual it at iv e inv es tig atio ns of the charact eris ti cs of adol escents ’ pos it iv e bod y i mag e. Stud y III was , to our kno wledg e, the firs t att emp t to qual it at iv el y exami n e adol es cen ts ’ p osi ti ve bod y imag e. Aim Th e aim of Stu d y III was to inv est ig at e the characteris ti cs of adol es cen ts wit h a posi ti ve bod y imag e. Particip ants Parti cip ant s were recru it ed fro m the MOS pro ject based on partici pants ’ lev el of bod y est eem in the firs t two wa v es of the pro ject (wh en they were age d 10 and 13 years ), as meas u red by the BESAA (Men dels on et al., 2001 ). Th e parti ci p ants in the lon gi tud in al samp l e (n = 874 ) who demo n st rat ed the high est lev el of bod y esteem in both wav es were chos en as the targ et gro u p for this stud y. We had a pred efi ned goal of includ ing 30 parti ci pan ts in the stud y wit h a 50 / 50 gender spl it , so we creat ed a des cend ing -order list of the mos t sat is fied part icip an ts at age s 10 and 13 years . The parti cip ant s with the hig h est lev el of bod y est eem were con tacted firs t ; onl y if someo n e decli n ed part icip at io n (3 girls and 3 boys did so) did we cont act the nex t perso n on the lis t . The fin al samp l e cons is ted of 15 girls (mean age = 13.93 years , SD = 0.2 6 ) and 15 boys (mean age = 14.0 7 years , S D = 0.2 6 ). Procedure Su b jects were i nvi t ed to part icip at e in the stud y by a let ter, cont ai ning info rmat i on abou t the stud y, mai l ed to the i r parent s or other caregi vers . In the 51 fo llo win g week s , a trai ned res earch ass is tan t call ed the parent s , enab lin g them to ask quest io ns abou t the int erv iew and to grant acti ve paren tal con s ent . Once paren ts had cons ent ed (onl y two did not ), the res earch ass ist an t spok e to the propo sed int ervi ewee s . They w ere informe d of the purpos e of the int ervi e w ( i.e., to exami n e adol e scen ts ’ tho ugh ts abou t vari ous bod y i mag e top ics ) and ask ed wheth er they agreed to tak e part . As an incen tiv e, parti ci p ant s were offered a mov i e tick et once thei r intervi e w had been comp l et ed . Semi- structured interview s Th e semi -st ructu red int erv iew guid e was formu l at ed in acco rdan ce with Smi t h and Osb o rn ’s (2003 ) guid elin es . Based on the exi st ing adol escent bod y i mag e lit eratu re (e.g ., Furh am & Cal n an , 1998 ; Gro g an , 1999 ; McCab e & Ricci ard el li, 2001 a; Ricci ard ell i et al., 200 0; Tig geman n & Will i ams on , 2000 ), we chos e the follo win g topi cs for the int erv i ew: sati s fact io n with one’s appearan ce, views o f exercis e, and influ en ce of fami l y and friends . A pilo t int ervi ew was cond uct ed to dis cern any pot en ti al con cerns wit h the int ervi ew guid e and to all o w the th ree int erv iewers to dis cuss their bias es . Parti cip an ts were ind iv idu all y int ervi ewed at the Depart men t of Psych o l og y, Uni versit y of Goth en bu rg , Swed en , in a sett ing that was mad e as comfo rt ab l e as pos sib l e for them. Chall en gi ng , clari fyi n g , and probi ng que st ion s were ask ed alon g with the mai n ques ti ons as necess ary. Intervi ews las ted no more than 1 hou r, and were audi o recorded fro m the out set . The audi o -reco rded int ervi ews were transcrib ed verb at i m and anal yzed usin g an indu ct iv e the mat i c app ro ach , as sugg es ted by Braun and Clark e (2006 ). Intervi ew trans cri pt s were read repeatedl y and int erest in g featu res were assig n ed ini ti al cod es clos el y rel at ed to the dat a. Cod es asso ciat ed with simi l ar con tent were comb i ned into pot en ti al themes . A rev iew of the pot en t i al themes resul ted in eight fin al theme s characterizing the ado l es cent s ’ posi ti ve bod y i mag e in terms of thei r sati s fact ion with thei r own app earan ce (th ree the mes ), views o f exercis e (two themes ), and influ en ce of fami l y and fri end s (th ree themes ). R esults Th e r es ult s indi cat ed that the ado les cents reflect ed on thei r own app earan ce rath er mod est l y , charact eri s ti cal l y view ing thems elv es as averag e look ing and accep t i ng the i r sel f - p erceiv ed bod il y imp erfecti ons . A fun ctio nal view of the bod y was pro mi n en t amo n g the adol escent s , in that sev eral of them focus ed on what thei r bod y cou ld do rath er than on how it loo k ed . The vas t majo ri t y of the 5 2 ado l es cent s were phys i cal l y acti v e and fou nd exercis e joyfu l and heal th - p ro mo ti ng . Fin al l y, as con cerns the influ en ce of fami l y and fri ends on the ado l es cent s ’ bod y imag e, they rep o rt ed that fami l y and peer conv ersatio ns tend ed not to cent er on bodi l y mat t ers ; howev er, they sti ll “ h ad a feel ing ” that fami l y and peer s lik ed thei r app earan ce. Whi l e some of the ado l es cent s had receiv ed negati ve commen t s abou t thei r app earan ce fro m fami l y and friend s, such commen t s were not acco rd ed any imp o rtan ce. Conclusions To help increase the extent of posi ti ve body i mag e amo n g ado l es cen ts , it ma y be valu abl e to target thei r thin kin g pa tt ern s. For inst an ce, teachers and parents cou ld encou rag e ado les cen ts to thin k of thei r bodi es in fun cti on al terms and to accep t thei r bodi es despi te perceiv ed imp erfect io ns . The pres en t stud y also sugg ests that adol es cen ts sho ul d be encou rag ed to eng ag e in phys i cal activ it y on a regu l ar bas is , esp eci al l y in activ it ies that they fin d joyfu l . Acco rdin gl y , it mig h t be help fu l to giv e ado l es cent s the oppo rt uni t y to try vario us act iv iti es , for examp l e , duri ng phys i cal edu cat ion classes at scho ol , so that they can find one or more that they enjo y. Study IV It has beco me popu l ar to blame the med i a for con veyi ng unatt ai n abl e app earan ce ideal s , thus cont ri but ing to ado l es cent s ’ bod y imag e concern s . Acco rd ing l y , whereas Stud y III invest ig at e d how ado l es cent s wit h a posit ive bod y imag e refl ect ed on a numb er of topi cs , Stud y IV was a more det ailed inv es tig atio n of how the adol es cen ts refl ected on appearan ce ideal s . Aim Th e aim of Stud y IV was to inv es tig at e how adol es cen ts with a pos it iv e bod y imag e refl ect ed on appearan ce ideal s . Speci fi cal l y, the purp ose was to exami n e wheth er they mig ht hav e speci fic ways of pro cess ing such informat i on that mig h t pro t ect , or perh ap s even imp ro ve, their bod y imag e. Also , drawin g on the ideas of posi ti ve psycho lo g y, if adol es cent s wit h a posit iv e body i mag e do hav e bod y -i mag e -p rot ecti ve ways of thi nki ng abo ut app earan ce ideals , how could 53 t h es e ways of thin ki ng be inco rpo rat ed in to int erv en ti ons targ eti ng thos e at risk of dev elo pin g a neg ati v e bod y imag e? Particip ants, p rocedure, and semi- structured interview s St ud y IV was bas ed on the same semi -s t ruct u red int erv iews perfo rmed for Stu d y III. The semi -st ructured int erv iew guid e used in Stud y III incl ud ed quest io ns abo ut the parti ci pant s’ view of current appearance ideals and thei r p ercept ion s of beau t y. Dat a were anal yzed themat i c all y in acco rd an ce wit h the pro cedu re used in Stud y III. Thi s process resul t ed in two mai n themes and seven sub -th emes . R esults Th e r es ul ts sho wed that the stu di ed adoles cen ts were very cri ti cal of curren t ideals (fi rst mai n theme). Girl s in part icular des cri bed the app earan ce ideal s as unn at ural and unreali st ic ; they crit ici zed the med i a for onl y sho wi ng those con si st en t with the ideal s and for havi ng ult erio r mot iv es in doin g so (e.g . , to enti ce cons u mers int o buyi ng pro du ct s ). In con t rast to current soci et al ideal s , the ado l es cent s had adopt ed an alt ern ativ e view of beaut y and att ract iv en es s (second mai n theme). Speci ficall y, the ado les cent s defin ed beau t y wid el y and flexi bl y, stress ed the imp o rt an ce of l oo kin g lik e “ on es el f ,” and conv eyed the idea that pers on al it y out wei ghed looks . The percep tio n of beaut y as sub jecti ve and cultu ral l y dep end en t was als o pro mi n ent , esp eci all y amo n g the boys . Conclusions Th es e resu lt s ma y be help fu l when form u l at ing prev ent ativ e measu res targ et ing thos e at risk of devel opi ng neg ativ e bod y i mag e, supp ort i ng such meas u res based on med i a lit eracy and femi ni st theo r y . Bas ed on our fin din gs , such meas u re s need to encou rag e ado les cent s to be crit i cal of curren t ideals and to refrain fro m con nect in g their sel f -wo rth with thei r phys i cal appearan ce. In add it ion , we stress the sig ni fican ce of pro vid ing adol escents wit h alt ern ativ e ways of thi nk ing abou t ideal s , beaut y, and attract iv en ess . 5 2 ado l es cent s were phys i cal l y acti v e and fou nd exercis e joyfu l and heal th - p ro mo ti ng . Fin al l y, as con cerns the influ en ce of fami l y and fri ends on the ado l es cent s ’ bod y imag e, they rep o rt ed that fami l y and peer conv ersatio ns tend ed not to cent er on bodi l y mat t ers ; howev er, they sti ll “ h ad a feel ing ” that fami l y and peer s lik ed thei r app earan ce. Whi l e some of the ado l es cent s had receiv ed negati ve commen t s abou t thei r app earan ce fro m fami l y and friend s, such commen t s were not acco rd ed any imp o rtan ce. Conclusions To help increase the extent of posi ti ve body i mag e amo n g ado l es cen ts , it ma y be valu abl e to target thei r thin kin g pa tt ern s. For inst an ce, teachers and parents cou ld encou rag e ado les cen ts to thin k of thei r bodi es in fun cti on a l terms and to accep t thei r bodi es despi te perceiv ed imp erfect io ns . The pres en t stud y also sugg ests that adol es cen ts sho ul d be encou rag ed to eng ag e in phys i cal activ it y on a regu l ar bas is , esp eci al l y in activ it ies that they fin d joyfu l . Acco rdin gl y , it mig h t be help fu l to giv e ado l es cent s the oppo rt uni t y to try vario us act iv iti es , for examp l e , duri ng phys i cal edu cat ion classes at scho ol , so that they can find one or more that they enjo y. Study IV It has beco me popu l ar to blame the med i a for con veyi ng unatt ai n abl e app earan ce ideal s , thus cont ri but ing to ado l es cent s ’ bod y imag e concern s . Acco rd ing l y , whereas Stud y III invest ig at e d how ado l es cent s wit h a posit ive bod y imag e refl ect ed on a numb er of topi cs , Stud y IV was a more det ailed inv es tig atio n of how the adol es cen ts refl ected on appearan ce ideal s . Aim Th e aim of Stud y IV was to inv es tig at e how adol es cen ts with a pos it iv e bod y imag e refl ect ed on appearan ce ideal s . Speci fi c al l y, the purp ose was to exami n e wheth er they mig ht hav e speci fic ways of pro cess ing such informat i on that mig h t pro t ect , or perh ap s even imp ro ve, their bod y imag e. Also , drawin g on the ideas of posi ti ve psycho lo g y, if adol es cent s wit h a posit iv e body i mag e do hav e bod y -i mag e -p rot ecti ve ways of thi nki ng abo ut app earan ce ideals , how could 53 t h es e ways of thin ki ng be inco rpo rat ed in to int erv en ti ons targ eti ng thos e at risk of dev elo pin g a neg ati v e bod y imag e? Particip ants, p rocedure, and semi- structured interview s St ud y IV was bas ed on the same semi -s t ruct u red int erv iews perfo rmed for Stu d y III. The semi -st ructured int erv iew guid e used in Stud y III incl ud ed quest io ns abo ut the parti ci pant s’ view of current appearance ideals and thei r p ercept ion s of beau t y. Dat a were anal yzed themat i c all y in acco rd an ce wit h the pro cedu re used in Stud y III. Thi s process resul t ed in two mai n themes and seven sub -th emes . R esults Th e r es ul ts sho wed that the stu di ed adoles cen ts were very cri ti cal of curren t ideals (fi rst mai n theme). Girl s in part icular des cri bed the app earan ce ideal s as unn at ural and unreali st ic ; they crit ici zed the med i a for onl y sho wi ng those con si st en t with the ideal s and for havi ng ult erio r mot iv es in doin g so (e.g . , to enti ce cons u mers int o buyi ng pro du ct s ). In con t rast to current soci et al ideal s , the ado l es cent s had adopt ed an alt ern ativ e view of beaut y and att ract iv en es s (second mai n theme). Speci ficall y, the ado les ce nt s defin ed beau t y wid el y and flexi bl y, stress ed the imp o rt an ce of l oo kin g lik e “ on es el f ,” and conv eyed the idea that pers on al it y out wei ghed looks . The percep tio n of beaut y as sub jecti ve and cultu ral l y dep end en t was als o pro mi n ent , esp eci all y amo n g the boys . Conclusions Th es e resu lt s ma y be help fu l when form u l at ing prev ent ativ e measu res targ et ing thos e at risk of devel opi ng neg ativ e bod y i mag e, supp ort i ng such meas u res based on med i a lit eracy and femi ni st theo r y . Bas ed on our fin din gs , such meas u re s need to encou rag e ado les cent s to be crit i cal of curren t ideals and to refrain fro m con nect in g their sel f -wo rth with thei r phys i cal appearan ce. In add it ion , we stress the sig ni fican ce of pro vid ing adol escents wit h alt ern ativ e ways of thi nk ing abou t ideal s , beaut y, and attract iv en ess . 5 4 GENER AL DISCU SSION This thes is treat ed ado l es cent s ’ bod y imag e and comp ri s ed two part s . The first part exami n ed adol es cen ts ’ bod y i mag e usin g a cultu ral app ro ach , comp aring Swed ish and Argen ti ne an ado l es cent s ’ bod y imag e and bod y -ch ang ing beh avio rs (St ud y I) and exami n in g a range of facto rs asso ci ated with Swed ish ado l es cent s ’ bod y imag e (Stud y II). The second part of this thesi s expl o red ado l es cent s ’ bod y imag e fro m a posi tive psych o log y persp ect iv e, exami n ing how adol es cen ts with a posi tiv e bod y imag e refl ect ed on their bodi es , their views of e xercis e, and the influ en ce of fami l y and fri en ds on their bod y i mag e (Stu d y III). Stud y IV focus ed on how ado l es cent s wit h a posit iv e bod y imag e refl ect ed on app earance ideal s . Body image among Sw edish and Argentinean adolescents Speci fi cal l y, Stud y I was a cros s - cul tu ral exami n atio n of differen ces in bod y - es teem, percei v ed bod y shap e, diet in g pract ices , and wei gh t los s attemp ts bet ween Swed ish and Arg en ti nean adol escents . Altho ugh the Swedis h and Arg enti n ean cultu res differ in man y ways , the resul ts sh o wed that the ado l es cent s in the two cult ures exp eri en ced simi l ar lev els of bod y -es t eem. Howev er, diet in g and weig ht loss atte mp t s were more commo n amo ng Arg enti n ean ado les cen ts , esp eci al l y amo ng girl s , and did not appear to dep end on overweig ht or bod y sh ap e percep ti on s . The samp l es also differed in thei r bod y shap e percept ion s and the effect s of thos e percept ion s on bod y satis fact ion , with Swedi sh adol es cen ts suffering more fro m neg ati ve bod y shap e percep tio ns . Sw edish and Argentinean adolescents’ similar levels of b ody- esteem Gi v en the man y differen ces bet ween Swed ish and Argent in ean soci et y (e.g . , post in dus t ri al vs. prei ndu st rial , gend er equ alit y vs. mach i s mo cultu re, mod es t y vs. exp res siv en ess ) , one mig ht exp ect to find cros s - cul tu ral differen ces in Swed ish and Arg en tin ean ado les cent s ’ bod y i mag e. Howev er, one shou ld also ackn o wl ed g e the simi l ari ti es bet ween the two soci eti es: both great l y value 55 p h ys i cal att ractiv enes s , bot h valu e femal e thi nn es s , and both hav e acces s to Wes t ern med i a. Perhap s these si mi l arit ies are more imp o rt ant in det ermi n ing ado l es cent s ’ bod y imag e than are the differen ces in cul tu ral norms and valu es . Indeed , Arg enti n a has been referred to as the mos t Europ ean i zed count ry in Lat in Ameri ca , and Arg enti n ean cultu re is not onl y coll ec t iv isti c but also high l y ind ivi du al ist i c (Facio & Res ett , 2012 ). In add it ion , the high rat es of plast ic surg ery in Arg enti n a sign al a view of the bod y as mal l eab le , whi ch is typ i cal of the app earan ce cult u re of man y post ind ust ri al cou nt ri es , such as Swed en . It is worth not ing that , alth oug h Stud y I sho wed that levels of bod y imag e concern s were simi l ar bet ween Swed ish and Arg en tin ean adol es cen ts , it did not sho w wheth er the facto rs possi bl y predi ct ing thes e level s were simi l ar acros s cultu res . For inst an ce , does fami l y hav e a great er imp act on ado l es cent s ’ bod y imag e in a cult u re wit h coll ect iv isti c valu es , such as that of Arg enti n a , where fami l y is more imp o rt an t? How do Swedi sh cult u ral norms of mod est y affect Swed ish adol es cen ts ’ wa ys of rel at in g to thei r bod ies ? Questi ons such as thes e ind i cat e that the fin din gs of Stud y I ma y rep res ent only the tip of the iceb erg , wit h man y more interes ti ng asp ect s remai n ing hidd en . Imp o rt an tl y, the role of gend ered struct ures , incl udi ng gend er rol es , in determi n ing ado l es cent s ’ bod y i mag e coul d be inv es tig ated furt her in different cult u ral cont ex ts . It has been sugg est ed that when gend er rol e s chang e in a soci ety, peopl e tend to beco me more diss at isfi ed wit h thei r bod i es becaus e of pressu res asso ci at ed wit h the new rol e s , and becaus e of rol e con fu sio n (And ers on -Fye , 2011 ). As the mach is mo cul tu re in Arg enti n ean soci et y chan ges , you ng Arg en ti ne an men and women ma y be at increas ed risk of bod y imag e con cerns . Futu re res earch needs to furt her inv esti g at e Arg enti n ea n ado les c en ts ’ bod y imag e, and sho ul d include old er adol escen ts as wel l . One cou ld als o exami n e how phenomen a rel ated to gen d ered power stru ctu res , such as girl s ’ sel f - o b ject ifi cati on (McKinl ey & Hyd e, 1996 ) or exp eri en ces of sexu al haras s men t , are rel at ed to Swedi sh and Arg enti n ean adol es cen ts ’ bod y imag e. Piran (2001 ) argu es that in -d epth quali tati ve stu di es invest ig at ing bod y imag e and emb o di ed exp eri ences in Arg enti n ean adol es cen ts would enh ance our und erst an din g of how Arg en tin ean soci et y, hist o ry, and cult ural norms ma y be emb ed d ed in the ways you ng Arg enti n eans experi en ce thei r bodi es . Argentinean and Sw edish girls’ dieting Th e fin di ng that weig ht loss att emp t s and dieti ng were much more co mmo n amo n g Arg en tin ean than Swedi sh girl s meri ts furth er con si derati o n . Whi l e 13% 5 4 GENER AL DISCU SSION This thes is treat ed ado l es cent s ’ bod y imag e and comp ri s ed two part s . The first part exami n ed adol es cen ts ’ bod y i mag e usin g a cultu ral app ro ach , comp aring Swed ish and Argen ti ne an ado l es cent s ’ bod y imag e and bod y -ch ang ing beh avio rs (St ud y I) and exami n in g a range of facto rs asso ci ated with Swed ish ado l es cent s ’ bod y imag e (Stud y II). The second part of this thesi s expl o red ado l es cent s ’ bod y imag e fro m a posi tive psych o log y persp ect iv e, exami n ing how adol es cen ts with a posi tiv e bod y imag e refl ect ed on their bodi es , their views of e xercis e, and the influ en ce of fami l y and fri en ds on their bod y i mag e (Stu d y III). Stud y IV focus ed on how ado l es cent s wit h a posit iv e bod y imag e refl ect ed on app earance ideal s . Body image among Sw edish and Argentinean adolescents Speci fi cal l y, Stud y I was a cros s - cul tu ral exami n atio n of differen ces in bod y - es teem, percei v ed bod y shap e, diet in g pract ices , and wei gh t los s attemp ts bet ween Swed ish and Arg en ti nean adol escents . Altho ugh the Swedis h and Arg enti n ean cultu res differ in man y ways , the resul ts sh o wed that the ado l es cent s in the two cult ures exp eri en ced simi l ar lev els of bod y -es t eem. Howev er, diet in g and weig ht loss atte mp t s were more commo n amo ng Arg enti n ean ado les cen ts , esp eci al l y amo ng girl s , and did not appear to dep end on overweig ht or bod y sh ap e percep ti on s . The samp l es also differed in thei r bod y shap e percept ion s and the effect s of thos e percept ion s on bod y satis fact ion , with Swedi sh adol es ce n ts suffering more fro m neg ati ve bod y shap e percep tio ns . Sw edish and Argentinean adolescents’ similar levels of b ody- esteem Gi v en the man y differen ces bet ween Swed ish and Argent in ean soci et y (e.g . , post in dus t ri al vs. prei ndu st rial , gend er equ alit y vs. mach i s mo cultu re, mod es t y vs. exp res siv en ess ) , one mig ht exp ect to find cros s - cul tu ral differen ces in Swed ish and Arg en tin ean ado les cent s ’ bod y i mag e. Howev er, one shou ld also ackn o wl ed g e the simi l ari ti es bet ween the two soci eti es: both great l y value 55 p h ys i cal att ractiv enes s , bot h valu e femal e thi nn es s , and both hav e acces s to Wes t ern med i a. Perhap s these si mi l arit ies are more imp o rt ant in det ermi n ing ado l es cent s ’ bod y imag e than are the differen ces in cul tu ral norms and valu es . Indeed , Arg enti n a has been referred to as the mos t Europ ean i zed count ry in Lat in Ameri ca , and Arg enti n ean cultu re is not onl y coll ec t iv isti c but also high l y ind ivi du al ist i c (Facio & Res ett , 2012 ). In add it ion , the high rat es of plast ic surg ery in Arg enti n a sign al a view of the bod y as mal l eab le , whi ch is typ i cal of the app earan ce cult u re of man y post ind ust ri al cou nt ri es , such as Swed en . It is worth not ing that , alth oug h Stud y I sho wed that levels of bod y imag e concern s were simi l ar bet ween Swed ish and Arg en tin ean adol es cen ts , it did not sho w wheth er the facto rs possi bl y predi ct ing thes e level s were simi l ar acros s cultu res . For inst an ce , does fami l y hav e a great er imp act on ado l es cent s ’ bod y imag e in a cult u re wit h coll ect iv isti c valu es , such as that of Arg enti n a , where fami l y is more imp o rt an t? How do Swedi sh cult u ral norms of mod est y affect Swed ish adol es cen ts ’ wa ys of rel at in g to thei r bod ies ? Questi ons such as thes e ind i cat e that the fin din gs of Stud y I ma y rep res ent only the tip of the iceb erg , wit h man y more interes ti ng asp ect s remai n ing hidd en . Imp o rt an tl y, the role of gend ered struct ures , incl udi ng gend er rol es , in determi n ing ado l es cent s ’ bod y i mag e coul d be inv es tig ated furt her in different cult u ral cont ex ts . It has been sugg est ed that when gend er rol e s chang e in a soci ety, peopl e tend to beco me more diss at isfi ed wit h thei r bod i es becaus e of pressu res asso ci at ed wit h the new rol e s , and becaus e of rol e con fu sio n (And ers on -Fye, 2011 ). As the mach is mo cul tu re in Arg enti n ean soci et y chan ges , you ng Arg en ti ne an men and women ma y be at increas ed risk of bod y imag e con cerns . Futu re res earch needs to furt her inv esti g at e Arg enti n ea n ado les c en ts ’ bod y imag e, and sho ul d include old er adol escen ts as wel l . One cou ld als o exami n e how phenomen a rel ated to gen d ered power stru ctu res , such as girl s ’ sel f - o b ject ifi cati on (McKinl ey & Hyd e, 1996 ) or exp eri en ces of sexu al haras s men t , are rel at ed to Swedi sh and Arg enti n ean adol es cen ts ’ bod y imag e. Piran (2001 ) argu es that in -d epth quali tati ve stu di es invest ig at ing bod y imag e and emb o di ed exp eri ences in Arg enti n ean adol es cen ts would enh ance our und erst an din g of how Arg en tin ean soci et y, hist o ry, and cult ural norms ma y be emb ed d ed in the ways you ng Arg enti n eans experi en ce thei r bodi es . Argentinean and Sw edish girls’ dieting Th e fin di ng that weig ht loss att emp t s and dieti ng were much more co mmo n amo n g Arg en tin ean than Swedi sh girl s meri ts furth er con si derati o n . Whi l e 13% 5 6 o f the Swedi sh girl s repo rted hav ing diet ed , the propo rtio n was more than doub l e , 33% , amo n g the Arg en tin ean girl s. Simi l arl y, 28% of the Swedis h girls and 40% of the Arg en ti nean girl s repo rt ed current l y tryi n g to los e weig ht . The findi ng is w orryi n g , consi dering that diet ing ma y be a gateway to eati ng diso rders (Joh nso n & Ward l e, 2005 ). In addi tio n , one can assume that man y of the girls in Stud y I were in the mid st of pub ert y , when food res tri cti ons and wei gh t loss att emp t s ma y threaten heal th and inhib it phys i cal dev elop men t and gro wt h . Remark ab l y, in con t ras t to the Swed ish girl s , Argent in ean girl s’ dieting and weigh t loss attemp t s did not seem rel at ed to bei ng overwei ght or even perceiv ing thems el ves as such . This find in g ma y refl ect cul tu r al differen ces in dieti ng beh avio r, with Argent in eans havin g more permi s s iv e attit ud es toward dieti ng , esp eci all y toward femal es ’ dieti ng . As sugg est ed prev io usl y, Arg enti n ean women exp erience great pres su re to be thi n (Fo rman & Morell o , 2003 ), and res tri c t ed cloth es sizes ha v e long enco u raged Argen tin e an girl s and women to stay peti te ( Argentina Independent , 201 1 , Nov emb er 23). Whil e being slend er is imp o rtant in Swed en , cont emp o rary Swed i s h debate on the dang ers of dieti ng ma y prev en t some ado l es cen ts fro m eng agi ng in rest ri ct e d eati ng or food dep riv at ion . Ins t ead of diet ing , ado l es cents are encou rag ed to “eat health y” and exercis e. Swedi sh ado l es cent s ma y be taug ht to tak e care of thei r bod i es to stay in shape rath er than dieti ng to keep thi n . The fact that more Swed is h girls were current l y eng ag ed in current weigh t loss att emp t s (wh ich ma y invol ve exercis ing ) than in dietin g sup po rt s thi s view. Simi l arl y, in the cross -cu lt ural stud y of Swed i sh and Aust ral i an girl s , the two samp l es exp eri enced simi l ar leve ls of bod y dis sat is f ac ti on , but fewer eat in g dis tu rb ance s and bul i mi c tend en ci es were eviden t in the Swedis h samp l e (Lu n ner et al., 2000 ). An imp o rt ant asp ect to cons id er when it comes to the mat t er of dieti ng is that the term “di eting ” had to be trans l at ed into both Swedi sh and Spani sh for the purpo s e of the stud y. The Swedis h equiv alent to “di etin g ” is “ banta , ” a term lik el y rel at ed to the name of the formerl y obes e Engl ish undert ak er Will iam Bant ing who , in the nin et een th cen tury , was the first to pop ul ari ze a carb oh yd rat e - l i mi t ed wei gh t los s diet . Today, banta is wid el y used in Swed en to refer to a temp o rary and sys t emat i cal l y chan ged diet in an attemp t to los e wei gh t . With current crit i cal deb at e about dieti ng in the Swed ish med i a, the term has recentl y acq u i red neg ativ e conn ot at ion s , poss ibl y res u lt ing in res earch bias es (e.g . , soci al des i rabi li t y) , in that the Swed ish stud y samp l e may have und errepo rt ed dieti ng beh av io r. The Arg en ti ne an equiv alent to “di etin g” is 57 “ hacer dieta , ” whi ch literal l y mean s “ to mak e diet .” Fro m my own exp eri ence with Argent in ean cultu re , and hav ing spok en wit h nati v e Argent in ean ado l es cent s , the term does not hav e the neg at iv e conno tati on s in Argent in ean cultu re that banta does in Swedi sh cultu re . Rob erts , Max well , Bagn al l , a nd Bilt on (200 1 ) exami n ed the int erp ret at ion of the Engl is h word “ di et ing ” amo n g 12– 13 -year -ol d girls in the UK. They fou n d that dieti ng could be defined as bot h eati ng less food and eat ing heal th y food . In add it ion , Joh an sso n , Ghad eri , and And ers so n (2005 ) have sho wn that food - and bod y -rel at ed word s tend to produ ce more emo t i on alit y in femal es wit h an eat in g dis ord er. Thei r fin din g refl ects the way that words ma y be int erp ret ed differen tl y dependi ng on indi vid ual exp eri ence. One way to overco me pro bl ems w ith the int erp ret ation or con not atio n s of the term diet ing woul d be to use a defi ni tio n of the term rat h er than the term its el f. Anot h er way woul d be to cond uct a pilot stu d y exami n in g atti tud es and interp ret atio ns of key con cep ts in the cultu res to be com p ared . Argentinean and Sw edish adolescents’ dieting rates in relation to adolescents in other cultures Th e find ing also raises the ques tio n of how the prev al en ce of dietin g amo n g Swed ish (13 %) and Arg enti n ean (33 %) girls rel at e s to the prev al en ce found a mo n g girls in oth er coun tri es . Int ern at ion al res earch sugg es ts that the rat e of Arg enti n ean girls ’ diet ing is simi l ar, or sli gh tl y bel o w, the rates foun d amo n g earl y - mi d -adol es cen t girls in post ind ust rial cou nt ri es , inclu ding Engl an d (35 % ; Rob erts , McGui ne ss , Bilto n , & Max wel l , 1999 ), Norway (35 % ; Lau & Als ak er, 2001 ), Aust ral i a (43% ; Huon & Lim, 2000 ), and the US A (46 % ; Neu mark - Szt ai ner et al., 201 2). Thi s comp aris on sugg es ts that diet ing is as int egra l to Arg enti n ean girl s ’ liv es as it is to the lives of man y girls in the post ind us tri al world . In add iti on , the comp ari son sugg ests that dietin g ma y be less prev alent amo n g Swed ish girls than one mig ht hav e exp ect ed , sugg esti ng that diet ing ma y be les s of a proble m amo n g Swedi sh girls than amo n g girls in oth e r post in dus t ri al cou nt rie s . It is worth noti ng that earl i er stud i es exa mi n ing dieti ng prev alence amo n g Swed is h girls have fou nd high er diet ing rat es than the 13% found in Stud y I. Amo n g the 14-year -o ld Swedi sh girl s exami n ed by Lun n er et al. (20 00 ), 38% ha d diet ed , and amo n g the 13-year -old Swed ish girls exami n ed by Edl un d et al. (1999 ) , 51% had eng ag ed in weigh t los s att emp t s (the prev alence of current weigh t loss attemp t s fou nd in Stud y I was much less , 5 6 o f the Swedi sh girl s repo rted hav ing diet ed , the propo rtio n was more than doub l e , 33% , amo n g the Arg en tin ean girl s. Simi l arl y, 28% of the Swedis h girls and 40% of the Arg en ti nean girl s repo rt ed current l y tryi n g to los e weig ht . The findi ng is w orryi n g , consi dering that diet ing ma y be a gateway to eati ng diso rders (Joh nso n & Ward l e, 2005 ). In addi tio n , one can assume that man y of the girls in Stud y I were in the mid st of pub ert y , when food res tri cti ons and wei gh t loss att emp t s ma y threaten heal th and inhib it phys i cal dev elop men t and gro wt h . Remark ab l y, in con t ras t to the Swed ish girl s , Argent in ean girl s’ dieting and weigh t loss attemp t s did not seem rel at ed to bei ng overwei ght or even perceiv ing thems el ves as such . This find in g ma y refl ect cul tu r al differen ces in dieti ng beh avio r, with Argent in eans havin g more permi s s iv e attit ud es toward dieti ng , esp eci all y toward femal es ’ dieti ng . As sugg est ed prev io usl y, Arg enti n ean women exp erience great pres su re to be thi n (Fo rman & Morell o , 2003 ), and res tri c t ed cloth es sizes ha v e long enco u raged Argen tin e an girl s and women to stay peti te ( Argentina Independent , 201 1 , Nov emb er 23). Whil e being slend er is imp o rtant in Swed en , cont emp o rary Swed i s h debate on the dang ers of dieti ng ma y prev en t some ado l es cen ts fro m eng agi ng in rest ri ct ed eati ng or food dep riv at ion . Ins t ead of diet ing , ado l es cents are encou rag ed to “eat health y” and exercis e. Swedi sh ado l es cent s ma y be taug ht to tak e care of thei r bod i es to stay in shape rath er than dieti ng to keep thi n . The fact that more Swed is h girls were current l y eng ag ed in current weigh t loss att emp t s (wh ich ma y invol ve exercis ing ) than in dietin g sup po rt s thi s view. Simi l arl y, in the cross -cu lt ural stud y of Swed i sh and Aust ral i an girl s , the two samp l es exp eri enced simi l ar leve ls of bod y dis sat is facti on , but fewer eat in g dis tu rb ance s and bul i mi c tend en ci es were eviden t in the Swedis h samp l e (Lu n ner et al., 2000 ). An imp o rt ant asp ect to cons id er when it comes to the mat t er of dieti ng is that the term “di eting ” had to be trans l at ed into both Swedi sh and Spani sh for the purpo s e of the stud y. The Swedis h equiv alent to “di etin g ” is “ banta , ” a term lik el y rel at ed to the name of the formerl y obes e Engl ish undert ak er Will iam Bant ing who , in the nin et een th cen tury , was the first to pop ul ari ze a carb oh yd rat e - l i mi t ed wei gh t los s diet . Today, banta is wid el y used in Swed en to refer to a temp o rary and sys t emat i cal l y chan ged diet in an attemp t to los e wei gh t . With current crit i cal deb at e about dieti ng in the Swed ish med i a, the term has recentl y acq u i red neg ativ e conn ot at ion s , poss ibl y res u lt ing in res earch bias es (e.g . , soci al des i rabi li t y) , in that the Swed ish stud y samp l e may have und errepo rt ed dieti ng beh av io r. The Arg en ti ne an equiv alent to “di etin g” is 57 “ hacer dieta , ” whi ch literal l y mean s “ to mak e diet .” Fro m my own exp eri ence with Argent in ean cultu re , and hav ing spok en wit h nati v e Argent in ean ado l es cent s , the term does not hav e the neg at iv e conno tati on s in Argent in ean cultu re that banta does in Swedi sh cultu re . Rob erts , Max well , Bagn al l , a nd Bilt on (200 1 ) exami n ed the int erp ret at ion of the Engl is h word “ di et ing ” amo n g 12– 13 -year -ol d girls in the UK. They fou n d that dieti ng could be defined as bot h eati ng less food and eat ing heal th y food . In add it ion , Joh an sso n , Ghad eri , and And ers so n (2005 ) have sho wn that food - and bod y -rel at ed word s tend to produ ce more emo t i on alit y in femal es wit h an eat in g dis ord er. Thei r fin din g refl ects the way that words ma y be int erp ret ed differen tl y dependi ng on indi vid ual exp eri ence. One way to overco me pro bl ems w ith the int erp ret ation or con not atio n s of the term diet ing woul d be to use a defi ni tio n of the term rat h er than the term its el f. Anot h er way woul d be to cond uct a pilot stu d y exami n in g atti tud es and interp ret atio ns of key con cep ts in the cultu res to be com p ared . Argentinean and Sw edish adolescents’ dieting rates in relation to adolescents in other cultures Th e find ing also raises the ques tio n of how the prev al en ce of dietin g amo n g Swed ish (13 %) and Arg enti n ean (33 %) girls rel at e s to the prev al en ce found a mo n g girls in oth er coun tri es . Int ern at ion al res earch sugg es ts that the rat e of Arg enti n ean girls ’ diet ing is simi l ar, or sli gh tl y bel o w, the rates foun d amo n g earl y - mi d -adol es cen t girls in post ind ust rial cou nt ri es , inclu ding Engl an d (35 % ; Rob erts , McGui ne ss , Bilto n , & Max wel l , 1999 ), Norway (35 % ; Lau & Als ak er, 2001 ), Aust ral i a (43% ; Huon & Lim, 2000 ), and the US A (46 % ; Neu mark - Szt ai ner et al., 201 2). Thi s comp aris on sugg es ts that diet ing is as int egra l to Arg enti n ean girl s ’ liv es as it is to the lives of man y girls in the post ind us tri al world . In add iti on , the comp ari son sugg ests that dietin g ma y be less prev alent amo n g Swed ish girls than one mig ht hav e exp ect ed , sugg esti ng that diet ing ma y be les s of a proble m amo n g Swedi sh girls than amo n g girls in oth e r post in dus t ri al cou nt rie s . It is worth noti ng that earl i er stud i es exa mi n ing dieti ng prev alence amo n g Swed is h girls have fou nd high er diet ing rat es than the 13% found in Stud y I. Amo n g the 14-year -o ld Swedi sh girl s exami n ed by Lun n er et al. (20 00 ), 38% ha d diet ed , and amo n g the 13-year -old Swed ish girls exami n ed by Edl un d et al. (1999 ) , 51% had eng ag ed in weigh t los s att emp t s (the prev alence of current weigh t loss attemp t s fou nd in Stud y I was much less , 5 8 2 8 %). Thes e find in gs ma y ind i cat e that the act of di eti ng is decreas ing amo ng Swed ish adol es cen t girls . Alternati vel y, Swed ish girl s ma y increas ing l y be refrain i ng fro m repo rt in g dieti ng beh av io r becaus e of its negati v e conno tati on s in Swed ish soci et y, as dis cus sed abo v e . F actors related to Sw edish adolescents’ b ody image Stud y II con cent rat ed on Swedis h ado l es cen ts . Speci fi call y, its aim was to exami n e how a set of phys i cal , socio cu ltu ral , and beh av io ral fact o rs w as rel ated to three dimen s io ns of Swedi sh ado l escent girl s ’ and boys ’ bod y -es t eem: wei gh t-b as ed body -es t eem (Wei g ht ), app earan ce -bas ed bod y -es t eem (Ap p earan ce), and bel iefs about how others view one’s bod y and app earance (At t ri but ion ). Is it all ab out girls and w eight? Ov eral l , the resul ts sho wed that the fact ors exami n ed ( i.e., BMI, wei ght loss attemp t s , pub ert al timi n g , bod y ideal int ern ali zat ion , and peer app earance teas ing ) were rel ev an t to Swedi sh adol es cen ts ’ bod y -es t eem, parti cu l ar l y to girls ’ wei gh t -b as ed bod y -est eem. The fact that they were related mos tl y to the Wei g ht dimen s ion may not be comp l et ely surp ri si ng , con si deri ng that at leas t two of the fact o rs exami n ed are directl y wei ght -rel ated ( i.e., BMI and weig ht los s att emp ts ) , whil e the oth er fact ors exami n ed ( i.e., pub ert al timi n g , bod y ideal int ern al i zati on , and peer app earan ce te as ing ) are indi rect l y weig ht -rel at ed . Indeed , the beg inn ing of pub ert y ent ails an increas e in bod yw ei ght , bod y ideal int ern al i zati on invo lves the ad o p tio n of a slend er bod y ideal , and expo s u re to peer app earan ce teasi ng is more lik el y when overwei ght . In c on trast to the Wei g ht dimen s ion , the App earan ce and Att ri but io n dimen s ion s of bod y -es t eem ma y invo lv e feel ing s abo ut wei ght and other asp ect s of one’s app earan ce, and ma y therefo re be rel at ed to a wid er rang e of fact o rs than is the Weig ht dimen si on . Stil l , the rel ati v el y hig h correl at io ns bet ween the Weig ht and App earan ce dimen s io ns for bot h girls and boys ind icate that ado les cents ’ eval uati on of thei r wei gh t is ess en ti al to thei r evalu at ion abou t thei r appearan ce. The fact that the exa mi n ed fact ors are re l at ed most l y to girls ’ bod y - es teem als o des erv es furt her att ent ion . This findi ng sugg ests that bod y imag e res earch is gen erall y more on the righ t track when it comes to dis ti ngu ish in g the 59 facto rs asso ci ated wit h girls ’ than wit h boys ’ bod y -es t eem. Indeed , boys ’ bod y imag e has not been inv est ig at ed to the same ext en t as has girls ’, and more res earch is urgent l y need ed in ord er to und erst and how boys rel ate to their bodi es . Riccard ell i and McCab e (201 1) sugg es t that boys tend to valu e other aspects of their b od ies than do girls , inclu din g thos e asso ciat ed wit h enh an ced spo rt s perfo rman ce , such as heigh t , speed , stren gth , fit ness , and endu ran ce. Boys ’ normat i v e preo ccup at io n with “lean mus cul ari t y” (Ri cci ard el li & McCab e, 2011 ) ind icat es that res earch on boys ’ bod y i mag e need s to includ e not onl y aspects rel at ed to wei gh t , app earan ce, and dieti ng , but also aspects relat ed to leann es s , mus cul ari t y, and exercis e. It has been sugg est ed that gend ered exp eriences , such as con fo rmi t y to mas cu li n e norms and mas cul in e gend er rol e stress , ma y put young men at risk of dev el op ing bod y i mag e concern s (Bl as hil l , 2011 ). Howev er, acco rdin g to recent findi ngs , the rel atio nsh ip bet ween young men ’s con fo rmi t y to mas cul in e norms and thei r bod y i mag e con cern s seem s to vary acro ss cu lt ures (Frank o et al., 2013 ). The indep endent contrib ution of the factors ex amined Acro ss gend ers and bod y -est eem di men s ion s , bod y ideal internal i zati on was the facto r mos t stron gl y asso ci at ed with ado l es cent s ’ bod y -est ee m. It pred i ct ed girls ’ bod y -es te em o n all dimen si ons and boys ’ wei g h t - b as ed and app earan ce - b ased bod y -est eem. Imp o rt ant l y, thi s relati ons hi p also exis ted reg ard less of the ado l es cent s ’ BMI, pubert al timi n g , exp eri ences of peer app earan ce teas ing , or wei gh t los s att emp t s, a find ing that s tren gth ens the sugg es t ed imp o rt an ce of bod y ideal internali zat ion for ado lescents’ bod y imag e. Sev eral stud i es hav e found bod y ideal int ern ali zati on to be rel at ed to adol escen ts ’ bod y -es teem, inclu din g lon gi tud in al stu di es that are imp o rtant for est ab lis h i ng caus alit y (Cafri et al., 2005 ; Keery et al., 2004 ; Lawler & Nixon , 2011; Shro ff & Tho mp s on , 2006 ). The pres ent fin din gs sugg est that bod y ideal internali zati on is as cru cial to Swedi sh ado les cen ts ’ bod y imag e as it is to man y oth er adol escents in post in dus t ri al cou nt ries . They also imp l y that the soci etal focu s on phys i cal attract iv en ess in Swed en may be intern al ized by Swed is h ado les cent s , con st itu ti ng the ben ch mark by whi ch they judg e thei r own bod y and app earan ce. In lin e with previo us res earch sug g e st in g that overweigh t is stig mat i zed in Swed ish soci et y (e.g . , Fri s én et al., 2009; Lund e et al., 200 7 ), Stud y II sho wed that both BMI and wei gh t loss att emp ts were ind ep end en tl y asso ci at ed with Swed ish ado l es cent s ’ bod y -est eem. Int erest in gl y, we foun d tha t BMI seemed to bett er pred ict girl s ’ bod y -es t eem (Wei g ht and Attrib uti on ) , whil e weigh t loss 5 8 2 8 %). Thes e find in gs ma y ind i cat e that the act of di eti ng is decreas ing amo ng Swed ish adol es cen t girls . Alternati vel y, Swed ish girl s ma y increas ing l y be refrain i ng fro m repo rt in g dieti ng beh av io r becaus e of its negati v e conno tati on s in Swed ish soci et y, as dis cus sed abo v e . F actors related to Sw edish adolescents’ b ody image Stud y II con cent rat ed on Swedis h ado l es cen ts . Speci fi call y, its aim was to exami n e how a set of phys i cal , socio cu ltu ral , and beh av io ral fact o rs w as rel ated to three dimen s io ns of Swedi sh ado l escent girl s ’ and boys ’ bod y -es t eem: wei gh t-b as ed body -es t eem (Wei g ht ), app earan ce -bas ed bod y -es t eem (Ap p earan ce), and bel iefs about how others view one’s bod y and app earance (At t ri but ion ). Is it all ab out girls and w eight? Ov eral l , the resul ts sho wed that the fact ors exami n ed ( i.e., BMI, wei ght loss attemp t s , pub ert al timi n g , bod y ideal int ern ali zat ion , and peer app earance teas ing ) were rel ev an t to Swedi sh adol es cen ts ’ bod y -es t eem, parti cu l ar l y to girls ’ wei gh t -b as ed bod y -est eem. The fact that they were related mos tl y to the Wei g ht dimen s ion may not be comp l et ely surp ri si ng , con si deri ng that at leas t two of the fact o rs exami n ed are directl y wei ght -rel ated ( i.e., BMI and weig ht los s att emp ts ) , whil e the oth er fact ors exami n ed ( i.e., pub ert al timi n g , bod y ideal int ern al i zati on , and peer app earan ce te as ing ) are indi rect l y weig ht -rel at ed . Indeed , the beg inn ing of pub ert y ent ails an increas e in bod yw ei ght , bod y ideal int ern al i zati on invo lves the ad o p tio n of a slend er bod y ideal , and expo s u re to peer app earan ce teasi ng is more lik el y when overwei ght . In c on trast to the Wei g ht dimen s ion , the App earan ce and Att ri but io n dimen s ion s of bod y -es t eem ma y invo lv e feel ing s abo ut wei ght and other asp ect s of one’s app earan ce, and ma y therefo re be rel at ed to a wid er rang e of fact o rs than is the Weig ht dimen si on . Stil l , the rel ati v el y hig h correl at io ns bet ween the Weig ht and App earan ce dimen s io ns for bot h girls and boys ind icate that ado les cents ’ eval uati on of thei r wei gh t is ess en ti al to thei r evalu at ion abou t thei r appearan ce. The fact that the exa mi n ed fact ors are re l at ed most l y to girls ’ bod y - es teem als o des erv es furt her att ent ion . This findi ng sugg ests that bod y imag e res earch is gen erall y more on the righ t track when it comes to dis ti ngu ish in g the 59 facto rs asso ci ated wit h girls ’ than wit h boys ’ bod y -es t eem. Indeed , boys ’ bod y imag e has not been inv est ig at ed to the same ext en t as has girls ’, and more res earch is urgent l y need ed in ord er to und erst and how boys rel ate to their bodi es . Riccard ell i and McCab e (201 1) sugg es t that boys tend to valu e other aspects of their b od ies than do girls , inclu din g thos e asso ciat ed wit h enh an ced spo rt s perfo rman ce , such as heigh t , speed , stren gth , fit ness , and endu ran ce. Boys ’ normat i v e preo ccup at io n with “lean mus cul ari t y” (Ri cci ard el li & McCab e, 2011 ) ind icat es that res earch on boys ’ bod y i mag e need s to includ e not onl y aspects rel at ed to wei gh t , app earan ce, and dieti ng , but also aspects relat ed to leann es s , mus cul ari t y, and exercis e. It has been sugg est ed that gend ered exp eriences , such as con fo rmi t y to mas cu li n e norms and mas cul in e gend er rol e stress , ma y put young men at risk of dev el op ing bod y i mag e concern s (Bl as hil l , 2011 ). Howev er, acco rdin g to recent findi ngs , the rel atio nsh ip bet ween young men ’s con fo rmi t y to mas cul in e norms and thei r bod y i mag e con cern s seem s to vary acro ss cu lt ures (Frank o et al., 2013 ). The indep endent contrib ution of the factors ex amined Acro ss gend ers and bod y -est eem di men s ion s , bod y ideal internal i zati on was the facto r mos t stron gl y asso ci at ed with ado l es cent s ’ bod y -est ee m. It pred i ct ed girls ’ bod y -es te em o n all dimen si ons and boys ’ wei g h t - b as ed and app earan ce - b ased bod y -est eem. Imp o rt ant l y, thi s relati ons hi p also exis ted reg ard less of the ado l es cent s ’ BMI, pubert al timi n g , exp eri ences of peer app earan ce teas ing , or wei gh t los s att emp t s, a find ing that s tren gth ens the sugg es t ed imp o rt an ce of bod y ideal internali zat ion for ado lescents’ bod y imag e. Sev eral stud i es hav e found bod y ideal int ern ali zati on to be rel at ed to adol escen ts ’ bod y -es teem, inclu din g lon gi tud in al stu di es that are imp o rtant for est ab lis h i ng caus alit y (Cafri et al., 2005 ; Keery et al., 2004 ; Lawler & Nixon , 2011; Shro ff & Tho mp s on , 2006 ). The pres ent fin din gs sugg est that bod y ideal internali zati on is as cru cial to Swedi sh ado les cen ts ’ bod y imag e as it is to man y oth er adol escents in post in dus t ri al cou nt ries . They also imp l y that the soci etal focu s on phys i cal attract iv en ess in Swed en may be intern al ized by Swed is h ado les cent s , con st itu ti ng the ben ch mark by whi ch they judg e thei r own bod y and app earan ce. In lin e with previo us res earch sug g e st in g that overweigh t is stig mat i zed in Swed ish soci et y (e.g . , Fri s én et al., 2009; Lund e et al., 200 7 ), Stud y II sho wed that both BMI and wei gh t loss att emp ts were ind ep end en tl y asso ci at ed with Swed ish ado l es cent s ’ bod y -est eem. Int erest in gl y, we foun d tha t BMI seemed to bett er pred ict girl s ’ bod y -es t eem (Wei g ht and Attrib uti on ) , whil e weigh t loss 6 0 at temp t s seemed to bet ter predi ct boys ’ bod y -es t eem (Wei g h t and Appearan ce). This ind i cat es that BMI is not as rel at ed to boys ’ bod y -es t eem as it is to girls ’ bod y -es t eem, not even when the curv ili near rel atio nsh ip is con sid ered , as it is here. The findi ng ma y be becaus e BMI canno t conv ey bod y co mp o sit io n info rmat i on (i.e., the fat / mu s cl e rat io ), whi ch is parti cul arl y rel ev an t to boys ’ bod y imag e, as wel l as becaus e bei ng larg e ( i.e., havin g a high BMI) is more syn o n ymo u s wit h mas cu lin it y than with fe mi n in it y. Ques ti on s abo ut boys ’ actu al weigh t loss att emp t s ma y pro vi de bett er pred ict i ons of boys ’ bod y - es teem , becaus e such attemp t s are more direct l y asso ci at ed with boys ’ dis sati sfact io n . Howev er, us in g bod y imag e meas u res that con si der boys ’ preo ccu pati on with leann ess and mus cul arit y ma y be more useful when tryi n g to ident i fy facto rs ass oci ate d with boys ’ bod y -est eem. Onl y amo n g boys did pubertal timi ng play a sig ni fi can t role in the ado l es cent s ’ bod y -es t eem. Con sis t ent with previ ou s fin din gs (McCabe & Ricci ard el li , 200 4 ), we found that earl y -mat u ring boys had lower bod y -es t eem than did thei r peers (but onl y on the Wei g ht subs cal e). At age 16, some of the boys exam i n ed in Stud y II m ig h t stil l be in the pro ces s of pub ert al dev el op ment and ma y feel dis conten t as thei r earl y - mat u ring peers hav e beco me tal ler, more mus cu l ar, and more ideall y v-s hap ed , whereas they are stil l in the pro cess of beco mi n g s o . In con trast , si n ce girls ’ pub ert y general l y beg ins two years earli er than does boys ’ (St ein berg , 2011 ), mos t 16-year -o ld girl s hav e alread y fin ish ed thei r pub ert al dev el op men t . Therefo re, pub ert al timi n g ma y no long er play as imp o rt an t a rol e in bod y -es t eem amo n g girls a t this age, as it app ears to do amo n g boys . The find ing can also be seen as supp o rti ng Stri egel -Moo re et al. ’s (2001 ) sugg es tio n that it is not pub ertal timi ng per se that influ ences girls ’ bod y - es teem, but rath er the effect of earl y vs. late mat u rat ion on BMI. Gender differences in a society k now n for its gender equality Th e overarchi ng aim of Stud y II was to exami n e wheth er the state of gen der equ alit y in Swed ish societ y transl ates in to the bod y imag e con cerns of Swedish ado l es cent s . The overal l pictu re , howev er, sugg ests that the int ern at ion all y wel l - es tabl ish ed gen der differen ce in bod y i mag e, with girls bein g more dis s ati s fi ed than boys , exis t s amo n g Swedi sh adoles cen ts too . Onl y in the Att ri but ion dimen si on of bod y -es t eem did Swedi sh boys and girl s e xp eri ence the same lev el of bod y -es t eem, indicati ng that they were simi l ar in how they thoug ht oth ers viewed thei r bod y and app earan c e. However, Swed ish girl s ’ and boys ’ simi l arit y 61 o n the Attrib uti on dimen s ion is not speci fi c to Swed is h soci et y; Men d els on et al. (2001 ) foun d simi l ar res ul ts in thei r samp l e of 12– 25 -year -olds in Can ad a, and in Stud y I of this thes is , Arg en tin ean girl s and boys also sco red simi l ar l y on the Att ri but io n dimen s ion (fo r a dis cus si on o f the Att ribu tio n dimen sio n of bod y - es teem, se e pag e 71 ). Wh y is it that Swedis h boys and girls , who gro w up in one of the mos t gen d er -eq u al soci et i es in the world , are not more simi l ar in thei r bod y i mag e con cern s? An imp o rt ant facto r is that , alth oug h cons id ered one of the most gen d er -eq u al coun trie s in the worl d , Swed en is far fro m hav in g achi ev ed comp l et e gend er equal it y. In the Swed is h labo r mark et , more women than men work temp o rar il y or part -ti me , and wome n are general l y pai d les s than men for the same numb er of work ing hou rs (Tro st , 2012 ). Furt h ermo re, Swed i sh pol iti cians and the CEOs of larg e comp anies in Swed en are more oft en men than women (UMO, 2013 , Aug us t 7). In add itio n , more women than men are afraid of bei ng mal t reat ed or abus ed , and mo re women than men in Swed en are sexu all y harass ed ( UMO, 2013 , Augu st 7). Acco rd ing l y, a stu dy of Swedi sh 12- year -o l d girls demo n st r at ed that man y girls repo rted hav ing been call ed sexu all y haras sin g terms such as “ cu n t ” (38 %) or “ wh o re ” (46 %; Remb eck , Möl l er, & Gunn ars son , 200 6). When a dai l y newspap er rec ent l y ask ed Swed es wheth er they tho ugh t that Swed en was a gen der -equ al coun t ry, eig ht out of ten resp ond ed “no ,” indicati ng that they did not think so ( Metro , 2012 , March 8). Comp ar ed wit h oth er cou nt ri es , and acco rdin g to meas u res o f rep ro du ct ive heal th , schoo li ng , and gend er rep res en tat ion in parl i amen t (UNDP, 2012 ), Swed en ma y be cons id ered one of the most gend er -eq u al count ries in the world ; howev er, in everyd ay life, there are sti ll power differen ti al s bet ween Swed ish men and women . As a resul t , Swed is h girls and boys liv e in a societ y in which power inequi ti es between the gen ders do exist (alth oug h they mig ht be smal l er than in oth er cou nt ri es ) ; in line with the ideas of object i fi cati on theo ry des cri bed abo v e , thes e inequ al iti es are mirro red in differi ng lev el s of bod y imag e con cerns bet ween the sex es . One mig ht also ques tio n the stress exp eri en ced by Swed ish ado l es cent girls liv in g in a soci et y assu med to be gen der equ al , whi le still poss ib l y facin g gen der injust i ces . 6 0 at temp t s seemed to bet ter predi ct boys ’ bod y -es t eem (Wei g h t and Appearan ce). This ind i cat es that BMI is not as rel at ed to boys ’ bod y -es t eem as it is to girls ’ bod y -es t eem, not even when the curv ili near rel atio nsh ip is con sid ered , as it is here. The findi ng ma y be becaus e BMI canno t conv ey bod y co mp o sit io n info rmat i on (i.e., the fat / mu s cl e rat io ), whi ch is parti cul arl y rel ev an t to boys ’ bod y imag e, as wel l as becaus e bei ng larg e ( i.e., havin g a high BMI) is more syn o n ymo u s wit h mas cu lin it y than with fe mi n in it y. Ques ti on s abo ut boys ’ actu al weigh t loss att emp t s ma y pro vi de bett er pred ict i ons of boys ’ bod y - es teem , becaus e such attemp t s are more direct l y asso ci at ed with boys ’ dis sati sfact io n . Howev er, us in g bod y imag e meas u res that con si der boys ’ preo ccu pati on with leann ess and mus cul arit y ma y be more useful when tryi n g to ident i fy facto rs ass oci ate d with boys ’ bod y -est eem. Onl y amo n g boys did pubertal timi ng play a sig ni fi can t role in the ado l es cent s ’ bod y -es t eem. Con sis t ent with previ ou s fin din gs (McCabe & Ricci ard el li , 200 4 ), we found that earl y -mat u ring boys had lower bod y -es t eem than did thei r peers (but onl y on the Wei g ht subs cal e). At age 16, some of the boys exam i n ed in Stud y II m ig h t stil l be in the pro ces s of pub ert al dev el op ment and ma y feel dis conten t as thei r earl y - mat u ring peers hav e beco me tal ler, more mus cu l ar, and more ideall y v-s hap ed , whereas they are stil l in the pro cess of beco mi n g s o . In con trast , si n ce girls ’ pub ert y general l y beg ins two years earli er than does boys ’ (St ein berg , 2011 ), mos t 16-year -o ld girl s hav e alread y fin ish ed thei r pub ert al dev el op men t . Therefo re, pub ert al timi n g ma y no long er play as imp o rt an t a rol e in bod y -es t eem amo n g girls a t this age, as it app ears to do amo n g boys . The find ing can also be seen as supp o rti ng Stri egel -Moo re et al. ’s (2001 ) sugg es tio n that it is not pub ertal timi ng per se that influ ences girls ’ bod y - es teem, but rath er the effect of earl y vs. late mat u rat ion on BMI. Gender differences in a society k now n for its gender equality Th e overarchi ng aim of Stud y II was to exami n e wheth er the state of gen der equ alit y in Swed ish societ y transl ates in to the bod y imag e con cerns of Swedish ado l es cent s . The overal l pictu re , howev er, sugg ests that the int ern at ion all y wel l - es tabl ish ed gen der differen ce in bod y i mag e, with girls bein g more dis s ati s fi ed than boys , exis t s amo n g Swedi sh adoles cen ts too . Onl y in the Att ri but ion dimen si on of bod y -es t eem did Swedi sh boys and girl s e xp eri ence the same lev el of bod y -es t eem, indicati ng that they were simi l ar in how they thoug ht oth ers viewed thei r bod y and app earan ce. However, Swed ish girl s ’ and boys ’ simi l arit y 61 o n the Attrib uti on dimen s ion is not speci fi c to Swed is h soci et y; Men d els on et al. (2001 ) foun d simi l ar res ul ts in thei r samp l e of 12– 25 -year -olds in Can ad a, and in Stud y I of this thes is , Arg en tin ean girl s and boys also sco red simi l ar l y on the Att ri but io n dimen s ion (fo r a dis cus si on o f the Att ribu tio n dimen sio n of bod y - es teem, se e pag e 71 ). Wh y is it that Swedis h boys and girls , who gro w up in one of the mos t gen d er -eq u al soci et i es in the world , are not more simi l ar in thei r bod y i mag e con cern s? An imp o rt ant facto r is that , alth oug h cons id ered one of the most gen d er -eq u al coun trie s in the worl d , Swed en is far fro m hav in g achi ev ed comp l et e gend er equal it y. In the Swed is h labo r mark et , more women than men work temp o rar il y or part -ti me , and wome n are general l y pai d les s than men for the same numb er of work ing hou rs (Tro st , 2012 ). Furt h ermo re, Swed i sh pol iti cians and the CEOs of larg e comp anies in Swed en are more oft en men than women (UMO, 2013 , Aug us t 7). In add itio n , more women than men are afraid of bei ng mal t reat ed or abus ed , and mo re women than men in Swed en are sexu all y harass ed ( UMO, 2013 , Augu st 7). Acco rd ing l y, a stu dy of Swedi sh 12- year -o l d girls demo n st rat ed that man y girls repo rted hav ing been call ed sexu all y haras sin g terms such as “ cu n t ” (38 %) or “ wh o re ” (46 %; Remb eck , Möl l er, & Gunn ars son , 200 6). When a dai l y newspap er rec ent l y ask ed Swed es wheth er they tho ugh t that Swed en was a gen der -equ al coun t ry, eig ht out of ten resp ond ed “no ,” indicati ng that they did not think so ( Metro , 2012 , March 8). Comp ar ed wit h oth er cou nt ri es , and acco rdin g to meas u res o f rep ro du ct ive heal th , schoo li ng , and gend er rep res en tat ion in parl i amen t (UNDP, 2012 ), Swed en ma y be cons id ered one of the most gend er -eq u al count ries in the world ; howev er, in everyd ay life, there are sti ll power differen ti al s bet ween Swed ish men and women . As a resul t , Swed is h girls and boys liv e in a societ y in which power inequi ti es between the gen ders do exist (alth oug h they mig ht be smal l er than in oth er cou nt ri es ) ; in line with the ideas of object i fi cati on theo ry des cri bed abo v e , thes e inequ al iti es are mirro red in differi ng lev el s of bod y imag e con cerns bet ween the sex es . One mig ht also ques tio n the stress exp eri en ced by Swed ish ado l es cent girls liv in g in a soci et y assu med to be gen der equ al , whi le still poss ib l y facin g gen der injust i ces . 6 2 Summariz ing reflections on factors associated w ith Sw edish adolescents’ b ody- esteem St ud y II demo n s t rat ed that the facto rs exami n ed gen eral l y dis pl ayed a good fit with the ado les cent s ’ bod y imag e, parti cul a r l y amo n g girl s and on the Wei gh t dimen si on of bod y -es t eem. Sti ll , the find in g rai s es ques ti ons about wh at other imp o rt an t fact ors mig h t also have exp l ain ed the adol es cen ts ’ bod y -es t eem. If we retu rn to Bro n fenb ren ner ’ s (197 7 ) bioecolo gi cal theo ry of human develop men t , whi ch was des crib ed abo ve in rel at ion to bod y imag e, there are man y layers of sys t ems that ma y con st itu t e such imp o rt an t fact o rs . Some facto rs that mig ht be able to furth er exp lai n adol es cen ts ’ bod y -es t eem ma y be self -est eem, sel f - o b jecti fi cati on , perfect ion is m, eng ag emen t in app earance comp ari son s or “fat talk ” with peers , experi en ce of bull yi n g , and parent s ’ appearan ce -relat ed commen t s and beh avio rs . The imp o rt an ce of bod y ideal int ern al i zat io n to both boys ’ and girl s ’ bod y -es t eem i mp l i es that meas u res to preven t neg at iv e bod y imag e shou ld target thi s asp ect (e.g . , throu gh the med i a lit eracy app ro ach , whi ch will be discus sed on pag e 67 ), thoug h they are defin it el y not a n all -en co mp as s ing sol ut ion to ado l es cent s ’ bod y imag e con cerns . Th is imp o rt an ce , howev er, sugg ests that res earch shou ld furt her exami n e the pro ces s es by w hi ch adol escent s int ern ali ze app earan ce ideal s . Stu d y IV of this thes is , inv es ti gati ng how ado l es cent s with a posi ti ve bod y imag e relat e to app earan ce ideal s , is a usefu l examp l e of such res earch . Whi l e Stud y II was a group -level inv es tig atio n , it sho uld als o be noted that there mig ht be larg e indi vid ual differen ces in how the iden ti fie d facto rs rel at e to adol es cen ts’ bod y -est eem. Indiv idu al differences may, for inst an ce, stem fro m the imp ort an ce the ind iv idu al ascrib e s to a certain facto r (e.g . , if fami l y is cent ral to the indiv idu al , fami l y ma y be more infl uen ti al to his or her bod y imag e), and from the indiv idu al ’s pers on al int erp ret at ion of a stu di ed event (e.g . , if a person expo s ed to peer appearan ce teasin g int erp ret ed this event very neg ativ el y, it m a y be more influ en ti al ). Finall y, I woul d argu e that futu re stud ies on adol escen ts ’ bod y i mag e woul d ben efit fro m emb racing more of a posi tiv e psycho lo gy pers p ecti ve , to stud y not onl y the ris k facto rs for adol escent s ’ neg ativ e bod y imag e (wh i ch is mos t l y the cas e tod ay) , but als o the prot ect iv e facto rs and facto rs pro mo t in g a posi ti ve bod y imag e amo n g ado les cent s . 63 Characteristics of adolescents w ith a p ositive b ody image Studi es III and IV exami n ed posi ti ve bod y i mag e in ado l escen ce. Tog eth er, the s e tw o stu di es stren gth e n the idea of pos it iv e bod y i mag e as somet hi ng more than merel y the opp osi t e of neg at iv e bod y i mag e. In line wit h prev iou s con cep tu al i zatio ns of pos it iv e bod y i mag e and bod y app reci atio n (Av alos et al., 2005 ; Wood -Barcalow et al., 2010 ), Stu dy III sho wed that the adol esce nts had an accept ing att it ude to thei r bod i es and were tol erant of perceiv ed bodi l y imp erfecti ons . They also emp h asi zed a fun ctio nal view of the bod y , focu si ng on what thei r bodi es could do rat her than what thei r bod i es l ook ed lik e. A functio n al persp ect ive was simi l arl y fou nd amo n g the women stu d i ed by Woo d - Barcal o w et al. (20 10 ) and has been emp h asi zed in the con cep t of emb o di men t (Pi ran & Teal l , 2012 ). Furth ermo re, in lin e with Woo d -Barcalow et al.’s (2010 ) findi ngs , St ud y IV sho wed that the adol escent s were very crit i cal of app earan ce ideals and had an alternati ve view of beau t y that was flex ib le, bas ed on pers on al it y more than look s , and emp h asi zed the imp o rt an ce of looki ng like ones el f. Alt hou gh our part i cip ants were Swed is h 14 -year -o ld girls and boys and Woo d -Barcal o w et al.’s (20 10 ) part i cip an ts were 18 – 2 1 -year -o ld US coll eg e women , our find ing s are remark abl y simi l ar. Howev er , one differen ce bet ween the fin din gs meri t s furt h er dis cus sio n , a differen ce pos sib l y att ri b ut ab le to samp l e differen ces in age or cul tu re. Body accep tance versus b ody love Un li k e the women stud ied by Woo d - Barcalo w et al. (2010 ) , who describ ed lov ing their bodi es , the adol escents we stu di ed were much mo re mod est in their descript ion s . They pe rceiv ed thems elv es as “ av erage -loo ki ng ” and accept ed thei r bodi es but did not exp res s the kind of “ lo v e ” for thei r bodi es that the women did in Wood - Barcal o w et al. ’ s (201 0 ) stud y. Thi s ma y be an ind i catio n of an age difference in posit iv e bod y i mag e , with adol es cen ts ’ posi tiv e bod y imag e bein g about bod y accept an ce but not bod y lov e , as fou nd amo n g the coll eg e women . Ind eed , the adol es cent ye ars are charact erized by fun d amen t al phys i cal , psych ol ogical , and soci al chang es , and goin g throug h thes e chang es wi th an accept ing atti tu de to one’s bod y is perh ap s “ as goo d as it get s ” at that stag e in life. Once thro ugh these chan ges , it ma y be easi er to dev elop a lov ing rel at ion sh ip with one’s bod y. 6 2 Summariz ing reflections on factors associated w ith Sw edish adolescents’ b ody- esteem St ud y II demo n s t rat ed that the facto rs exami n ed gen eral l y dis pl aye d a good fit with the ado les cent s ’ bod y imag e, parti cul a r l y amo n g girl s and on the Wei gh t dimen si on of bod y -es t eem. Sti ll , the find in g rai s es ques ti ons about wh at other imp o rt an t fact ors mig h t also have exp l ain ed the adol es cen ts ’ bod y -es t eem. If we retu rn to Bro n fenb ren ner ’ s (197 7 ) bioecolo gi cal theo ry of human develop men t , whi ch was des crib ed abo ve in rel at ion to bod y imag e, there are man y layers of sys t ems that ma y con st itu t e such imp o rt an t fact o rs . Some facto rs that mig ht be able to furth er exp lai n adol es cen ts ’ bod y -es t eem ma y be self -est eem, sel f - o b jecti fi cati on , perfect ion is m, eng ag emen t in app earance comp ari son s or “fat talk ” with peers , experi en ce of bull yi n g , and parent s ’ appearan ce -relat ed commen t s and beh avio rs . The imp o rt an ce of bod y ideal int ern al i zat io n to both boys ’ and girl s ’ bod y -es t eem i mp l i es that meas u res to preven t neg at iv e bod y imag e shou ld target thi s asp ect (e.g . , throu gh the med i a lit eracy app ro ach , whi ch will be discus sed on pag e 67 ), thoug h they are defin it el y not a n all -en co mp as s ing sol ut ion to ado l es cent s ’ bod y imag e con cerns . Th is imp o rt an ce , howev er, sugg ests that res earch shou ld furt her exami n e the pro ces s es by w hi ch adol escent s int ern ali ze app earan ce ideal s . Stu d y IV of this thes is , inv es ti gati ng how ado l es cent s with a posi ti ve bod y imag e relat e to app earan ce ideal s , is a usefu l examp l e of such res earch . Whi l e Stud y II was a group -level inv es tig atio n , it sho uld als o be noted that there mig ht be larg e indi vid ual differen ces in how the iden ti fie d facto rs rel at e to adol es cen ts’ bod y -est eem. Indiv idu al differences may, for inst an ce, stem fro m the imp ort an ce the ind iv idu al ascrib e s to a certain facto r (e.g . , if fami l y is cent ral to the indiv idu al , fami l y ma y be more infl uen ti al to his or her bod y imag e), and from the indiv idu al ’s pers on al int erp re t at ion of a stu di ed event (e.g . , if a person expo s ed to peer appearan ce teasin g int erp ret ed this event very neg ativ el y, it m a y be more influ en ti al ). Finall y, I woul d argu e that futu re stud ies on adol escen ts ’ bod y i mag e woul d ben efit fro m emb racing more of a posi tiv e psycho lo gy pers p ecti ve , to stud y not onl y the ris k facto rs for adol escent s ’ neg ativ e bod y imag e (wh i ch is mos t l y the cas e tod ay) , but als o the prot ect iv e facto rs and facto rs pro mo t in g a posi ti ve bod y imag e amo n g ado les cent s . 63 Characteristics of adolescents w ith a p ositive b ody image Studi es III and IV exami n ed posi ti ve bod y i mag e in ado l escen ce. Tog eth er, the s e tw o stu di es stren gth en the idea of pos it iv e bod y i mag e as somet hi ng more than merel y the opp osi t e of neg at iv e bod y i mag e. In line wit h prev iou s con cep tu al i zatio ns of pos it iv e bod y i mag e and bod y app reci atio n (Av alos et al., 2005 ; Wood -Barcalow et al., 2010 ), Stu dy III sho wed that the adol esce nts had an accept ing att it ude to thei r bod i es and were tol erant of perceiv ed bodi l y imp erfecti ons . They also emp h asi zed a fun ctio nal view of the bod y , focu si ng on what thei r bodi es could do rat her than what thei r bod i es l ook ed lik e. A functio n al persp ect ive was simi l arl y fou nd amo n g the women stu d i ed by Woo d - Barcal o w et al. (20 10 ) and has been emp h asi zed in the con cep t of emb o di men t (Pi ran & Teal l , 2012 ). Furth ermo re, in lin e with Woo d -Barcalow et al.’s (2010 ) findi ngs , St ud y IV sho wed that the adol escent s were very crit i cal of app earan ce ideals and had an alternati ve view of beau t y that was flex ib le, bas ed on pers on al it y more than look s , and emp h asi zed the imp o rt an ce of looki ng like ones el f. Alt hou gh our part i cip ants were Swed is h 14 -year -o ld girls and boys and Woo d -Barcal o w et al.’s (20 10 ) part i cip an ts were 18 – 2 1 -year -o ld US coll eg e women , our find ing s are remark abl y simi l ar. Howev er , one differen ce bet ween the fin din gs meri t s furt h er dis cus sio n , a differen ce pos sib l y att ri b ut ab le to samp l e differen ces in age or cul tu re. Body accep tance versus b ody love Un li k e the women stud ied by Woo d - Barcalo w et al. (2010 ) , who describ ed lov ing their bodi es , the adol escents we stu di ed were much mo re mod est in their descript ion s . They pe rceiv ed thems elv es as “ av erage -loo ki ng ” and accept ed thei r bodi es but did not exp res s the kind of “ lo v e ” for thei r bodi es that the women did in Wood - Barcal o w et al. ’ s (201 0 ) stud y. Thi s ma y be an ind i catio n of an age difference in posit iv e bod y i mag e , with adol es cen ts ’ posi tiv e bod y imag e bein g about bod y accept an ce but not bod y lov e , as fou nd amo n g the coll eg e women . Ind eed , the adol es cent ye ars are charact erized by fun d amen t al phys i cal , psych ol ogical , and soci al chang es , and goin g throug h thes e chang es wi th an accept ing atti tu de to one’s bod y is perh ap s “ as goo d as it get s ” at that stag e in life. Once thro ugh these chan ges , it ma y be easi er to dev elop a lov ing rel at ion sh ip with one’s bod y. 6 4 Ho wev er, the fact that the adol es cent s we stu d i ed did not exp res s bod y lov e ma y als o dep end on cul tu ral facto rs . The mod est y and Jan t e Law (Tros t , 2012 ) typ ical of Swed ish cult u re ma y wel l res t rain peopl e from exp res sin g love for thei r bod i es . It is poss ib le that this way of des cri bin g one’s bod y, as average - l ook in g , is more prono un ced amo n g Swedes . Ano th er not ewo rth y con sid erat ion in rel atio n to cul tu re is that , con trary to the fin din gs of Woo d -Barcal o w et al. (2010 ), none of the adol es cen ts we int erviewed refer red to rel igi on or spi ritu al it y when speak ing pos it iv el y abo u t their bodi es , prob ab l y reflecti ng the more secu l ar nat ure of Swed is h soci et y. Thes e examp l es sugg est that , alth oug h posi ti ve bod y imag e charact e rist i cs seem to be simi l ar in US and Swed ish samp l es , some asp ects of posit iv e bod y i mag e ma y vary acro s s cul tu res (and /o r age group s ). Gender differences in adolescents’ p ositive b ody image Du e to the lack of res earch on pos iti ve bod y i mag e amo n g mal es , it is worth not ing that the pos it iv e bod y i mag e charact eri sti cs fou nd in Stu d i es III and IV were very simi l ar in girls and boys . It is an int eresti ng find ing con si dering that bod y imag e has been des crib ed as a gen dered phen o men on , and the pres en t resu lt s ind icate that the pos iti ve asp ect of bod y i mag e ma y be less gen dered . This idea is also supp o rt ed by studi es sho win g no gend er differen ces (Swami , Had ji -Mi ch ael et al., 2008 ) or onl y a smal l gen der differen ce (Swa mi , Sti eg er et al., 2008 ) in bod y app reci at ion . Tak en toget her, these fin din gs sugg es t that when the bod y imag e is pos iti v e and focus ed on fun ct ion al it y, app reci at ion , accep t an ce, and protecti on of the bod y, it ma y be more equal bet ween both gen d ers . This mak e s sens e, since o bjecti ficati on theo ry (Fred rick son & Rob ert s , 1997 ) sugg es t s that gen d er differen ces in bod y imag e are a res ul t of girls and women bein g socialized into sel f - ob jecti ficati on and to conn ect thei r sel f -wo rth with thei r app earan ce. When girl s and women are abl e to app reci at e, accep t , and prot ect thei r bod i es , and to view thei r bodi es as fun cti on al tools rat h er than passi ve objects , their bod y i mag e becomes less vuln erabl e and perh aps less gen d ered . Interes ti ngl y, in Stud y III , when we ask ed girl s and boys with a posi ti ve bod y i mag e abou t the asp ect s of their bodi es that they were less satis fied with , almo s t non e of them men t i on ed the asp e ct s of typ i cal con cern for girls (e.g . , the sto mach or butto ck s ) and boys (e.g . , mus cul arit y). Thi s find ing sugg ests that posi tiv e bod y i mag e ma y indeed be less gend er - s tereot yp i c al than is neg ativ e bod y i ma g e. 65 Al th oug h pos iti v e bod y i mag e charact e ri st i cs were gen erall y simi l ar in the parti cip at ing girls and boys , there was a gend er differenc e in how they exp ress ed their cri ti cis m of the ideal s . Girls were gen erall y much more elabo rate and detail ed than were the boys in their crit i cis m and referred more of t en to unn at ural and unrealis ti c ideals a nd to the med i a’s ult erio r mot iv es in exp loi tin g app earan ce ideals . Ind eed , girls ma y be expos ed to a great er volu me of imag es con v eyi ng app earan ce ideals and ma y experi en ce great er pressu re to con fo rm to bod y ideal s than boys (Wyk es & Gunt er, 200 5). Furt h ermo re, the adol es cent s sugg est ed that girl s ’ appearan ce ideals were more unreal ist ic than boys ’ and therefo re des erv ed stro ng er crit i cis m . Amb jö rn sso n (2004 ) sugg ests that , sin ce the 1990s , there has been ong oi ng debat e in Swed en abou t you n g women , app earan ce, and societ al influ en ces that has mad e Swed is h girl s very aware of thes e issu es . She als o arg u es that discus si ng unreal ist i c ideal s ha s beco me almo s t obl ig ato ry amo ng Swed ish girl s , so thes e dis cus sio ns ma y no long er have any ma jo r i mp l i cation s for their bod y imag e. Thi s is worth cons id erin g , for ins tance, if int erv en tio ns bas ed on med i a lit eracy are to be used in Swed en . Encouraging others to develop a p ositive b ody image Drawi ng on the ideas of posi ti ve psy cho lo g y, an imp o rtan t purp os e of inv es tig atin g pos iti v e bod y i mag e is to iden ti fy strengt hs that may buffer against neg ativ e bod y imag e. If we are abl e to reinfo rce thes e strengt hs in peopl e at ris k , we are wel l on the road to more effectiv e prev en tio n . Wh at stren gth s were ident i fi ed amo n g the ado l es cent s with a posi tiv e bod y i mag e, and how can we enco urage others to cult iv at e thes e streng th s? Encouraging an accep ting and functional view of the b ody Th e find ing s of thi s thesis sug g est that an imp o rt an t w ay to enco u rage others to be more pos iti v e toward thei r bodi es is to enco urage them to hav e an accept ing and fun cti on al view of the bod y. I beli ev e that thes e two pers pect iv es oft en work tog et her and ma y rei n fo rce each other — a fun ct ion al view may faci li t at e an accep ti ng view and vice vers a. The fun ct io nal view (and thus also the accep ting view) of the bod y ma y be pro mo t ed by exercis e. The great ma jo ri t y of the ado l es cent s parti ci p ati ng in Stud ies III and IV were high l y phys i cal l y acti ve and perceiv ed exerci se as a nat ural and joyf u l part of life. Previo us res earch has found that exercis e gen erall y pos iti v e l y affect s bod y imag e (Bu rg es s , Grog an , & Burwit z, 2006; Hau senb l as & Fall on , 2006 ), but that the effect ma y be neg at ive 6 4 Ho wev er, the fact that the adol es cent s we stu d i ed did not exp res s bod y lov e ma y als o dep end on cul tu ral facto rs . The mod est y and Jan t e Law (Tros t , 2012 ) typ ical of Swed ish cult u re ma y wel l res t rain peopl e from exp res sin g love for thei r bod i es . It is poss ib le that this way of des cri bin g one’s bod y, as average - l ook in g , is more prono un ced amo n g Swedes . Ano th er not ewo rth y con sid erat ion in rel atio n to cul tu re is that , con trary to the fin din gs of Woo d -Barcal o w et al. (2010 ), none of the adol es cen ts we int erviewed refer red to rel igi on or spi ritu al it y when speak ing pos it iv el y abo u t their bodi es , prob ab l y reflecti ng the more secu l ar nat ure of Swed is h soci et y. Thes e examp l es sugg est that , alth oug h posi ti ve bod y imag e charact e rist i cs seem to be simi l ar in US and Swed ish samp l es , some asp ects of posit iv e bod y i mag e ma y vary acro s s cul tu res (and /o r age group s ). Gender differences in adolescents’ p ositive b ody image Du e to the lack of res earch on pos iti ve bod y i mag e amo n g mal es , it is worth not ing that the pos it iv e bod y i mag e charact eri sti cs fou nd in Stu d i es III and IV were very simi l ar in girls and boys . It is an int eresti ng find ing con si dering that bod y imag e has been des crib ed as a gen dered phen o men on , and the pres en t resu lt s ind icate that the pos iti ve asp ect of bod y i mag e ma y be less gen dered . This idea is also supp o rt ed by studi es sho win g no gend er differen ces (Swami , Had ji -Mi ch ael et al., 2008 ) or onl y a smal l gen der differen ce (Swa mi , Sti eg er et al., 2008 ) in bod y app reci at ion . Tak en toget her, these fin din gs sugg es t that when the bod y imag e is pos iti v e and focus ed on fun ct ion al it y, app reci at ion , accep t an ce, and protecti on of the bod y, it ma y be more equal bet ween both gen d ers . This mak e s sens e, since o bjecti ficati on theo ry (Fred rick son & Rob ert s , 1997 ) sugg es t s that gen d er differen ces in bod y imag e are a res ul t of girls and women bein g socialized into sel f - ob jecti ficati on and to conn ect thei r sel f -wo rth with thei r app earan ce. When girl s and women are abl e to app reci at e, accep t , and prot ect thei r bod i es , and to view thei r bodi es as fun cti on al tools rat h er than passi ve objects , their bod y i mag e becomes less vuln erabl e and perh aps less gen d ered . Interes ti ngl y, in Stud y III , when we ask ed girl s and boys with a posi ti ve bod y i mag e abou t the asp ect s of their bodi es that they were less satis fied with , almo s t non e of them men t i on ed the asp e ct s of typ i cal con cern for girls (e.g . , the sto mach or butto ck s ) and boys (e.g . , mus cul arit y). Thi s find ing sugg ests that posi tiv e bod y i mag e ma y indeed be less gend er - s tereot yp i c al than is neg ativ e bod y i ma g e. 65 Al th oug h pos iti v e bod y i mag e charact e ri st i cs were gen erall y simi l ar in the parti cip at ing girls and boys , there was a gend er difference in how they exp ress ed their cri ti cis m of the ideal s . Girls were gen erall y much more elabo rate and detail ed than were the boys in their crit i cis m and referred more of t en to unn at ural and unrealis ti c ideals a nd to the med i a’s ult erio r mot iv es in exp loi tin g app earan ce ideals . Ind eed , girls ma y be expos ed to a great er volu me of imag es con v eyi ng app earan ce ideals and ma y experi en ce great er pressu re to con fo rm to bod y ideal s than boys (Wyk es & Gunt er, 200 5). Furt h ermo re, the adol es cent s sugg est ed that girl s ’ appearan ce ideals were more unreal ist ic than boys ’ and therefo re des erv ed stro ng er crit i cis m . Amb jö rn sso n (2004 ) sugg ests that , sin ce the 1990s , there has been ong oi ng debat e in Swed en abou t you n g women , app earan ce, and societ al influ en ces that has mad e Swed is h girl s very aware of thes e issu es . She als o arg u es that discus si ng unreal ist i c ideal s ha s beco me almo s t obl ig ato ry amo ng Swed ish girl s , so thes e dis cus sio ns ma y no long er have any ma jo r i mp l i cation s for their bod y imag e. Thi s is worth cons id erin g , for ins tance, if int erv en tio ns bas ed on med i a lit eracy are to be used in Swed en . Encouraging others to develop a p ositive b ody image Drawi ng on the ideas of posi ti ve psy cho lo g y, an imp o rtan t purp os e of inv es tig atin g pos iti v e bod y i mag e is to iden ti fy strengt hs that may buffer against neg ativ e bod y imag e. If we are abl e to reinfo rce thes e strengt hs in peopl e at ris k , we are wel l on the road to more effectiv e prev en tio n . Wh at stren gth s were ident i fi ed amo n g the ado l es cent s with a posi tiv e bod y i mag e, and how can we enco urage others to cult iv at e thes e streng th s? Encouraging an accep ting and functional view of the b ody Th e find ing s of thi s thesis sug g est that an imp o rt an t w ay to enco u rage others to be more pos iti v e toward thei r bodi es is to enco urage them to hav e an accept ing and fun cti on al view of the bod y. I beli ev e that thes e two pers pect iv es oft en work tog et her and ma y rei n fo rce each other — a fun ct ion al view may faci li t at e an accep ti ng view and vice vers a. The fun ct io nal view (and thus also the accep ting view) of the bod y ma y be pro mo t ed by exercis e. The great ma jo ri t y of the ado l es cent s parti ci p ati ng in Stud ies III and IV were high l y phys i cal l y acti ve and perceiv ed exerci se as a nat ural and joyf u l part of life. Previo us res earch has found that exercis e gen erall y pos iti v e l y affect s bod y imag e (Bu rg es s , Grog an , & Burwit z, 2006; Hau senb l as & Fall on , 2006 ), but that the effect ma y be neg at ive 6 6 i f exercis e is eng ag ed in for app e aran ce reas ons (e.g . , weigh t cont rol; Pri ch ard & Tigg eman n , 2008; Tig geman n & Wil li ams o n , 2000 ). Thes e findi ngs sugg es t that ado l es cent s sho ul d be encou rag ed to engag e in phys i cal act ivi t y on a reg ul ar basis , especiall y in act ivi ti es that they find joyfu l . It mig ht be help ful to giv e ado l es cent s the opport uni t y to try vari ous activ it ies , for examp l e , in phys i cal edu cat io n clas ses at scho ol , so that they can fin d one or more that they enjo y. It ma y be parti cu l arl y imp o rt ant to encourag e girls to parti cip ate in phys i cal acti vi t y and spo rt s . A stud y of a larg e sa mp l e ( n = 1002 ) of 13 – 18 -year -old Aust ral i an ado l es cent girls found that girl s who part icip at ed in spo rts had a more functio n al view of thei r bod y, regardl es s of the typ e of spo rt (Ab bo tt & Barb er, 2011 ). Phys i cal and men t al “ co rs et ing , ” as des cri bed by the dev el op men t al theo ry of emb o d i ment (Pi ran & Teall , 2012 ), ma y hind er girl s fro m eng ag ing in spo rt s and fro m viewi ng thei r bod i es fro m a fun cti on al pers p ectiv e ; this cors etin g is med i at ed by sex u al i zin g cloth in g that res t ri ct s girl s ’ abil it y to mov e and by dis co u rs es of femi n in it y clai mi n g that “ pret t y girl s sho uld not sweat ” (Pi ran & Teall , 2012 ). Howev er, it has been sugg es ted that girl s’ part i cip atio n in spo rt s prov id e s them with a sens e of emp o werme n t , phys i cal comp et en ce , and freedo m to take up space (Dal ey & Hun t er, 200 1 ; Theb erg e, 2003 ). Develo ping a crit i cal view o f soci al exp ect at ion s concerni ng gend er and phys i cal acti vi t y ma y be jus t as imp o rtan t as enco u ragin g girl s to be phys i call y act iv e. A somewh at different way to fos t er a funct ion al and accepti ng view o f the bod y is thro ugh exercis es to chan g e one’s think ing pat t erns . Swedis h psych olo gis ts and res earch e rs Ghad eri and Parl ing ’s (20 09 ) book Lev med din kropp: om acceptans och självkänsla (Liv e with you r bod y : abo ut accep t an ce and self -es t eem) app li es a min d fu ln es s and cogn it iv e behav io ral therap y app roach to help peop l e get to kno w, accep t , and use thei r bod ies . A fun cti onal view of the bod y is high li ght ed , for examp l e, by exerci s es int end e d to dev elop an awaren ess of the bod y th rou gh senso ry exp eri ence s of seei ng , hearin g, tou ch ing , smel l in g , and tast ing in everyd ay life. Oth er res earchers sugg est that acti vi ti es such as dance, yog a, and mas s age ma y enco urage a fun ctio nal view of the bod y ( Rabi no r & Bili ch , 2011 ). Fro m an env i ron men t al persp ect iv e (Neumark -Sztain er et al., 2006 ), a functio n al and accep ti ng view of the bod y needs to be pro mo t ed amo n g ado l es cent s throug h their man y soci al cont exts . Paren ts , peers , the scho ol , the med i a, cultu ral attit ud es , and gend ered stru ct u res simu l tan eo usl y shap e ado l es cent s ’ bod y imag e and refl ect how all the sys t em layer s of 67 Bron fen b renn er’s model (19 77 ) , as des cri bed abo ve , need to be targ et ed by neg ativ e bod y i mag e prev en ti on and int erven tio n meas u res . Encouraging media literacy and alternative view s of b eauty Th e fin din gs of this thesi s sugg est that anoth er way of enco uragi ng oth ers to dev elop a more posi tiv e bod y imag e is to pro mo t e cri ti ci s m of curren t ideals and to provi de alt ern ativ e views of be aut y. An app roach used in prev iou s prev enti on effo rt s , referred to as the med i a lit eracy app ro ach , inv ol ves teach in g young peo pl e abo ut advertisi ng and its tacti cs (McVey et al., 2010; Neu mark -Szt ai ner, Sherwo od , Coll er, & Han n an , 2000 ; Richards on , Shanel , Paxto n , & Tho ms on , 2009 ; Wad e, Dav id so n , & O’Dea, 2003 ). Th i s app ro ach rai ses man y of the obs erv at ion s repo rt ed in Stu d y IV, includ ing less ons about the airb rush ing of phot og raph s , the homo g en eit y of bod y typ es sho wn in the med i a, and why adv ertis ers mig h t wan t us to be unhapp y with the way we look (e.g ., Neu mark - Szt ai ner et al., 2000 ). The med i a lit eracy app ro ach has pro ven usefu l in redu c i ng wei gh t concern s and appearan ce ideal int ern al i zatio n after int erv en ti on . Howev er, one of its limi t at ion s is that its posi ti ve effect on bod y i mag e asp ects has somet i me s been sho rt in durati on (e.g ., Neu mark -Szt ai ner et al., 200 0). Piran and Mafri ci (2012 ) argu e that a pro bl em wit h such int erv entio ns is that they focu s sol el y on ind iv idu al facto rs ( i.e., prev en ti ng bod y ideal int ern ali zati on) and do not con sid er the wid er soci al cont ex t in whi ch the adol es cen ts liv e. The s e res earchers stress the imp o rt an ce of eco log i cal and act ivi sm int erv en tions targ et in g vario us aspects of the soci al and cult ural con text in order to fos t er chan ge. Accordin gl y , in the cas e of med i a lit eracy, it is imp o rtan t to targ et the organi zati on s that pro mo t e the unreali sti c app earan ce ideal s ins t ead of focu sing sol el y on chan gi ng the adol escents ’ wa y of rel at ing to the ideal s . Piran and Mafrici (2 012 ) cit e examp l es of how ecolo gi cal and act ivi s m app ro ach es in the fash ion indu st ry ha v e led to man d ato ry ban s of ext remel y thin mod el s in Spain and Ital y , and how some cou nt ri es are dev el opi ng reco mmen d atio ns to fos ter heal thi er envi ro n men t s for mod el s . On a macro st ructu ral level , it is also imp o rt an t to chang e societ al norms and gen dered structu res that shap e how men and women are port rayed in the med i a. Summariz ing reflections on adolescents’ p ositive b ody image Res earch on posi ti ve bod y i mag e is jus t beg inn in g and the field wil l need time to be expl ored . Even tho ugh some of the firs t bod y i mag e stud i es were cond ucted 6 6 i f exercis e is eng ag ed in for app e aran ce reas ons (e.g . , weigh t cont rol; Pri ch ard & Tigg eman n , 2008; Tig geman n & Wil li ams o n , 2000 ). Thes e findi ngs sugg es t that ado l es cent s sho ul d be encou rag ed to engag e in phys i cal act ivi t y on a reg ul ar basis , especiall y in act ivi ti es that they find joyfu l . It mig ht be help ful to giv e ado l es cent s the opport uni t y to try vari ous activ it ies , for examp l e , in phys i cal edu cat io n clas ses at scho ol , so that they can fin d one or more that they enjo y. It ma y be parti cu l arl y imp o rt ant to encourag e girls to parti cip ate in phys i cal acti vi t y and spo rt s . A stud y of a larg e sa mp l e ( n = 1002 ) of 13 – 18 -year -old Aust ral i an ado l es cent girls found that girl s who part icip at ed in spo rts had a more functio n al view of thei r bod y, regardl es s of the typ e of spo rt (Ab bo tt & Barb er, 2011 ). Phys i cal and men t al “ co rs et ing , ” as des cri bed by the dev el op men t al theo ry of emb o d i ment (Pi ran & Teall , 2012 ), ma y hind er girl s fro m eng ag ing in spo rt s and fro m viewi ng thei r bod i es fro m a fun cti on al pers p ectiv e ; this cors etin g is med i at ed by sex u al i zin g cloth in g that res t ri ct s girl s ’ abil it y to mov e and by dis co u rs es of femi n in it y clai mi n g that “ pret t y girl s sho uld not sweat ” (Pi ran & Teall , 2012 ). Howev er, it has been sugg es ted that girl s’ part i cip atio n in spo rt s prov id e s them with a sens e of emp o werme n t , phys i cal comp et en ce , and freedo m to take up space (Dal ey & Hun t er, 200 1 ; Theb erg e, 2003 ). Develo ping a crit i cal view o f soci al exp ect at ion s concerni ng gend er and phys i cal acti vi t y ma y be jus t as imp o rtan t as enco u ragin g girl s to be phys i call y act iv e. A somewh at different way to fos t er a funct ion al and accepti ng view o f the bod y is thro ugh exercis es to chan g e one’s think ing pat t erns . Swedis h psych olo gis ts and res earch e rs Ghad eri and Parl ing ’s (20 09 ) book Lev med din kropp: om acceptans och självkänsla (Liv e with you r bod y : abo ut accep t an ce and self -es t eem) app li es a min d fu ln es s and cogn it iv e behav io ral therap y app roach to help peop l e get to kno w, accep t , and use thei r bod ies . A fun cti onal view of the bod y is high li ght ed , for examp l e, by exerci s es int end e d to dev elop an awaren ess of the bod y th rou gh senso ry exp eri enc es of seei ng , hearin g, tou ch ing , smel l in g , and tast ing in everyd ay life. Oth er res earchers sugg est that acti vi ti es such as dance, yog a, and mas s age ma y enco urage a fun ctio nal view of the bod y ( Rabi no r & Bili ch , 2011 ). Fro m an env i ron men t al persp ect iv e (Neumark -Sztain er et al., 2006 ), a functio n al and accep ti ng view of the bod y needs to be pro mo t ed amo n g ado l es cent s throug h their man y soci al cont exts . Paren ts , peers , the scho ol , the med i a, cultu ral attit ud es , and gend ered stru ct u res simu l tan eo usl y shap e ado l es cent s ’ bod y imag e and refl ect how all the sys t em layer s of 67 Bron fen b renn er’s model (19 77 ) , as des cri bed abo ve , need to be targ et ed by neg ativ e bod y i mag e prev en ti on and int erven tio n meas u res . Encouraging media literacy and alternative view s of b eauty Th e fin din gs of this thesi s sugg est that anoth er way of enco uragi ng oth ers to dev elop a more posi tiv e bod y imag e is to pro mo t e cri ti ci s m of curren t ideals and to provi de alt ern ativ e views of be aut y. An app roach used in prev iou s prev enti on effo rt s , referred to as the med i a lit eracy app ro ach , inv ol ves teach in g young peo pl e abo ut advertisi ng and its tacti cs (McVey et al., 2010; Neu mark -Szt ai ner, Sherwo od , Coll er, & Han n an , 2000 ; Richards on , Shanel , Paxto n , & Tho ms on , 2009 ; Wad e, Dav id so n , & O’Dea, 2003 ). Th i s app ro ach rai ses man y of the obs erv at ion s repo rt ed in Stu d y IV, includ ing less ons about the airb rush ing of phot og raph s , the homo g en eit y of bod y typ es sho wn in the med i a, and why adv ertis ers mig h t wan t us to be unhapp y with the way we look (e.g ., Neu mark - Szt ai ner et al., 2000 ). The med i a lit eracy app ro ach has pro ven usefu l in redu c i ng wei gh t concern s and appearan ce ideal int ern al i zatio n after int erv en ti on . Howev er, one of its limi t at ion s is that its posi ti ve effect on bod y i mag e asp ects has somet i mes been sho rt in durati on (e.g ., Neu mark -Szt ai ner et al., 200 0). Piran and Mafri ci (2012 ) argu e that a pro bl em wit h such int erv entio ns is that they focu s sol el y on ind iv idu al facto rs ( i.e., prev en ti ng bod y ideal int ern ali zati on) and do not con sid er the wid er soci al cont ex t in whi ch the adol es cen ts liv e. The s e res earchers stress the imp o rt an ce of eco log i cal and act ivi sm int erv en tions targ et in g vario us aspects of the soci al and cult ural con text in order to fos t er chan ge. Accordin gl y , in the cas e of med i a lit eracy, it is imp o rtan t to targ et the organi zati on s that pro mo t e the unreali sti c app earan ce ideal s ins t ead of focu sing sol el y on chan gi ng the adol escents ’ wa y of rel at ing to the ideal s . Piran and Mafrici (2 012 ) cit e examp l es of how ecolo gi cal and act ivi s m app ro ach es in the fash ion indu st ry ha v e led to man d ato ry ban s of ext remel y thin mod el s in Spain and Ital y , and how some cou nt ri es are dev el opi ng reco mmen d atio ns to fos ter heal thi er envi ro n men t s for mod el s . On a macro st ructu ral level , it is also imp o rt an t to chang e societ al norms and gen dered structu res that shap e how men and women are port rayed in the med i a. Summariz ing reflections on adolescents’ p ositive b ody image Res earch on posi ti ve bod y i mag e is jus t beg inn in g and the field wil l need time to be expl ored . Even tho ugh some of the firs t bod y i mag e stud i es were cond ucted 6 8 man y decades ago and res earch has sin ce focus ed mai n l y on neg at iv e bod y imag e , man y ques tio ns stil l remai n regardi ng the neg at iv e aspec ts of bod y imag e. The con cept of bod y app reci atio n has ext end ed our kno wl edg e of posi ti ve bod y imag e and has mad e it possi bl e to meas u re posi ti v e bod y i mag e beyo nd the con cep ts of bod y -es t eem or bod y sati sfact io n . Howev er, fut u re quali tati ve in -depth stud i es of posi tiv e bod y imag e are essen ti al in ord er to ident i fy add it ion al charact eris ti cs of posit iv e bod y imag e and to more ful l y und erst and the fact o rs asso ciat ed with posi ti ve bod y i mag e. An imp o rt ant task for futu re res earch is to imp l emen t our kno wl ed g e of pos iti v e bod y i mag e in neg ativ e bod y imag e interventi on and prev en t ati v e meas u res . Such effo rts shou ld be wid e -rang in g , int erv enin g at the ind ivi du al , commu n it y , and macro level s . In addit io n , it is my hop e that fut ure dis cu ss ion s of bod y imag e will not onl y be abou t preven tin g neg at iv e body i mag e, but also abo ut pro mo t ing posi ti ve bod y imag e. Prev ent io n is bas ed on the idea that mos t adol es cen ts could dev elop a neg at iv e bod y imag e; in con t ra s t , I beli eve that every ado l es cen t ha s the pot ent i al to deve lo p a posi tiv e bod y i mag e. We jus t need to find out how. 69 Methodological discussion Some met h odo lo gi cal issu es con n ect ed with this thes is meri t dis cu ss ion . Firs t, the dat a coll ect ed for thi s thesis were fro m the long itu din al MOS pro ject . I n long it udi nal data, there is always the risk of part icip an ts drop pin g off as the stud y mov es alon g , mak i ng it difficul t to kno w whet her the samp l e at later meas u ri ng point s is rep res en tati ve of the init ial stu d y popul ation . Howev er, the drop - o ff rat e in t he MOS pro ject has been very low acro ss meas u ri ng poi nt s, with 91% of the ori gi n al samp l e parti ci pati ng at the seco nd me as uring poin t (at age 13) and 87% at the third meas u rin g poin t (at age 16). Simi l arl y, in the quali tati ve int ervi ew stu d y of 14 -year -ol d sub jects , using a smal l er samp l e recruit ed fro m the lon gi tud in al samp l e ( n = 30), onl y 2 paren ts , 3 boys , and 3 girls decli ned part i cipat ion . Whi l e the MOS pro ject is a longi tud in al pro ject , lon git udi n al data were not used in thi s thesis . Thi s ma y seem unfo rtun at e consi d ering that long itu din al data are essent ial in ord er to est abli sh causal it y and woul d hav e mad e a val uabl e con t rib ut ion to Stud y II. Howev er, it shou ld be note d that some of the vari ab les inclu ded in Stu d y II were not part of the quest ion n a i re cond u ct ed at the age of 13 years and could therefore not hav e been exami n ed long itu dinal l y at the age of 16. For inst an ce, bod y ideal int ern al i za tio n , which turned out to be the factor mos t stron gl y asso ciat ed wit h 16-year -old adol es cen ts ’ bod y -es teem , was not treat ed by the ques tio nn ai re con du ct ed at age 13. It is w orth men t ion ing that prev iou s long itu din al res earch ha s est abl is hed caus al rel at ion shi ps bet ween several of the factors exami n ed in Stud y II and ado l es cent s ’ bod y -es t eem (Catt ari n & Tho mp s on , 1994 ; McCab e & Ricci ard e lli , 200 4; Stice, 2001; Tho mp s on , Coov ert et al. , 199 5 ). Howev er, the cont ri but ion of Stud y II was that it exami n ed thi s set of facto rs simultaneously to elu ci dat e their ind ep end ent asso ci at ion with adoles cen ts ’ bod y -es t eem dimen s ion s . Anot her asp ect worth dis cuss ing invol ves the fact that some of the ins tru men ts used in Stud i es I and II were fai rl y simp l y stru ctu red , comp ris ing onl y one - i tem quest ion s (e.g . , diet ing , weigh t loss att emp t s , and peer app earan ce teas ing ). More comp re h en siv e meas u res cou ld hav e rev eal ed useful info rmat i on abo ut the vari ab les . Dieti ng beh avio r, for ins tance, coul d hav e been inv esti gat ed in great er dept h by questi ons abo ut diet ing frequ en cy, mot i v es, and defin iti on s (fo r a dis cu ss ion of dieti ng defi nit io n s , see pag e 56 ). By doin g so, we mig ht hav e been abl e to bett er und erst and the diet ing beh av io r of Swedi sh and Arg enti n ean girl s in Stud y I. Als o , when askin g part i cip ants about thei r weight 6 8 man y decades ago and res earch has sin ce focus ed mai n l y on neg at iv e bod y imag e , man y ques tio ns stil l remai n regardi ng the neg at iv e aspec ts of bod y imag e. The con cept of bod y app reci atio n has ext end ed our kno wl edg e of posi ti ve bod y imag e and has mad e it possi bl e to meas u re posi ti v e bod y i mag e beyo nd the con cep ts of bod y -es t eem or bod y sati sfact io n . Howev er, fut u re quali tati ve in -depth stud i es of posi tiv e bod y imag e are essen ti al in ord er to ident i fy add it ion al charact eris ti cs of posit iv e bod y imag e and to more ful l y und erst and the fact o rs asso ciat ed with posi ti ve bod y i mag e. An imp o rt ant task for futu re res earch is to imp l emen t our kno wl ed g e of pos iti v e bod y i mag e in neg ativ e bod y imag e interventi on and prev en t ati v e meas u res . Such effo rts shou ld be wid e -rang in g , int erv enin g at the ind ivi du al , commu n it y , and macro level s . In addit io n , it is my hop e that fut ure dis cu ss ion s of bod y imag e will not onl y be abou t preven tin g neg at iv e body i mag e, but also abo ut pro mo t ing posi ti ve bod y imag e. Prev ent io n is bas ed on the idea that mos t adol es cen ts could dev elop a neg at iv e bod y imag e; in con t ra s t , I beli eve that every ado l es cen t ha s the pot ent i al to deve lo p a posi tiv e bod y i mag e. We jus t need to find out how. 69 Methodological discussion Some met h odo lo gi cal issu es con n ect ed with this thes is meri t dis cu ss ion . Firs t, the dat a coll ect ed for thi s thesis were fro m the long itu din al MOS pro ject . I n long it udi nal data, there is always the risk of part icip an ts drop pin g off as the stud y mov es alon g , mak i ng it difficul t to kno w whet her the samp l e at later meas u ri ng point s is rep res en tati ve of the init ial stu d y popul ation . Howev er, the drop - o ff rat e in t he MOS pro ject has been very low acro ss meas u ri ng poi nt s, with 91% of the ori gi n al samp l e parti ci pati ng at the seco nd me as uring poin t (at age 13) and 87% at the third meas u rin g poin t (at age 16). Simi l arl y, in the quali tati ve int ervi ew stu d y of 14 -year -ol d sub jects , using a smal l er samp l e recruit ed fro m the lon gi tud in al samp l e ( n = 30), onl y 2 paren ts , 3 boys , and 3 girls decli ned part i cipat ion . Whi l e the MOS pro ject is a longi tud in al pro ject , lon git udi n al data were not used in thi s thesis . Thi s ma y seem unfo rtun at e consi d ering that long itu din al data are essent ial in ord er to est abli sh causal it y and woul d hav e mad e a val uabl e con t rib ut ion to Stud y II. Howev er, it shou ld be note d that some of the vari ab les inclu ded in Stu d y II were not part of the quest ion n a i re cond u ct ed at the age of 13 years and could therefore not hav e been exami n ed long itu dinal l y at the age of 16. For inst an ce, bod y ideal int ern al i zatio n , which turned out to be the factor mos t stron gl y asso ciat ed wit h 16-year -old adol es cen ts ’ bod y -es teem , was not treat ed by the ques tio nn ai re con du ct ed at age 13. It is w orth men t ion ing that prev iou s long itu din al res earch ha s est abl is hed caus al rel at ion shi ps bet ween several of the factors exami n ed in Stud y II and ado l es cent s ’ bod y -es t eem (Catt ari n & Tho mp s on , 1994 ; McCab e & Ricci ard elli , 200 4; Stice, 2001; Tho mp s on , Coov ert et al. , 199 5 ). Howev er, the cont ri but ion of Stud y II was that it exami n ed thi s set of facto rs simultaneously to elu ci dat e their ind ep end ent asso ci at ion with adoles cen ts ’ bod y -es t eem dimen s ion s . Anot her asp ect worth dis cuss ing invol ves the fact that some of the ins tru men ts used in Stud i es I and II were fai rl y simp l y stru ctu red , comp ris ing onl y one - i tem quest ion s (e.g . , diet ing , weigh t loss att emp t s , and peer app earan ce teas ing ). More comp re h en siv e meas u res cou ld hav e rev eal ed useful info rmat i on abo ut the vari ab le s . Dieti ng beh avio r, for ins tance, coul d hav e been inv esti gat ed in great er dept h by questi ons abo ut diet ing frequ en cy, mot i v es, and defin iti on s (fo r a dis cu ss ion of dieti ng defi nit io n s , see pag e 56 ). By doin g so, we mig ht hav e been abl e to bett er und erst and the diet ing beh av io r of Swedi sh and Arg enti n ean girl s in Stud y I. Als o , when askin g part i cip ants about thei r weight 7 0 l os s att emp t s , it migh t hav e been useful to kno w how they had tr i ed to lose wei gh t (e.g . , by dietin g or exercis ing ), ma k ing it pos sib l e to dist in gui sh bet ween differen t weigh t loss strat egi es . Lik ewis e, part icip an ts ’ app earan ce teas ing his to ry , exami n ed in Stu d y II , could have been det ermi n ed in more detail , for ins tan ce, by usin g t he Percept io n of Teasin g Scal e (POTS; Tho mp s o n , Cat t arin et al. , 199 5 ) , which dis tin gui sh es bet ween differen t typ es of teas ing and also meas u res t he degree to whi ch parti ci pant s percei ve that the teas ing has affect ed them. Howev er, whi l e such comp reh ens iv e meas ures could hav e rev eal ed imp o rt an t info rmat ion , we had to weig h the ben efit s of inclu di ng them again st the dis ad v ant ag e s of a ques tio nn ai re that woul d be exces siv ely long and time - con su mi n g for the part icip an ts to comp l et e (sin ce it also includ ed a sect ion abo ut bul l yi ng ). Exces siv ely lon g and time -co n su mi n g quest ion na i res can tire out the part i cip an ts as they comp l et e the m , lik el y resu lt ing in man y mis si ng valu es . In add it ion , psycho lo g y res earch ers hav e sug gest ed that sin gl e - qu esti on it ems can somet i mes cap tu re a cons t ru ct of interest as well as a mul ti -i tem scal e can , especiall y when the const ruct is rel at ivel y narro w and unamb i g u ous to the resp ond ents (Rani eri , Kli mi d is , & Ros ent hal , 1994 ; Wan ou s , Rei chers , & Hud y, 1997 ). The quant it at iv e body i mag e meas u re used in all four stud i es was the Bod y -Es t eem Scal e for Ado l es cent s and Adu lt s (BESAA; Mend el son et al., 2001 ). The BESAA is a glob al meas u re of bod y i mag e that cons id er s three dimen si on s of bod y -es teem : feeli ngs abou t weig ht , feelin g s about appearan ce, and bel iefs abo ut how others view one’s bod y and appearan ce. Oth er oft en - u s ed meas u res of ado les cent s ’ glob al bod y imag e are fig ural rati ng scal es (e.g . , Tho mp s on & Alt ab e, 1991 ) or more sit e - sp eci fic meas u res , such as the Bod y Dis s ati s factio n Scale of the Eatin g Diso rd er Invento ry (EDI - BD; Garn er, Olms t ead , & Pol iv y, 1983 ). Figu ral rat in g scal es typ i call y ent ai l the use of a ran g e of different - s i zed sil hou ett es , in order to calcul ate a dis crep an cy score for part icip an ts ’ curren t vs. id eal bod y size. Lik e the BESAA, it is a meas u re that is comp reh ensi bl e, easil y ad mi n is t er ed , and suit ab l e for ado l es cent s or even you ng er sub jects (Hi l l , 201 1). Figu ral ratin g scales are amo n g the mos t commo n l y used mea s u res of bod y ima g e , and sev eral res ea rchers have adju st ed them to be appl icab l e acros s ages , gen d ers , and cultu res (e.g . , Jaeg er et al., 2002 ). Howev er, figu ral rati ng scal es hav e als o been crit i ci zed for their scal e coars en es s , rest rict ion of resp ons e altern at iv es , met h od of pres ent at io n , et c. (Gardn er, Fried man , & Jack son , 1998 ). The other oft en - u s ed meas u re of adol escents ’ bod y imag e, the EDI -BD, meas ures parti ci p ant s ’ 71 d eg ree of agreemen t that variou s bod y parts are too large (e.g . , thigh s , hips , sto mach , and bod y shap e). Lik e figu ral rat in g scal es , the EDI -BD has been valid at ed for use amo n g ado l es cent s (Hi ll , 2011 ). Moreov er, an adv ant ag e of the EDI -BD is that it takes into consi d eratio n that adol es cen ts may feel different l y abo ut different parts of thei r bodi es . A disadv ant ag e of usin g th e EDI -BD in the con t ext of bod y i ma g e (an d not diso rd ered eat in g) res earch is that it focus es sol el y on the perceptio n of bod y part s being too larg e ; p ercepti on s of bod y part s being too smal l and non - s i ze -rel at ed issu es with one’s bod y are dis reg ard ed . One ma y als o crit i ci ze the use of the EDI - BD amo n g adol es cent boys due to its con cen t rati on on aspects mos t typ i cal of girls ’ con cern s (e.g . , thi ghs and hip s), not capt u rin g the aspects mos t typ ical of boys ’ con cerns (e.g . , mus cu l ari t y). As a way to overco me this pro bl em, some res earche rs usi ng the EDI -BD have extend ed the scal e to includ e asp ects of the bod y more rel ev an t to boys ’ bod y imag e (e.g ., ches t and bicep size; Jon es & Crawfo rd , 200 5 ). As con cerns the BESAA, the lack of att enti on to mus cu larit y is simi l arl y a con cern . Thi s mig ht be parti cul arl y true when used amo ng slig ht l y older boys who ma y hav e int ernal iz ed the mus cul ar ideal to a great er ext en t . Acco rd ing l y , when inv est ig at ing 16-year -o ld boys in Stu d y II, we cou ld have comb i ned the BESAA wit h som e meas u re of sati s factio n with mus cu larit y (e.g . , the Dri ve for Mus cul ari t y Scal e [DMS], McCreary & Sas se, 2000 ). In addi tio n , the Behavi or subs cal e of the DMS woul d hav e mad e a val u abl e comp l emen t to the weigh t los s behavio r meas u red in Stud y II, enabli ng an inv esti g ati on of boys ’ wei g ht - l i ft ing beh av io rs as wel l as thei r use of mus cl e - bu il din g sub st an c es . Sti ll , I woul d argu e that the glob al nat u re of BESAA and its focu s on both weig ht and app earan ce pro babl y capt u res a larg e share of boys ’ bod y i mag e con cern s . A boy who is diss atis fi ed wit h his mus cularit y wil l lik el y also admi t to bein g dis sati sfi ed with his app earance and /o r wei ght . Als o , con si dering the long it udi nal charact er of the MOS pro ject , the BESAA has prov en to be a valu abl e meas u re adap tin g we l l to a large age ran g e (so far , 10 – 2 1 years ) and the ext en ded pro ject duratio n (so far , 2000– 201 1 ). Anot her asp ect of the BESAA worth dis cus si ng is the body -es t eem dimen si on of Att rib uti on , referri ng to beli efs abo ut how oth ers view one’s bod y and appear an ce. There are sev eral indi cat io ns throug hou t this thesi s that the Att ri but io n dimen s ion ma y fun ct ion sligh tl y different l y from the other two subs cal es , Weig ht and App earance. Firs t , in the exami n at io n of facto rs asso ci at ed with adoles cen ts ’ bod y -es teem i n Stud y II, there was much lower exp l ain ed vari an ce on the Attribu ti on dimen sio n (2 – 6 %) than on the oth er two 7 0 l os s att emp t s , it migh t hav e been useful to kno w how they had tr i ed to lose wei gh t (e.g . , by dietin g or exercis ing ), ma k ing it pos sib l e to dist in gui sh bet ween differen t weigh t loss strat egi e s . Lik ewis e, part icip an ts ’ app earan ce teas ing his to ry , exami n ed in Stu d y II , could have been det ermi n ed in more detail , for ins tan ce, by usin g t he Percept io n of Teasin g Scal e (POTS; Tho mp s o n , Cat t arin et al. , 199 5 ) , which dis tin gui sh es bet ween differen t typ es of teas ing and also meas u res t he degree to whi ch parti ci pant s percei ve that the teas ing has affect ed them. Howev er, whi l e such comp reh ens iv e meas ures could hav e rev eal ed imp o rt an t info rmat ion , we had to weig h the ben efit s of inclu di ng them again st the dis ad v ant ag e s of a ques tio nn ai re that woul d be exces siv ely long and time - con su mi n g for the part icip an ts to comp l et e (sin ce it also includ ed a sect ion abo ut bul l yi ng ). Exces siv ely lon g and time -co n su mi n g quest ion nai res can tire out the part i cip an ts as they comp l et e the m , lik el y resu lt ing in man y mis si ng valu es . In add it ion , psycho lo g y res earch ers hav e sug gest ed that sin gl e - qu esti on it ems can somet i mes cap tu re a cons t ru ct of interest as well as a mul ti -i tem scal e can , especiall y when the const ruct is rel at ivel y narro w and unamb i g u ous to the resp ond ents (Rani eri , Kli mi d is , & Ros ent hal , 1994 ; Wan ou s , Rei chers , & Hud y, 1997 ). The quant it at iv e body i mag e meas u re used in all four stud i es was the Bod y -Es t eem Scal e for Ado l es cent s and Adu lt s (BESAA; Mend el son et al., 2001 ). The BESAA is a glob al meas u re of bod y i mag e that cons id er s three dimen si on s of bod y -es teem : feeli ngs abou t weig ht , feelin g s about appearan ce, and bel iefs abo ut how others view one’s bod y and appearan ce. Oth er oft en - u s ed meas u res of ado les cent s ’ glob al bod y imag e are fig ural rati ng scal es (e.g . , Tho mp s on & Alt ab e, 1991 ) or more sit e - sp eci fic meas u res , such as the Bod y Dis s ati s factio n Scale of the Eatin g Diso rd er Invento ry (EDI - BD; Garn er, Olms t ead , & Pol iv y, 1983 ). Figu ral rat in g scal es typ i call y ent ai l the use of a ran g e of different - s i zed sil hou ett es , in order to calcul ate a dis crep an cy score for part icip an ts ’ curren t vs. id eal bod y size. Lik e the BESAA, it is a meas u re that is comp reh ensi bl e, easil y ad mi n is t er ed , and suit ab l e for ado l es cent s or even you ng er sub jects (Hi l l , 201 1). Figu ral ratin g scales are amo n g the mos t commo n l y used mea s u res of bod y ima g e , and sev eral res ea rchers have adju st ed them to be appl icab l e acros s ages , gen d ers , and cultu res (e.g . , Jaeg er et al., 2002 ). Howev er, figu ral rati ng scal es hav e als o been crit i ci zed for their scal e coars en es s , rest rict ion of resp ons e altern at iv es , met h od of pres ent at io n , et c. (Gardn er, Fried man , & Jack son , 1998 ). The other oft en - u s ed meas u re of adol escents ’ bod y imag e, the EDI -BD, meas ures parti ci p ant s ’ 71 d eg ree of agreemen t that variou s bod y parts are too large (e.g . , thigh s , hips , sto mach , and bod y shap e). Lik e figu ral rat in g scal es , the EDI -BD has been valid at ed for use amo n g ado l es cent s (Hi ll , 2011 ). Moreov er, an adv ant ag e of the EDI -BD is that it takes into consi d eratio n that adol es cen ts may feel different l y abo ut different parts of thei r bodi es . A disadv ant ag e of usin g th e EDI -BD in the con t ext of bod y i ma g e (an d not diso rd ered eat in g) res earch is that it focus es sol el y on the perceptio n of bod y part s being too larg e ; p ercepti on s of bod y part s being too smal l and non - s i ze -rel at ed issu es with one’s bod y are dis reg ard ed . One ma y als o crit i ci ze the use of the EDI - BD amo n g adol es cent boys due to its con cen t rati on on aspects mos t typ i cal of girls ’ con cern s (e.g . , thi ghs and hip s), not capt u rin g the aspects mos t typ ical of boys ’ con cerns (e.g . , mus cu l ari t y). As a way to overco me this pro bl em, some res earche rs usi ng the EDI -BD have extend ed the scal e to includ e asp ects of the bod y more rel ev an t to boys ’ bod y imag e (e.g ., ches t and bicep size; Jon es & Crawfo rd , 200 5 ). As con cerns the BESAA, the lack of att enti on to mus cu larit y is simi l arl y a con cern . Thi s mig ht be parti cul arl y true when used amo ng slig ht l y older boys who ma y hav e int ernal ize d the mus cul ar ideal to a great er ext en t . Acco rd ing l y , when inv est ig at ing 16-year -o ld boys in Stu d y II, we cou ld have comb i ned the BESAA wit h som e meas u re of sati s fac tio n with mus cu larit y (e.g . , the Dri ve for Mus cul ari t y Scal e [DMS], McCreary & Sas se, 2000 ). In addi tio n , the Behavi or subs cal e of the DMS woul d hav e mad e a val u abl e comp l emen t to the weigh t los s behavio r meas u red in Stud y II, enabli ng an inv esti g ati on of boys ’ wei g ht - l i ft ing beh av io rs as wel l as thei r use of mus cl e - bu il din g sub st an c es . Sti ll , I woul d argu e that the glob al nat u re of BESAA and its focu s on both weig ht and app earan ce pro babl y capt u res a larg e share of boys ’ bod y i mag e con cern s . A boy who is diss atis fi ed wit h his mus cularit y wil l lik el y also admi t to bein g dis sati sfi ed with his app earance and /o r wei ght . Als o , con si dering the long it udi nal charact er of the MOS pro ject , the BESAA has prov en to be a valu abl e meas u re adap tin g we l l to a large age ran g e (so far , 10 – 2 1 years ) and the ext en ded pro ject duratio n (so far , 2000– 201 1 ). Anot her asp ect of the BESAA worth dis cus si ng is the body -es t eem dimen si on of Att rib uti on , referri ng to beli efs abo ut how oth ers view one’s bod y and appear an ce. There are sev eral indi cat io ns throug hou t this thesi s that the Att ri but io n dimen s ion ma y fun ct ion sligh tl y different l y from the other two subs cal es , Weig ht and App earance. Firs t , in the exami n at io n of facto rs asso ci at ed with adoles cen ts ’ bod y -es teem i n Stud y II, there was much lower exp l ain ed vari an ce on the Attribu ti on dimen sio n (2 – 6 %) than on the oth er two 7 2 d i men si on s (Wei ght 19 – 4 2 %, App earan ce 13– 31 %). Second , in that same stu d y , we foun d no gend er differen ces in att rib ut ion al bod y -es t eem, whereas th ere were clear gend er differen ces on the oth er two dimen si ons . Thi rd , in both Studi es I and II, the Cron bach ’s alp has measu ring rel iabil it y on the Attribu ti on dimen si on were cons is t ent l y lower (ran ging fro m α = .6 4 to α = .80) than on the oth er two dimen si ons (lo wer Cron b ach ’s alph as on the Att ribu ti on scal e w ere simi l arl y fou nd when the BESAA was ori gin all y dev el op ed ; Mend el son et al., 2001 ). Altog et h er, these find ing s sugg es t that the Att rib ut io n dimen si on of bod y -es t eem fun ction s sligh tl y different ly fro m the oth er two dimen si ons , and one ma y ques ti on why thi s is the cas e. Indeed , the Att ri but ion dimen s io n differs in an imp o rt an t way fro m the oth er two dimen si on s: whereas the Weig ht and App earan ce dimen sio ns meas u re the indi vi du al ’s own persp ect iv e of his /h er bod y, the Attrib uti on dimen s ion meas u res the ind ivi du al ’s pers p ectiv e of how others may perceiv e his or her bod y. The Att ri but io n dimen s ion inv ol ves tak ing the persp ecti v e of oth ers and therefo re by defi ni tio n alread y differ s fro m the oth er two dimen s i ons . As con cerns the non - exis t en ce of gen der differen ces on the Att ribu ti on dime n sio n , a clos e look at the girls ’ and boys ’ mean sco res on the bod y -est eem dimen sio ns repo rt ed in Stud ies I and II sho ws that girl s ’ sco res are fai rl y simi l ar on all three bod y -es t eem dimen si on s , but that boys hav e lower scores on the Att ri buti on dimen si on than on the oth er two dime n sio ns . Thi s ma y ind icat e that boys are more ins ecu re abou t thei r bod ies in the eyes of oth ers , whereas thei r own percepti on s of thei r bodi es are not necessaril y neg ati ve. In add it ion , my exp eri en ce fro m MOS pilo t stu di es , in whi ch parti cip an ts were asked abou t how they exp erien ced the ques tio ns , is that adol esce nt s oft en have diffi cul t i es ans wer ing quest ion s abou t what oth er peop l e think abo ut how th ey look (ask in g , e.g ., “Ho w shoul d I kno w what they thi nk?”), especiall y amo ng you n ger ado l es cent s. Int eres tin gl y, res earch using the BESAA with adult samp l es has foun d high er Cron b ach ’s alph as on the Att ribu ti on dimen si on , comp arabl e wit h those on the oth er two dimen s ion s (Ju ng & Forb es , 2006 ). The low Cronb ach ’s alphas fou nd in Stud ies I and II ma y thus be a cons eq u en ce of the part icip an ts ’ rel at iv e you th . Sti ll , the att ri but ion al asp ect of bod y -es teem shou ld not be discoun t ed , becau se how peop l e ass u me t hey look to oth ers is crit i cal to hel p in g the m form opini ons about thems el v es . Inst ead , one sho uld mak e sure that ques ti ons abo ut the att ribu ti on al asp ect of body -es t eem are age (and cult u rall y) rel evan t and eas il y co mp reh en si bl e. Anot her met h odo log ical i ssu e is that the BESAA was used in recruit ing part i cip an ts with a posi tiv e bod y i mag e for Stud ies III and IV. Speci fi cal l y, 73 p art i cip an ts were recrui t ed bas ed on thei r high bod y -es t eem sco res on the BESAA at age s 10 and 13 years . It is wort h cons id erin g whe th er the recrui ted samp l e of thi rt y adoles cen ts woul d hav e been differen t had we used a different bod y i mag e meas u re. Focu sin g on the aspects of bod yw ei ght and bod y app earan ce, one migh t argu e that the BESAA does not cap tu re some of the essen ce of posi tiv e bod y imag e, incl ud ing the accep tan ce, appreci at ion , resp ect , and prot ect ion of the bod y. What thi rt y adol es cen ts woul d hav e been samp l ed and what pos it iv e bod y i mag e characterist i cs wou ld we have found if we had recruit ed our part icip an ts using , for inst a nce, the Bod y App reci at ion Scale (BAS; Avalos et al., 2005 ), dev el op ed to meas u re posi ti ve bod y i mag e? Obvi ous l y , the ret ros p ectiv e nat ure of the ques ti on mak es it imp os si bl e to ans wer. In addit ion , the BAS was yet to be dev elo ped at the time when the long it udi nal MOS pro ject beg an in the year 200 0 . It shoul d be emp h as i zed, howev er, that our resu lt s were simi l ar to thos e of a comp arabl e stud y of coll eg e women wit h a posit iv e bod y i mag e (Wo o d - Barcalo w et al., 2010 ) , sug gest ing that our recrui t men t did not bias the res ul ts sig ni fi can tl y. It is reas on abl e to assu me that the glo bal nat ure of BESAA (con sid ering app earan ce, weig ht , and attrib uti on ) mad e it an app rop riat e me as ure for recru iti ng parti cip an ts who reg ard ed thei r bod ies in gen eral l y pos iti v e terms . 7 2 d i men si on s (Wei ght 19 – 4 2 %, App earan ce 13– 31 %). Second , in that same stu d y , we foun d no gend er differen ces in att rib ut ion al bod y -es t eem, whereas th ere were clear gend er differen ces on the oth er two dimen si ons . Thi rd , in both Studi es I and II, the Cron bach ’s alp has measu ring rel iabil it y on the Attribu ti on dimen si on were cons is t ent l y lower (ran ging fro m α = .6 4 to α = .80) than on the oth er two dimen si ons (lo wer Cron b ach ’s alph as on the Att ribu ti on scal e w ere simi l arl y fou nd when the BESAA was ori gin all y dev el op ed ; Mend el son et al., 2001 ). Altog et h er, these find ing s sugg es t that the Att rib ut io n dimen si on of bod y -es t eem fun ction s sligh tl y different ly fro m the oth er two dimen si ons , and one ma y ques ti on why thi s is the cas e. Indeed , the Att ri but ion dimen s io n differs in an imp o rt an t way fro m the oth er two dimen si on s: whereas the Weig ht and App earan ce dimen sio ns meas u re the indi vi du al ’s own persp ect iv e of his /h er bod y, the Attrib uti on dimen s ion meas u res the ind ivi du al ’s pers p ectiv e of how others may perceiv e his or her bod y. The Att ri but io n dimen s ion inv ol ves tak ing the persp ecti v e of oth ers and therefo re by defi ni tio n alread y differ s fro m the oth er two dimen s i ons . As con cerns the non - exis t en ce of gen der differen ces on the Att ribu ti on dime n sio n , a clos e look at the girls ’ and boys ’ mean sco res on the bod y -est eem dimen sio ns repo rt ed in Stud ies I and II sho ws that girl s ’ sco res are fai rl y simi l ar on all three bod y -es t eem dimen si on s , but that boys hav e lower scores on the Att ri buti on dimen si on than on the oth er two dime n sio ns . Thi s ma y ind icat e that boys are more ins ecu re abou t thei r bod ies in the eyes of oth ers , whereas thei r own percepti on s of thei r bodi es are not necessaril y neg ati ve. In add it ion , my exp eri en ce fro m MOS pilo t stu di es , in whi ch parti cip an ts were asked abou t how they exp erien ced the ques tio ns , is that adol esce nt s oft en have diffi cul t i es ans wer ing quest ion s abou t what oth er peop l e think abo ut how th ey look (ask in g , e.g ., “Ho w shoul d I kno w what they thi nk?”), especiall y amo ng you n ger ado l es cent s. Int eres tin gl y, res earch using the BESAA with adult samp l es has foun d high er Cron b ach ’s alph as on the Att ribu ti on dimen si on , comp arabl e wit h those on the oth er two dimen s ion s (Ju ng & Forb es , 2006 ). The low Cronb ach ’s alphas fou nd in Stud ies I and II ma y thus be a cons eq u en ce of the part icip an ts ’ rel at iv e you th . Sti ll , the att ri but ion al asp ect of bod y -es teem shou ld not be discoun t ed , becau se how peop l e ass u me t hey look to oth ers is crit i cal to hel p in g the m form opini ons about thems el v es . Inst ead , one sho uld mak e sure that ques ti ons abo ut the att ribu ti on al asp ect of body -es t eem are age (and cult u rall y) rel evan t and eas il y co mp reh en si bl e. Anot her met h odo log ical i ssu e is that the BESAA was used in recruit ing part i cip an ts with a posi tiv e bod y i mag e for Stud ies III and IV. Speci fi cal l y, 73 p art i cip an ts were recrui t ed bas ed on thei r high bod y -es t eem sco res on the BESAA at age s 10 and 13 years . It is wort h cons id erin g whe th er the recrui ted samp l e of thi rt y adoles cen ts woul d hav e been differen t had we used a different bod y i mag e meas u re. Focu sin g on the aspects of bod yw ei ght and bod y app earan ce, one migh t argu e that the BESAA does not cap tu re some of the essen ce of posi tiv e bod y imag e, incl ud ing the accep tan ce, appreci at ion , resp ect , and prot ect ion of the bod y. What thi rt y adol es cen ts woul d hav e been samp l ed and what pos it iv e bod y i mag e characterist i cs wou ld we have found if we had recruit ed our part icip an ts using , for inst a nce, the Bod y App reci at ion Scale (BAS; Avalos et al., 2005 ), dev el op ed to meas u re posi ti ve bod y i mag e? Obvi ous l y , the ret ros p ectiv e nat ure of the ques ti on mak es it imp os si bl e to ans wer. In addit ion , the BAS was yet to be dev elo ped at the time when the long it udi nal MOS pro ject beg an in the year 200 0 . It shoul d be emp h as i zed, howev er, that our resu lt s were simi l ar to thos e of a comp arabl e stud y of coll eg e women wit h a posit iv e bod y i mag e (Wo o d - Barcalo w et al., 2010 ) , sug gest ing that our recrui t men t did not bias the res ul ts sig ni fi can tl y. It is reas on abl e to assu me that the glo bal nat ure of BESAA (con sid ering app earan ce, weig ht , and attrib uti on ) mad e it an app rop riat e me as ure for recru iti ng parti cip an ts who reg ard ed thei r bod ies in gen eral l y pos iti v e terms . 7 4 Conclusions Th is thesis invest ig ated adol es cen ts ’ bod y imag e and comp ri s ed two parts . The first part app li ed a cult ural app ro ach to ado l es cent s ’ bod y imag e, comp arin g Swed ish and Argen ti ne an ado l es cent s ’ bod y imag e and bod y -ch ang ing beh avio rs (Stud y I) as well as exami ni ng a set of fact ors asso ci at ed wit h Swed ish adol es cen ts’ bod y imag e (Stu dy II). The seco nd part of thi s thes is app roached ado les cen ts ’ bod y i mag e from a posi tiv e psych ol og y persp ect iv e, exami n in g how adol es cen ts wit h a pos it iv e bod y imag e r efl ect ed on their bod i es , thei r views of exercis e, and the influ en ce of fami l y and friend s on thei r bod y imag e (Stu d y III). Stu d y IV focus ed on how adol es cen ts with a posit iv e bod y imag e refl ect ed on app earan ce ideal s . Whi l e there are man y cult ural differen ces bet ween Swed ish and Arg enti n ean soci et y, Swed i sh and Arg ent in ean adol escents were surp ri sin gl y simi l ar in thei r lev els of bod y -es t eem. Th i s find in g ind i cat es that Swedis h and Arg enti n ean adol es cen ts , thoug h geog rap hi call y far fro m each oth er, ma y exp erience simi l ar pres su res to con fo rm to cult u ral ideals abou t attract iv en es s. Howev er, the high rat es of dieti ng and wei gh t loss att emp t s amo ng Argent in ean girls are alarmi n g and meri t furt her att enti on . In con trast , the remark ab l y low rat e of dietin g amo n g Swed ish girl s is not ewo rt h y. In its mos t hop eful int erp ret at ion , this fin din g may ind i cat e that facto rs prot ecti ve again st girls ’ dieti ng are emb edd ed in Swedi sh soci ety, such as the occurren ce of soci et al deb ates abou t the dang ers of dietin g . Futu re res earch , howev er, coul d also scru ti ni ze dieti ng and weig ht loss beh avi o rs to evalu at e their mean i ng s and con no tati ons for Argen tin ean and Swed ish girls , as wel l as thes e girl s ’ mot i v es for engagi ng in them . The facto rs exami n ed in asso ci atio n with Swed ish a do l es cent s ’ bod y - es teem gen erall y disp l ayed a good fit with the adol escen ts ’ bod y -es t eem, in part i cul ar with girl s ’ wei ght -bas ed bod y -es teem. The find ing refl ects the bod y imag e field s ’ ori ent at io n toward girl s and the iss u e of weig ht , and emp h asi zes the imp o rtan ce of also und ers t and ing boys ’ bod y imag e and non -weigh t - relat ed bod y i mag e. The r esu lt s sho wed , howev er, that bod y ideal intern al izatio n was the exami n ed fact or that mos t strong l y pred i ct ed bot h girls ’ (on all dimen si ons ) and boys ’ (wei gh t - b as ed an d app earan ce - b ased ) bod y -es t eem . The adopt io n of soci et al appearan ce ideal s is clearl y cru cial to Swedi sh ado l escent boys ’ and girls ’ bod y imag e , as it is to ado les cents in man y other parts of the worl d . In 75 add it ion , well -es t abli sh ed gend er differen c es in bod y -es tee m , wit h girl s exp eriencin g lower bod y -es t eem than do boys , were foun d amo n g Swed ish ado l es cent s too . Thus , whi le Swed en is assu med to be one of the mos t gend er - equ al societi es in the world , wit h simi lar oppo rt uni ti es for girls and boys , Swed ish girl s stil l experi en ce more body i mag e con cerns than do boys . Th is findi ng sad l y refl ect s the sub tl e t y of the facto rs infl u en cin g girl s to view thei r bodi es neg at iv el y. Interes ti ngl y, howev er, gen der differen c es were less pro mi n en t when we focu s ed on adol e s cent s with a pos it iv e bod y i mag e. Both girl s and boys with a posi ti ve bod y imag e had an accep t in g atti tu de to thei r bodi es and imp erfecti ons . Imp o rtant l y, they emp h as i z ed a fun ct ion al view of their bod i es , focus ing on what thei r bodi es coul d do rat h er tha n how they look ed . The vast majo ri t y of the ado l es cent s were phys i cal l y acti v e and fou nd exercis e joyfu l and heal th - p ro mo ti ng . The res ul ts refl ect the imp o rt ance of enco urag ing adol es cen ts to thi nk of their bod ies as fun ct io nal , active, and useful rath er t han as pas siv e, deco rat iv e object s . Bas ed on our fin din gs , g irls , esp eci all y, shou ld be enco uraged to engage in phys i cal acti vit y and spo rts that they enjo y , in order to provi de them wit h a sen se of emp o wermen t and freedo m to take up space. The percept ion of app earan ce ideals amo n g adol es cen ts with a pos itive bod y imag e was cri ti cal . The s e ado les cen ts , girl s in part icular, des cri bed the app earan ce ideal s as u nn at ural and unrealis ti c, and crit i ci zed the med i a for onl y sho wing tho s e cons ist ent with the ideal s and for havi ng ult erio r mot iv es in doin g so. Inst ead , the se ado l es cent s defi ned beau t y wid el y and flexi bl y, stress ed the imp o rt an ce of loo king like “ on es el f ,” and conv eyed the idea that person al it y out weigh ed look s . The percept ion of beau t y as sub jecti ve was esp eci al l y pro mi n en t amo n g the boys . The findi ngs sugg es t that med i a literacy int erv en tio ns and prov id ing adol es cen ts wit h alt ern ativ e views o f beau t y ma y be help ful in pro mo t in g posi ti ve bod y imag e amo n g ado l es cen ts . Futu re qual it at ive in- d ept h stud i es of posi ti ve bod y i mag e are ess ent ial in ord er to iden ti fy add it ion al posi ti ve bod y i mag e characteri st ics and to bett er und erst and the facto rs asso ciat ed with pos it iv e bod y imag e. An imp o rtant task for futu re res earch is to imp l emen t our kno wl edg e of pos it iv e bod y i mag e in negati ve bod y imag e int erv en ti on and prev ent ion mea s u res . Such effo rt s shou ld be wid e - rang ing , int erv eni ng at the ind ivi du al , commu n i t y , and macro lev el s . Finall y, I hop e that ado les cent s ’ bod y imag e wil l be con ti nu all y inv es tig ated thr ou gh the lens es of cul ture, gen d er, and posit iv e psych olo g y. Thes e persp ect iv es are ess en ti al if we wish to und erst and ado l es cent s ’ bod y 7 4 Conclusions Th is thesis invest ig ated adol es cen ts ’ bod y imag e and comp ri s ed two parts . The first part app li ed a cult ural app ro ach to ado l es cent s ’ bod y imag e, comp arin g Swed ish and Argen ti ne an ado l es cent s ’ bod y imag e and bod y -ch ang ing beh avio rs (Stud y I) as well as exami ni ng a set of fact ors asso ci at ed wit h Swed ish adol es cen ts’ bod y imag e (Stu dy II). The seco nd part of thi s thes is app roached ado les cen ts ’ bod y i mag e from a posi tiv e psych ol og y persp ect iv e, exami n in g how adol es cen ts wit h a pos it iv e bod y imag e r efl ect ed on their bod i es , thei r views of exercis e, and the influ en ce of fami l y and friend s on thei r bod y imag e (Stu d y III). Stu d y IV focus ed on how adol es cen ts with a posit iv e bod y imag e refl ect ed on app earan ce ideal s . Whi l e there are man y cult ural differen ces bet ween Swed ish and Arg enti n ean soci et y, Swed i sh and Arg ent in ean adol escents were surp ri sin gl y simi l ar in thei r lev els of bod y -es t eem. Th i s find in g ind i cat es that Swedis h and Arg enti n ean adol es ce n ts , thoug h geog rap hi call y far fro m each oth er, ma y exp erience simi l ar pres su res to con fo rm to cult u ral ideals abou t attract iv en es s. Howev er, the high rat es of dieti ng and wei gh t loss att emp t s amo ng Argent in ean girls are alarmi n g and meri t furt her att enti on . In con trast , the remark ab l y low rat e of dietin g amo n g Swed ish girl s is not ewo rt h y. In its mos t hop eful int erp ret at ion , this fin din g may ind i cat e that facto rs prot ecti ve again st girls ’ dieti ng are emb edd ed in Swedi sh soci ety, such as the occurren ce of soci et al deb ates abou t the dang ers of dietin g . Futu re res earch , howev er, coul d also scru ti ni ze dieti ng and weig ht loss beh avi o rs to evalu at e their mean i ng s and con no tati ons for Argen tin ean and Swed ish girls , as wel l as thes e girl s ’ mot i v es for engagi ng in them . The facto rs exami n ed in asso ci atio n with Swed ish a do l es cent s ’ bod y - es teem gen erall y disp l ayed a good fit with the adol escen ts ’ bod y -es t eem, in part i cul ar with girl s ’ wei ght -bas ed bod y -es teem. The find ing refl ects the bod y imag e field s ’ ori ent at io n toward girl s and the iss u e of weig ht , and emp h asi zes the imp o rtan ce of also und ers t and ing boys ’ bod y imag e and non -weigh t - relat ed bod y i mag e. The r esu lt s sho wed , howev er, that bod y ideal intern al izatio n was the exami n ed fact or that mos t strong l y pred i ct ed bot h girls ’ (on all dimen si ons ) and boys ’ (wei gh t - b as ed an d app earan ce - b ased ) bod y -es t eem . The adopt io n of soci et al appearan ce ideal s is clearl y cru cial to Swedi sh ado l escent boys ’ and girls ’ bod y imag e , as it is to ado les cents in man y other parts of the worl d . In 75 add it ion , well -es t abli sh ed gend er differen c es in bod y -es tee m , wit h girl s exp eriencin g lower bod y -es t eem than do boys , were foun d amo n g Swed ish ado l es cent s too . Thus , whi le Swed en is assu med to be one of the mos t gend er - equ al societi es in the world , wit h simi lar oppo rt uni ti es for girls and boys , Swed ish girl s stil l experi en ce more body i mag e con cerns than do boys . Th is findi ng sad l y refl ect s the sub tl e t y of the facto rs infl u en cin g girl s to view thei r bodi es neg at iv el y. Interes ti ngl y, howev er, gen der differen c es were less pro mi n en t when we focu s ed on adol e s cent s with a pos it iv e bod y i mag e. Both girl s and boys with a posi ti ve bod y imag e had an accep t in g atti tu de to thei r bodi es and imp erfecti ons . Imp o rtant l y, they emp h as i zed a fun ct ion al view of their bod i es , focus ing on what thei r bodi es coul d do rat h er tha n how they look ed . The vast majo ri t y of the ado l es cent s were phys i cal l y acti v e and fou nd exercis e joyfu l and heal th - p ro mo ti ng . The res ul ts refl ect the imp o rt ance of enco urag ing adol es cen ts to thi nk of their bod ies as fun ct io nal , active, and useful rath er t han as pas siv e, deco rat iv e object s . Bas ed on our fin din gs , g irls , esp eci all y, shou ld be enco uraged to engage in phys i cal acti vit y and spo rts that they enjo y , in order to provi de them wit h a sen se of emp o wermen t and freedo m to take up space. The percept ion of app earan ce ideals amo n g adol es cen ts with a pos itive bod y imag e was cri ti cal . The s e ado les cen ts , girl s in part icular, des cri bed the app earan ce ideal s as u nn at ural and unrealis ti c, and crit i ci zed the med i a for onl y sho wing tho s e cons ist ent with the ideal s and for havi ng ult erio r mot iv es in doin g so. Inst ead , the se ado l es cent s defi ned beau t y wid el y and flexi bl y, stress ed the imp o rt an ce of loo king like “ on es el f ,” and conv eyed the idea that person al it y out weigh ed look s . The percept ion of beau t y as sub jecti ve was esp eci al l y pro mi n en t amo n g the boys . The findi ngs sugg es t that med i a literacy int erv en tio ns and prov id ing adol es cen ts wit h alt ern ativ e views o f beau t y ma y be help ful in pro mo t in g posi ti ve bod y imag e amo n g ado l es cen ts . Futu re qual it at ive in- d ept h stud i es of posi ti ve bod y i mag e are ess ent ial in ord er to iden ti fy add it ion al posi ti ve bod y i mag e characteri st ics and to bett er und erst and the facto rs asso ciat ed with pos it iv e bod y imag e. An imp o rtant task for futu re res earch is to imp l emen t our kno wl edg e of pos it iv e bod y i mag e in negati ve bod y imag e int erv en ti on and prev ent ion mea s u res . Such effo rt s shou ld be wid e - rang ing , int erv eni ng at the ind ivi du al , commu n i t y , and macro lev el s . Finall y, I hop e that ado les cent s ’ bod y imag e wil l be con ti nu all y inv es tig ated thr ou gh the lens es of cul ture, gen d er, and posit iv e psych olo g y. Thes e persp ect iv es are ess en ti al if we wish to und erst and ado l es cent s ’ bod y 7 6 i mag e and to dis co ver how ado l es cent s can be encou rag ed to app reciat e their bodi es . 77 R EF ER ENCES Abbot t , B. D., & Bar be r, B. L. (2011). Diffe ren ces in funct i onal and aest h et i c bod y ima ge between sed ent ar y girl s and girl s invol ved in sport s and ph ysi c al acti vi t y: Does sport t ype mak e a dif fer ence? Psychology of Sport and Exercise, 12, 333 - 342. doi: 10.1016/ j .ps ychs po rt . 2010.10.005 Alsaker, F. D. (1995). Is pubert y a crit i cal peri od for soci al i z at i on? Journal of Adolescence, 18, 427- 444. Retri eved fr om http: / / s earch.proques t .com / docvi ew/ 61889769 0 Am bj örns s on, F. (2004). I en klass för sig. Genus, klass och sexualitet bland gymnasietjejer. Stockhol m , Sweden: Ordfront . Ameri can Hea rt Associ at i on (2013). Overweight in children. Retri eved fro m http: / / www.heart .or g/ HE AR TOR G/ Get t i ngH eal t hy/ Ove rwei ght - i n - C hi l dren_UC M _304054_Art i cl e.j s p Ameri can Ps ychol o gi c al Associ at i on (2010). Report of the APA task force on the sexualization of girls. Retri eved from http: / / www.apa.or g/ pi / wom en/ progra m s / gi rl s / rep ort - ful l .pdf Anders on- F ye, E. (2004) . A "Coc a - col a " sh ape: Cult ural chan ge, bod y ima ge, and eati ng disorders in San Andrés , Beli z e. Culture, Medicine and Psychiatry, 28, 561 - 595. doi: 10.1007/ s 11013- 004- 1068- 4 Anders on- F ye, E. (2011) . Bod y ima g es in non- W es t ern cult ures . In T. F. C ash & L. Smol ak (Eds.), Body image: A handbook of science, practice, and prevention (pp. 2 44- 252). NewYork: Guil fo rd Pres s . Ar gent i na Ind ependent (2011, Novem ber 23). Size discrimination in Buenos Aires. Retri eved from http: / / www.ar gent i nai ndependent . com / s oci a l i s s ues / urbanl i fe/ s i z e - di s cri m i nat i on - i n - buenos - ai res / Askel öf, M., Stenl i d, M. H., & Edlund, B. (2007). Eati ng beh avi our and bo d y ima ge in overwei ght adol es cent gi rl s with or without h yper andro geni ci t y. Eating and Weight Disorders, 12(1), 41- 47. Retri eved from http: / / s earch.proques t .co m / docvi ew/ 621707608 Augus t us - Ho rvat h, C., & Tylka, T. L. (2011). Th e acc ept anc e model of intui t i ve eati ng: A compari s on of women in emer gi n g adul t hood, ea rl y adul t hood, and middl e adul t hood. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 58( 1), 110- 125. doi: 10.1037/ a0022129 Aval os , L., T ylk a, T. L., & Wood- B arc al ow, N. (2 005). The bod y app reci at i on scal e: Devel opm ent and ps ycho m et ri c eval uat i on. Body Image, 2, 285- 297. doi: 10.1016/ j .bod yi m .20 05.06.002 Baldwi n, J . R., Faul kner, S. L., & He cht , M. L. (2 006). A movi ng ta r get : The illus i ve defi ni t i on of cult ure. In J . R. Baldwi n, S. L. Faul k ner, M. L., He cht , and S. L. Linds l e y (Eds. ), Redefining culture: Perspectives across the disciplines (pp. 3- 26). Mahwah, NJ : La wren ce Erlbaum Associ at es Publ i s hers . 7 6 i mag e and to dis co ver how ado l es cent s can be encou rag ed to app reciat e their bodi es . 77 R EF ER ENCES Abbot t , B. D., & Bar be r, B. L. (2011). Diffe ren ces in funct i onal and aest h et i c bod y ima ge between sed ent ar y girl s and girl s invol ved in sport s and ph ysi c al acti vi t y: Does sport t ype mak e a dif fer ence? Psychology of Sport and Exercise, 12, 333 - 342. doi: 10.1016/ j .ps ychs po rt . 2010.10.005 Alsaker, F. D. (1995). Is pubert y a crit i cal peri od for soci al i z at i on? Journal of Adolescence, 18, 427- 444. Retri eved fr om http: / / s earch.proques t .com / docvi ew/ 61889769 0 Am bj örns s on, F. (2004). I en klass för sig. Genus, klass och sexualitet bland gymnasietjejer. Stockhol m , Sweden: Ordfront . Ameri can Hea rt Associ at i on (2013). Overweight in children. Retri eved fro m http: / / www.heart .or g/ HE AR TOR G/ Get t i ngH eal t hy/ Ove rwei ght - i n - C hi l dren_UC M _304054_Art i cl e.j s p Ameri can Ps ychol o gi c al Associ at i on (2010). Report of the APA task force on the sexualization of girls. Retri eved from http: / / www.apa.or g/ pi / wom en/ progra m s / gi rl s / rep ort - ful l .pdf Anders on- F ye, E. (2004) . A "Coc a - col a " sh ape: Cult ural chan ge, bod y ima ge, and eati ng disorders in San Andrés , Beli z e. Culture, Medicine and Psychiatry, 28, 561 - 595. doi: 10.1007/ s 11013- 004- 1068- 4 Anders on- F ye, E. (2011) . Bod y ima g es in non- W es t ern cult ures . In T. F. C ash & L. Smol ak (Eds.), Body image: A handbook of science, practice, and prevention (pp. 2 44- 252). NewYork: Guil fo rd Pres s . Ar gent i na Ind ependent (2011, Novem ber 23). Size discrimination in Buenos Aires. Retri eved from http: / / www.ar gent i nai ndependent . com / s oci a l i s s ues / urbanl i fe/ s i z e - di s cri m i nat i on - i n - buenos - ai res / Askel öf, M., Stenl i d, M. H., & Edlund, B. (2007). Eati ng beh avi our and bo d y ima ge in overwei ght adol es cent gi rl s with or without h yper andro geni ci t y. Eating and Weight Disorders, 12(1), 41- 47. Retri eved from http: / / s earch.proques t .co m / docvi ew/ 621707608 Augus t us - Ho rvat h, C., & Tylka, T. L. (2011). Th e acc ept anc e model of intui t i ve eati ng: A compari s on of women in emer gi n g adul t hood, ea rl y adul t hood, and middl e adul t hood. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 58( 1), 110- 125. doi: 10.1037/ a0022129 Aval os , L., T ylk a, T. L., & Wood- B arc al ow, N. (2 005). The bod y app reci at i on scal e: Devel opm ent and ps ycho m et ri c eval uat i on. Body Image, 2, 285- 297. doi: 10.1016/ j .bod yi m .20 05.06.002 Baldwi n, J . R., Faul kner, S. L., & He cht , M. L. (2 006). A movi ng ta r get : The illus i ve defi ni t i on of cult ure. In J . R. Baldwi n, S. L. Faul k ner, M. L., He cht , and S. L. Linds l e y (Eds. ), Redefining culture: Perspectives across the disciplines (pp. 3- 26). Mahwah, NJ : La wren ce Erlbaum Associ at es Publ i s hers . 7 8 Bark er, E. T., & Galam b os , N. L. (2003). Bod y dissat i s fact i on of adol es cen t girl s and bo ys: Risk and resourc es fa ct or s . The Jou rnal of Early Adolescence, 23, 141- 165. doi: 10.1177/ 0272431603023002002 Barl et t , C. P., & Harri s , R. J . (2008). The impact of bod y emphas i z i ng vid eo games on bod y image conc erns in men and women. Sex Roles, 59 , 586- 601. doi: 10.1007/ s 11199- 008- 9457- 8 Bart k y, S. L. (1990 ). Femininity and domination. Studies in the phenomenology of oppression. New York: Rout l edge. Baz z i ni , D., Curt i n, L., J osl i n, S., Regan, S., & Mart z , D. (2010). Do anim at ed Disne y chara ct ers po rt ra y and p r om ot e the beaut y - goodne s s stereot yp e? Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 40, 2 687- 2709. doi: 10.1111/ j .1559- 1816.2010.00676.x Beck er, A. E. (2004). Televi s i on, disordered eati ng, and youn g women in Fiji : Negot i at i ng bod y ima ge an d ident i t y duri ng rapi d soci al ch an ge. Culture, Medicine and Psychiatry, 28, 533- 559. doi: 10.1007/ s 11013- 004- 1067- 5 Beck er, A. E. (2005). Body, self, and society: The view from Fiji. Philadel phi a: Univers i t y of Penns yl vani a. Ber g, I., Simons s on, B., & Ring qvi s t , I. (2005 ). Soci al back ground, aspe ct s of lifes t yl e, bod y image, relat i ons , school s ituat i on, and somat i c and ps ychol o gi c al s ympt om s in obese and overw ei ght 15- yea r - ol d bo ys in a count y in S weden. Scandinavian Journal of Primary Health Care, 23 , 95- 101. Retri eved from http: / / s earch.proques t .co m / docvi ew/ 620767440 Ber g - Kel l y, K., & Erd es , L. (1997 ). Self - as s es s m e nt of sex ual maturi t y b y mid - adol es cent s based on a global quest i o n. Acta Paediatrica, 86, 10–17. Ber gs t röm , E., Stenl und, H., & Svedj eh äl l , B. (200 0). Asses s m ent of bod y among Swedi s h adol es cent s and youn g adul t s . Journal of Adolescent Health, 26, 70- 75. Re tri eved from http: / / s earch.proque s t .com / docvi ew/ 619505467 Berk, L . (2004). Development through the lifespan (3 rd ed.) . Bost on, MA: All yn and Ba con. Blarri n a, M. P., Guti érre z - M art í nez , O., Fachi nne l l i , C. C., & López , M. H. (2007). Un anál i s i s de las rela ci ones entre dist i nt as dimens i ones del autoconc ept o y el rendi m i e nt o acad ém i co en una muest ra de adol es c ent es ar gent i nos [An anal ys i s of the relat i ons hi ps between different dimens i ons of s elf - con cept and acad em i c achi evem ent in a sampl e of Ar gent i ne an adol es c en t s ] . Revista Mexicana De Psicología, 24(1), 77- 84. Retri eved from http: / / s earch.proques t .co m / docvi ew/ 621765553? account i d=11162 Blashi l l , A. J . (2011). Ge nder roles , eati ng p athol og y, and bod y dissat i s f act i on in men: A meta - anal ys i s . Body Image, 8, 1- 11. doi: 10.1016/ j .bod yi m .2010.09.002 Blond, A. (2008). Imp act s of ex pos ure to images o f ideal bodi es on male bo d y dissat i s fa ct i on: A revi ew. Body Image, 5 , 244- 250. doi: 10.1016/ j .bod yi m .2008.02.003 Blood, S. K. (2005). Body work: the social construction of women’s body image. Hove, East Sussex : Rout l edge. Braun, V., & C la rke, V. (2006). Using them at i c an al ys i s in ps ychol o g y. Qualitative Research in Psychology, 3, 77–101. Bronf enbrenn er, U. (197 7). Toward an ex peri m en t al ecol o g y of human dev el opm ent . American Psychologist, 32, 513- 531. 79 Bronf enbrenn er, U. (198 9). Ecol o gi cal s yst em s theor y. In R. Vast a (Ed.), Annals of child development, Vol. 6 (pp. 187- 249). Gr eenwi ch, C T: J AI Pr ess . Bronf enbrenn er, U. (200 5). Making human beings human: Bioecological perspectives on human development. Tho usand Oaks, CA: Sa ge P ubl i cat i ons . B ronf enbrenn er, U., & Evans , G. W. (2000). Dev el opm ent al scienc e in the 21 st cent ur y: Emer gi ng qu est i ons , theoret i cal model s , res ear ch d esi gns and empi ri cal find i ngs . Social Development, 9, 115- 125. Bronf enbrenn er, U., & Morri s , P. (2006). The Bio ecol o gi cal Model of Hu man Devel opm ent . In R. M. Le rner and W. Damon (Eds.), Theoretical Models of Human Development. Vol . 1 of the Handbook of Child Psychology (5th ed.) New Yo rk: Wile y. Brum ber g, J . J . (1998). The body project: An intimate history of American girls . New York: Vint age Books . Buchan an, N. T., Blues t e i n, B. M., Nappa, A. C., Woods , K. C., & Depat i e , M. M. (2013). Ex pl ori ng gend er diff er e nces in bod y image, eati ng pathol o g y, and s ex ual haras s m ent . Body Image, doi:10.1016/ j .bod yi m .20 13.03.004 Bukows ki , W . M. (2003) . Peer rel at i ons hi ps . In W. M. Bukows ki (Ed.) Well -being: Positive development across the life course (pp. 221- 233 ). Mahwah, US: Law renc e Erlbaum Associ at es Publ i s hers . Bull y, P., & Elosua, P. (2 011). Changes in bod y dissat i s fact i on relat i ve to gender and age: The modul at i ng ch ar act e r of BM I. The Spanish Journal of Psychology, 14, 313- 322. doi: 10.5209/ rev_S J OP .2011.v14.n1.28 Bur ges s , G., Gro gan, S., & Bu rwi t z , L. (2006 ). Ef fect s of a 6 - we ek aerobi c dance interv ent i on on bod y ima ge and ph ysi cal s elf - p erc ept i ons in adol es cent girl s . Body Image, 3, 57- 66. doi: 10.1016/ j .bod yi m .2005.10.005 Cafri , G., Yam am i ya, Y., Branni ck, M., & Thom p s on, J . K. (2005). The infl uence of soci ocul t ural fa ct ors on bod y ima ge: A m eta - an al ys i s . Clinical Psychology: Science and Practice, 12, 421- 43 3. doi: 10.1093/ cl i ps y/ bpi 053 Canpol at , B. I., Orsel , S., Akdem i r, A., & Oz ba y, M. H. (2005). The relat i o ns hi p between diet i ng and bod y ima ge, bod y ide al , self - pe rc ept i on, and bod y m ass index in Turki s h adol es cent s . International Journal of Eating Disorders, 37, 150- 155. doi: 10.1002/ eat .20081 Carl s on J ones , D. (2004). Bod y ima ge amon g adol es cent girl s and bo ys: A l ongi t udi nal stud y. Developmental Psychology, 40, 823- 835. doi: 10.1037/ 0012- 1649.40.5.823 Cash, T. F. (1995). Devel opm ent a l teasi ng about p h ysi cal appea ran ce: Retr os pect i ve descri pt i ons and rel at i ons hi ps with bod y image. Social Behavior and Personality, 23, 123–130. Cash, T. F., & Pruz i ns k y, T. (2002). Futur e ch al l e nges for bod y ima ge theo r y, rese arch, and clini cal pract i c e. In Body image. A handbook of theory, research, and clinical practice (pp. 509–516). New York, London: Th e Guil ford Press . Casul l o, M. M., Gonz ál ez , R., Sifre, S., & Mart or el l , C. (2000). El compor t am ei nt o alim ent ari o en estudi ant e s adol es cent es español es y ar gent i nos [Eat i ng beh avi or in Spani s h and Ar gent i nean adol es cent student s ] . Revista Iberoamericana de Diagnóstico y Evaluación Psicológica, 10, 9- 24. Retri eved from http: / / s earch. proques t .co m / docvi ew/ 619831373 7 8 Bark er, E. T., & Galam b os , N. L. (2003). Bod y dissat i s fact i on of adol es cen t girl s and bo ys: Risk and resourc es fa ct or s . The Jou rnal of Early Adolescence, 23, 141- 165. doi: 10.1177/ 0272431603023002002 Barl et t , C. P., & Harri s , R. J . (2008). The impact of bod y emphas i z i ng vid eo games on bod y image conc erns in men and women. Sex Roles, 59 , 586- 601. doi: 10.1007/ s 11199- 008- 9457- 8 Bart k y, S. L. (1990 ). Femininity and domination. Studies in the phenomenology of oppression. New York: Rout l edge. Baz z i ni , D., Curt i n, L., J osl i n, S., Regan, S., & Mart z , D. (2010). Do anim at ed Disne y chara ct ers po rt ra y and p r om ot e the beaut y - goodne s s stereot yp e? Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 40, 2 687- 2709. doi: 10.1111/ j .1559- 1816.2010.00676.x Beck er, A. E. (2004). Televi s i on, disordered eati ng, and youn g women in Fiji : Negot i at i ng bod y ima ge an d ident i t y duri ng rapi d soci al ch an ge. Culture, Medicine and Psychiatry, 28, 533- 559. doi: 10.1007/ s 11013- 004- 1067- 5 Beck er, A. E. (2005). Body, self, and society: The view from Fiji. Philadel phi a: Univers i t y of Penns yl vani a. Ber g, I., Simons s on, B., & Ring qvi s t , I. (2005 ). Soci al back ground, aspe ct s of lifes t yl e, bod y image, relat i ons , school s ituat i on, and somat i c and ps ychol o gi c al s ympt om s in obese and overw ei ght 15- yea r - ol d bo ys in a count y in S weden. Scandinavian Journal of Primary Health Care, 23 , 95- 101. Retri eved from http: / / s earch.proques t .co m / docvi ew/ 620767440 Ber g - Kel l y, K., & Erd es , L. (1997 ). Self - as s es s m e nt of sex ual maturi t y b y mid - adol es cent s based on a global quest i o n. Acta Paediatrica, 86, 10–17. Ber gs t röm , E., Stenl und, H., & Svedj eh äl l , B. (200 0). Asses s m ent of bod y among Swedi s h adol es cent s and youn g adul t s . Journal of Adolescent Health, 26, 70- 75. Re tri eved from http: / / s earch.proque s t .com / docvi ew/ 619505467 Berk, L . (2004). Development through the lifespan (3 rd ed.) . Bost on, MA: All yn and Ba con. Blarri n a, M. P., Guti érre z - M art í nez , O., Fachi nne l l i , C. C., & López , M. H. (2007). Un anál i s i s de las rela ci ones entre dist i nt as dimens i ones del autoconc ept o y el rendi m i e nt o acad ém i co en una muest ra de adol es c ent es ar gent i nos [An anal ys i s of the relat i ons hi ps between different dimens i ons of s elf - con cept and acad em i c achi evem ent in a sampl e of Ar gent i ne an adol es c en t s ] . Revista Mexicana De Psicología, 24(1), 77- 84. Retri eved from http: / / s earch.proques t .co m / docvi ew/ 621765553? account i d=11162 Blashi l l , A. J . (2011). Ge nder roles , eati ng p athol og y, and bod y dissat i s f act i on in men: A meta - anal ys i s . Body Image, 8, 1- 11. doi: 10.1016/ j .bod yi m .2010.09.002 Blond, A. (2008). Imp act s of ex pos ure to images o f ideal bodi es on male bo d y dissat i s fa ct i on: A revi ew. Body Image, 5 , 244- 250. doi: 10.1016/ j .bod yi m .2008.02.003 Blood, S. K. (2005). Body work: the social construction of women’s body image. Hove, East Sussex : Rout l edge. Braun, V., & C la rke, V. (2006). Using them at i c an al ys i s in ps ychol o g y. Qualitative Research in Psychology, 3, 77–101. Bronf enbrenn er, U. (197 7). Toward an ex peri m en t al ecol o g y of human dev el opm ent . American Psychologist, 32, 513- 531. 79 Bronf enbrenn er, U. (198 9). Ecol o gi cal s yst em s theor y. In R. Vast a (Ed.), Annals of child development, Vol. 6 (pp. 187- 249). Gr eenwi ch, C T: J AI Pr ess . Bronf enbrenn er, U. (200 5). Making human beings human: Bioecological perspectives on human development. Tho usand Oaks, CA: Sa ge P ubl i cat i ons . B ronf enbrenn er, U., & Evans , G. W. (2000). Dev el opm ent al scienc e in the 21 st cent ur y: Emer gi ng qu est i ons , theoret i cal model s , res ear ch d esi gns and empi ri cal find i ngs . Social Development, 9, 115- 125. Bronf enbrenn er, U., & Morri s , P. (2006). The Bio ecol o gi cal Model of Hu man Devel opm ent . In R. M. Le rner and W. Damon (Eds.), Theoretical Models of Human Development. Vol . 1 of the Handbook of Child Psychology (5th ed.) New Yo rk: Wile y. Brum ber g, J . J . (1998). The body project: An intimate history of American girls . New York: Vint age Books . Buchan an, N. T., Blues t e i n, B. M., Nappa, A. C., Woods , K. C., & Depat i e , M. M. (2013). Ex pl ori ng gend er diff er e nces in bod y image, eati ng pathol o g y, and s ex ual haras s m ent . Body Image, doi:10.1016/ j .bod yi m .20 13.03.004 Bukows ki , W . M. (2003) . Peer rel at i ons hi ps . In W. M. Bukows ki (Ed.) Well -being: Positive development across the life course (pp. 221- 233 ). Mahwah, US: Law renc e Erlbaum Associ at es Publ i s hers . Bull y, P., & Elosua, P. (2 011). Changes in bod y dissat i s fact i on relat i ve to gender and age: The modul at i ng ch ar act e r of BM I. The Spanish Journal of Psychology, 14, 313- 322. doi: 10.5209/ rev_S J OP .2011.v14.n1.28 Bur ges s , G., Gro gan, S., & Bu rwi t z , L. (2006 ). Ef fect s of a 6 - we ek aerobi c dance interv ent i on on bod y ima ge and ph ysi cal s elf - p erc ept i ons in adol es cent girl s . Body Image, 3, 57- 66. doi: 10.1016/ j .bod yi m .2005.10.005 Cafri , G., Yam am i ya, Y., Branni ck, M., & Thom p s on, J . K. (2005). The infl uence of soci ocul t ural fa ct ors on bod y ima ge: A m eta - an al ys i s . Clinical Psychology: Science and Practice, 12, 421- 43 3. doi: 10.1093/ cl i ps y/ bpi 053 Canpol at , B. I., Orsel , S., Akdem i r, A., & Oz ba y, M. H. (2005). The relat i o ns hi p between diet i ng and bod y ima ge, bod y ide al , self - pe rc ept i on, and bod y m ass index in Turki s h adol es cent s . International Journal of Eating Disorders, 37, 150- 155. doi: 10.1002/ eat .20081 Carl s on J ones , D. (2004). Bod y ima ge amon g adol es cent girl s and bo ys: A l ongi t udi nal stud y. Developmental Psychology, 40, 823- 835. doi: 10.1037/ 0012- 1649.40.5.823 Cash, T. F. (1995). Devel opm ent a l teasi ng about p h ysi cal appea ran ce: Retr os pect i ve descri pt i ons and rel at i ons hi ps with bod y image. Social Behavior and Personality, 23, 123–130. Cash, T. F., & Pruz i ns k y, T. (2002). Futur e ch al l e nges for bod y ima ge theo r y, rese arch, and clini cal pract i c e. In Body image. A handbook of theory, research, and clinical practice (pp. 509–516). New York, London: Th e Guil ford Press . Casul l o, M. M., Gonz ál ez , R., Sifre, S., & Mart or el l , C. (2000). El compor t am ei nt o alim ent ari o en estudi ant e s adol es cent es español es y ar gent i nos [Eat i ng beh avi or in Spani s h and Ar gent i nean adol es cent student s ] . Revista Iberoamericana de Diagnóstico y Evaluación Psicológica, 10, 9- 24. 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Weight - t e as i n g and emot i onal well - bei n g in adol es cent s : Lon gi t udi na l findi ngs from proj e ct EAT. Journal of Adolescent Health, 38, 675–683. Elli s , B. J ., & Garber, J . (2000). Ps ychos o ci al ante cedent s of vari at i on in gi rl s ' pube rt al timi ng: Maternal dep res s i on, step fat her pr esenc e, and mari t al and fami l y st res s . Child Development, 71, 485- 50 1. doi: 10.1111/ 1467- 8624.00159 Erli ng, A., & Hw an g, C. P. (2004a). Bod y - es t e em in Swedi s h 10- ye ar - ol d chil dren. Perceptual and Motor Skills, 99, 437- 444. doi: 10.2466/ P M S .99.5.437- 444 Erli ng, A., & Hw an g, C. P . (2004b). Swedi s h 10- year - ol d chil dren’s pe rc ep t i ons and ex peri ences of bull yi n g. Journal of School Violence, 3, 33–43. Faci o, A., & Res et t , S. (2012). Argentina. In J. J . Arnet t (Ed.), Adolescent psychology around the world (p p. 151- 162). New York: Ps ychol o g y P ress . Fawkn er, H. J . (2012). 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M., Edlund, B., Gomez - P erret t a, C., La n g, F., Moh am m adkhani , P., . . . Lamp rech t , F. (2002). Bod y dissat i s fact i on and its interrel at i ons with other risk fact ors fo r buli m i a nervo s a in 12 count ri es . Psychotherapy and Psychosomatics, 71(1), 54- 61. doi: 10.115 9/ 000049344 J ohans s on, L., Gh ade ri , A., & And ers s on, G. (20 05). Stroop interfer ence for food- and bod y - rel at ed wo rds : A meta - an al ys i s . Eating Behaviors, 6, 271- 281. doi: 10.1016/ j .eat beh.2004.11.001 J ohns on, F., & Wardl e, J . (2005). Diet a r y rest r ai nt , bod y dissat i s fa ct i on, and ps ychol o gi c al dist res s : A prospect i ve anal ys i s . Journal of Abnormal Psychology, 114, 11 9–125. J ones , D. C. (2001). Soci al compari s on and bod y i mage: Attract i ven es s co mpari s ons to model s and peers among adol es cent girl s and bo ys . Sex Roles, 45, 645- 664. doi: 10.1023/ A: 1014815725852 J ones , D. C. (2011). 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Bod y ima ge and the ap pearan ce cult ure among adol es cent girl s and bo ys: An ex am i nat i on of friend con vers at i ons , peer crit i ci s m , appear an c e ma gaz i nes , and the inte rnal i z at i on of appear ance ide a l s . Journal of Adolescent Research, 19, 323- 339. doi: 10.1177/ 0743558403258847 J ung, J ., & Forbes , G. B. (2006). Mult i di m ens i onal asses s m ent of bod y dissat i s fact i on and disordered eati ng in Ko re an and US coll e ge wome n: A comparat i ve stud y. Sex Roles, 55, 39- 50. doi: 10.1007/ s 11199- 006- 9058- 3 Kalt i al a - Hei no, R., Kosu nen, E., & Rimpel ä, M. (2003). Pubert al timi ng, s ex ual behavi our and self - r e port ed d epres s i on in middl e adol es cenc e. Journal of Adolescence, 26, 531- 545. doi: 10.1016/ S 0140- 1971(03)00053- 8 Kawam ur a, K. Y. (2002 ) . Asian Ameri c an bod y images . In T. F. Cash, & T. Pruz i ns k y (Eds.), Body image. A handbook of theory, research, and clinical practice (pp. 243 –249). 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Gend er diff eren c es in wei ght relat ed conc erns in earl y to late adol es c ence. Journal of Epidemiology and Community Health, 56, 701 - 702. doi: ht t p: / / dx .doi .org/ 10.1136/ j ech.56.9.700 Tanner, D. (1972). Secondary Education. New Yo rk: Macm i l l an. Tant l eff - Dunn, S., Ba rne s , R. D., & Laros e, J . G. ( 2011). It 's not just a “W o m an thing: ” the current stat e o f norm at i v e discont ent . Eating Disorders: The Journal of Treatment & Prevention, 19, 392- 402. doi: ht t p: / / dx .doi .org/ 10.1080/ 10640266.2011.609088 Ta yl o r, G. J ., Ba gb y, R. M., & Parke r, J . D. A. (1991) . The Alex i t h ym i a const ruct : A potent i al paradi gm for ps yc hos om at i c medi ci ne, Psychosomatics, 32, 153- 164. The Week (2007, J anuar y 23). Women feel pressure as Argentina becomes cosmetic surgery capital. Retri eved from h ttp: / / www.t heweek.co.uk / pol i t i cs / 28187/ wom en- feel - pres s ure - ar gent i na - be co m es - cos m et i c - s ur ger y - ca pi t al Theber ge, N. (2003). "N o fear comes ": Adol es c e nt girl s , ice ho cke y and t he embodi m ent of gend er. Youth & Society, 34, 497- 516. doi: ht t p: / / dx .doi .org/ 10.1177/ 0044118X03034004005 Thom ps on, J . K., & Altabe, M. N. (1991). Ps ycho m et ri c qual i t i es of the fi gure rati n g sc al e. International Journal of Eating Disorders, 10, 615- 619. Ret ri eved from http: / / s earch.proques t .co m / docvi ew/ 618073734? account i d=11162 Thom ps on, J . K., Catt arin, J ., Fowl er, B., & Fishe r, E. (1995a). The Per cep t i on of Teasi ng Scal e (POTS ): A revi s i o n and ex tens i on of the Phys i cal Ap pea ranc e Relat e d Teasi n g Scal e (PAR TS ). Journal of Personality Assessment, 65, 146–157. Thom ps on, J . K., Coovert , M. D., Richards , K. J ., J ohns on, S., & Catt ari n, J. (1995b). Devel opm ent of bod y im age, eati ng dist urban ce, and gen eral ps yc hol ogi cal funct i oni ng in femal e ad ol es cent s : Covari an c e str uct ure model i n g and lon gi t udi nal inves t i gat i ons . International Journal of Eating Disorders, 18, 221–236. 95 Thom ps on, J . K., Heinberg, L. J ., Altabe, M., & Tant l eff - Dunn, S. (1999 ). Ex act i ng beaut y. Theory, assessment, and treatment of body image disturbance. Washi ngt on DC: Ameri can Ps ychol o gi c al Associ at i on. Thurfj el l , B., Edlund, B., Arinel l , H., Hä ggl öf, B., Garne r, D. M., & En gst r öm , I. (2004 ). Eati ng disorde r invent or y for chil dren (ED I - C ): Ef fect s of age and gender i n a Swedi s h sampl e. European Eating Disorders Review, 12, 256- 264. doi: ht t p: / / dx .doi .org/ 10.1002/ erv.583 Tiggem ann, M., & Will i am s on, S. (2000). The eff ect of ex erci s e on bod y s ati s fact i on and self - es t e em as a fun ct i on of gender and age. Sex Roles, 43, 119- 127. Retri e ved from http: / / s earch.proques t .co m / docvi ew/ 619537429 Tiggem ann, M. (2004). Bod y ima ge acros s the adul t life span: Stabi l i t y and chan ge. Body Image, 1, 29- 41. doi: ht t p: / / dx .doi .org/ 10.1016/ S 1740- 1445(03)00002- 0 Tiggem ann, M. (2011). S oci ocul t ural persp ect i ves on human appea ranc e an d bod y ima ge. In T. F. Cash & L. Smol ak (Eds.), Body image. A handbook of science, practice, and prevention (pp. 12- 19 ). New York: Guil fo rd Pres s . Tokunaga, R. S. (2010). F oll owi ng you home fro m school : A crit i cal revi e w and s ynt hes i s of resea rch on c yb erbul l yi n g vict i m i z at i on. Computers in Human Behavior, 26, 277- 287. doi: ht t p: / / dx .doi .org/ 10.1016/ j .chb.2009.11.014 Trost , K. (2012). Swed en . In J . J . Arnet t (Ed.), Adolescent psychology around the world (pp. 335- 354). New York: Psyc hol o g y Pr ess . Tylka T. L. (2011). Posi t i ve ps ych ol og y p erspe ct i ves on bod y ima ge. In T. F. Cash & L. Smol ak (Eds.), Body image. A handbook of science, practice, and prevention (pp. 56- 64). New Yo rk : Guil ford Press . Tylka, T. L. (2012). Posi t i ve ps ych ol og y p erspe ct i ves on bod y ima ge. In T. F. Cash (Ed.), Encyklopedia of body image and human appearance (pp. 657- 663 ). Lond on, UK: Academ i c Pr ess . UMO (2013, J une 25). Alla kollar på mig [Ever yb od y looks at me; onli ne forum ] . Retri eved from http: / / www.um o.s e/ Egna - ber at t el s er/ S kri v - di n- e gen - b erat t el s e/ Kanna - s i g - ut anfor/ Al l a - kol l ar - pa - m i g/ UMO (2 013, Au gus t 7). Jämställdhet [ Gender eq ual i t y] . Retri ev ed from http: / / www.um o.s e/J ag/ J am s t al l dhet / UNDP (2013). Human Development Report 2013. The rise of the south: Human progress in a diverse world. Retr i eved from http: / / hdrs t at s .undp.org/ e n/ count ri es / profi l es / S W E.ht m l Unicef (2007 ). Early gender socialization. Retri eved from http: / / www.uni cef.or g/ ea rl ychi l dhood/ i ndex _40749.ht m l Vart ani an, L. R. (2000 ). Revi s i t i ng the imagi na r y audi ence and person al fa bl e const ruct s of adol es cent ego cent ri s m : A concept u al revi ew. Adolescence, 35 , 639- 661. Retri eved from http: / / s ear ch.proque s t .com / docvi ew/ 619656844 Vincent , M. A., & McC a be, M. P. (2000). Gend er differen ces among adol e s cent s in fami l y, and peer in fl uenc es on bod y dissat i s fa ct i on, wei ght loss, and binge eati ng behavi ors . Journal of Youth and Adolescence, 29, 205- 221. doi: ht t p: / / dx .doi .org/ 10.1023/ A: 1005156616173 9 4 bod y proj ect I. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 36, 309- 325. doi: ht t p: / / dx .doi .org/ 10.1177/ 0146167209359702 Swam i , V., Hadj i - M i cha el , M., & Furnham , A. (2 008). Personal i t y and indi vi dual differen ce correl at es of posi t i ve bod y ima ge. Body Image, 5, 322- 325. doi: ht t p: / / dx .doi .org/ 10.1016/ j .bod yi m .2008.03.00 7 Swam i , V., & Jaafa r, J . L. (2012). Fact or stru ct ure of the bod y appr eci at i on scal e amon g indones i an women and men: Furt her evidenc e of a two- fa ct or solut i on in a non- wes t ern popul at i on. Body Image, 9, 539- 542. doi: ht t p: / / dx .doi .org/ 10.1016/ j .bod yi m .2012.06.00 2 Swam i , V., Stieger, S., Haubner, T., & Vo rac ek, M. (2008). Germ an trans l at i on and ps ychom et ri c ev al uat i on of the bod y appr eci at i on scal e. Body Image, 5, 12 2- 127. doi: ht t p: / / dx .doi .org/ 10.1016/ j .bod yi m .2007.10.00 2 Swedi s h Confederat i on for Profes s i onal Empl o ye es (2013). Jämställdhet [Gender equal i t y] . Retri eved from http: / / ww w.t co.s e/ var a - fr a gor/ J am s t al l dhet / Swedi s h Dele gat i on for Gender Equ al i t y in Scho ol (2009). Flickor och pojkar i skolan - hur jämställt är det? [Girl s and bo ys at school – how gend er equ al is it? ] Retri eved from http: / / www.regeri n gen.s e / s b/ d/ 108/ a/ 129434 Sweet i ng, H., & West , P. (2002). Gend er diff eren c es in wei ght relat ed conc erns in earl y to late adol es c ence. Journal of Epidemiology and Community Health, 56, 701 - 702. doi: ht t p: / / dx .doi .org/ 10.1136/ j ech.56.9.700 Tanner, D. (1972). Secondary Education. New Yo rk: Macm i l l an. Tant l eff - Dunn, S., Ba rne s , R. D., & Laros e, J . G. ( 2011). It 's not just a “W o m an thing: ” the current stat e o f norm at i v e discont ent . Eating Disorders: The Journal of Treatment & Prevention, 19, 392- 402. doi: ht t p: / / dx .doi .org/ 10.1080/ 10640266.2011.609088 Ta yl o r, G. J ., Ba gb y, R. M., & Parke r, J . D. A. (1991) . The Alex i t h ym i a const ruct : A potent i al paradi gm for ps yc hos om at i c medi ci ne, Psychosomatics, 32, 153- 164. The Week (2007, J anuar y 23). Women feel pressure as Argentina becomes cosmetic surgery capital. Retri eved from h ttp: / / www.t heweek.co.uk / pol i t i cs / 28187/ wom en- feel - pres s ure - ar gent i na - be co m es - cos m et i c - s ur ger y - ca pi t al Theber ge, N. (2003). "N o fear comes ": Adol es c e nt girl s , ice ho cke y and t he embodi m ent of gend er. Youth & Society, 34, 497- 516. doi: ht t p: / / dx .doi .org/ 10.1177/ 0044118X03034004005 Thom ps on, J . K., & Altabe, M. N. (1991). Ps ycho m et ri c qual i t i es of the fi gure rati n g sc al e. International Journal of Eating Disorders, 10, 615- 619. Ret ri eved from http: / / s earch.proques t .co m / docvi ew/ 618073734? account i d=11162 Thom ps on, J . K., Catt arin, J ., Fowl er, B., & Fishe r, E. (1995a). The Per cep t i on of Teasi ng Scal e (POTS ): A revi s i o n and ex tens i on of the Phys i cal Ap pea ranc e Relat e d Teasi n g Scal e (PAR TS ). Journal of Personality Assessment, 65, 146–157. Thom ps on, J . K., Coovert , M. D., Richards , K. J ., J ohns on, S., & Catt ari n, J. (1995b). Devel opm ent of bod y im age, eati ng dist urban ce, and gen eral ps yc hol ogi cal funct i oni ng in femal e ad ol es cent s : Covari an c e str uct ure model i n g and lon gi t udi nal inves t i gat i ons . International Journal of Eating Disorders, 18, 221–236. 95 Thom ps on, J . K., Heinberg, L. J ., Altabe, M., & Tant l eff - Dunn, S. (1999 ). Ex act i ng beaut y. Theory, assessment, and treatment of body image disturbance. Washi ngt on DC: Ameri can Ps ychol o gi c al Associ at i o n. Thurfj el l , B., Edlund, B., Arinel l , H., Hä ggl öf, B., Garne r, D. M., & En gst r öm , I. (2004 ). Eati ng disorde r invent or y for chil dren (ED I - C ): Ef fect s of age and gender i n a Swedi s h sampl e. European Eating Disorders Review, 12, 256- 264. doi: ht t p: / / dx .doi .org/ 10.1002/ erv.583 Tiggem ann, M., & Will i am s on, S. (2000). The eff ect of ex erci s e on bod y s ati s fact i on and self - es t e em as a fun ct i on of gender and age. Sex Roles, 43, 119- 127. Retri e ved from http: / / s earch.proques t .co m / docvi ew/ 619537429 Tiggem ann, M. (2004). Bod y ima ge acros s the adul t life span: Stabi l i t y and chan ge. Body Image, 1, 29- 41. doi: ht t p: / / dx .doi .org/ 10.1016/ S 1740- 1445(03)00002- 0 Tiggem ann, M. (2011). S oci ocul t ural persp ect i ves on human appea ranc e an d bod y ima ge. In T. F. Cash & L. Smol ak (Eds.), Body image. A handbook of science, practice, and prevention (pp. 12- 19 ). New York: Guil fo rd Pres s . Tokunaga, R. S. (2010). F oll owi ng you home fro m school : A crit i cal revi e w and s ynt hes i s of resea rch on c yb erbul l yi n g vict i m i z at i on. Computers in Human Behavior, 26, 277- 287. doi: ht t p: / / dx .doi .org/ 10.1016/ j .chb.2009.11.014 Trost , K. (2012). Swed en . In J . J . Arnet t (Ed.), Adolescent psychology around the world (pp. 335- 354). New York: Psyc hol o g y Pr ess . Tylka T. L. (2011). Posi t i ve ps ych ol og y p erspe ct i ves on bod y ima ge. In T. F. Cash & L. Smol ak (Eds.), Body image. A handbook of science, practice, and prevention (pp. 56- 64). New Yo rk : Guil ford Press . Tylka, T. L. (2012). Posi t i ve ps ych ol og y p erspe ct i ves on bod y ima ge. In T. F. Cash (Ed.), Encyklopedia of body image and human appearance (pp. 657- 663 ). Lond on, UK: Academ i c Pr ess . UMO (2013, J une 25). Alla kollar på mig [Ever yb od y looks at me; onli ne forum ] . Retri eved from http: / / www.um o.s e/ Egna - ber at t el s er/ S kri v - di n- e gen - b erat t el s e/ Kanna - s i g - ut anfor/ Al l a - kol l ar - pa - m i g/ UMO (2 013, Au gus t 7). Jämställdhet [ Gender eq ual i t y] . Retri ev ed from http: / / www.um o.s e/J ag/ J am s t al l dhet / UNDP (2013). Human Development Report 2013. The rise of the south: Human progress in a diverse world. Retr i eved from http: / / hdrs t at s .undp.org/ e n/ count ri es / profi l es / S W E.ht m l Unicef (2007 ). Early gender socialization. Retri eved from http: / / www.uni cef.or g/ ea rl ychi l dhood/ i ndex _40749.ht m l Vart ani an, L. R. (2000 ). Revi s i t i ng the imagi na r y audi ence and person al fa bl e const ruct s of adol es cent ego cent ri s m : A concept u al revi ew. Adolescence, 35 , 639- 661. Retri eved from http: / / s ear ch.proque s t .com / docvi ew/ 619656844 Vincent , M. A., & McC a be, M. P. (2000). Gend er differen ces among adol e s cent s in fami l y, and peer in fl uenc es on bod y dissat i s fa ct i on, wei ght loss, and binge eati ng behavi ors . Journal of Youth and Adolescence, 29, 205- 221. doi: ht t p: / / dx .doi .org/ 10.1023/ A: 1005156616173 9 6 W ade, T. D., Davi ds on, S., & O’D ea, J . A. (2003). A prel i m i nar y cont rol l ed eval uat i on of a school - bas ed medi a lite ra c y and self - es t eem pro gr am for redu ci n g eati n g di sorder risk fact ors . International Journal of Eating Disorders, 33, 371–383. Wanous , J . P., Reichers , A. E., & Hud y, M. J . (19 97). Over al l job sati s fact i on: how good are singl e - i t em me asures ? Journal of Applied Psychology, 82, 247- 252. Wert hei m , E. H., Mart i n, G., Prior, M., Sanson, A., & Smart , D. (2002 ). Par ent infl uences in the trans m i s s i on of eati ng and wei ght relat ed valu es and behavi o rs . Eating Disorders: The Journal of Treatment & Prevention, 10, 321- 334. doi: ht t p: / / dx .doi .org/ 10.1080/ 10640260214507 Wert hei m , E. H. & Pax t on, S. J . (2011). Bod y ima ge d evel opm ent in adol es cent girl s . In T. F. Cash & L. Smol ak (Eds.) , Body image. A handbook of science, practice, and prevention (pp. 76- 84 ). New York: Guil fo rd Pres s . Wert hei m E. H. & Pax t on, S. J . (2012). Bod y ima ge d evel opm ent – adol es cent girl s . In T. F. Cash (Ed.), Encyklopedia of body image and human appearance (pp. 187 - 1 93). London, UK: Acad em i c Press . West erber g - J acobs on, J ., Edlund, B., & Ghade ri , A. (2010). A 5- ye ar lon gi t udi nal stud y o f the relat i ons hi p between th e wish to be thinner, lifes t yl e behavi ours and dist urb ed eati n g in 9- 20- ye ar old girl s . European Eating Disorders Review, 18, 207- 219. doi: ht t p: / / dx .doi .org/ 10.1002/ erv.983 West erber g ‐J acobs on, J ., Ghaderi , A., & Edlund, B. (2012). A longi t udi nal stud y of moti ves for wishi ng to be thinner and wei ght ‐cont rol pr act i ces in 7 ‐ to 18‐ yea r ‐ol d Swedi s h girl s . European Eating Disorders Review, 20, 294 - 302. doi: ht t p: / / dx .doi .org/ 10.1002/ erv.1145 Wheel er, L., & Mi ya ke, K. (1992). Soci al compa r i s on in ever yda y life. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 62, 760- 773. doi: ht t p: / / dx .doi .org/ 10.1037/ 0022- 3514.62.5.760 Will i am s , L. K., Ricci a rd el l i , L. A., McC ab e, M. P., Waqa, G. G., & Bavadr a , K. (2006). Bod y ima ge atti t udes and concerns amon g indi gen ous Fiji an and Europe an Aust ral i an adol es c ent gir l s . Body Image, 3, 275- 2 87. doi: ht t p: / / dx .doi .org/ 10.1016/ j .bod yi m .2006.06.00 1 Wood- Barc al ow, N., T yl ka, T. L., & Au gus t us - H orvat h, C. (2010). "But I like m y bod y": Posi t i ve bod y ima ge cha r act eri s t i cs and a holi s t i c model for youn g - adul t women. Body Image, 7, 106 - 116. doi: ht t p: / / dx .doi .org/ 10.1016/ j .bod yi m .2010.01.00 1 Worl d Bank (2013). Argentina overview. Retri ev ed from http: / / www.worl dbank.or g/ en/ count r y/ ar gent i na/ o vervi ew W yk es , M., & Gunt er, B. (2005). The media & body image. London: Sa ge Publ i cat i ons . 97 APPENDIX I. Hol mq v is t K., Lund e, C., & Fri s én , A. (2007 ). Diet in g beh av io rs , bod y shap e percept ion s , and bod y satis fact ion : Cro ss -cul tu ral d ifferences in Arg enti n ean and Swed ish 13 -year -o lds . Body Image, 4, 191 - 20 0. II. Fri sén , A., & Hol mq v is t , K. (201 0 ). Bio log i cal , socio cu lt u ral , and beh avio ral fact o rs asso ciat ed with bod y diss atis fact ion in Swedi sh 16- year -o l d boys and girl s . Sex Roles, 63 , 373-3 85 . III. Fri sén , A., & Hol mq v is t , K (201 0). What charact eri zes earl y ado l es cent s with a posit iv e bod y imag e? A quali t ati v e invest ig at ion of Swed is h girls and boys . Body Image, 7, 20 5– 2 12 . IV. Hol mq v is t , K., & Fris én , A. (201 2 ).”I bet they aren ’t that perfect in reali t y.” App earance ideals fro m the pers pecti v e of adol es cent s with a posi ti ve bod y imag e. Body Image, 9, 388-39 5 . 9 6 W ade, T. D., Davi ds on, S., & O’D ea, J . A. (2003). A prel i m i nar y cont rol l ed eval uat i on of a school - bas ed medi a lite ra c y and self - es t eem pro gr am for redu ci n g eati n g di sorder risk fact ors . International Journal of Eating Disorders, 33, 371–383. Wanous , J . P., Reichers , A. E., & Hud y, M. J . (19 97). Over al l job sati s fact i on: how good are singl e - i t em me asures ? Journal of Applied Psychology, 82, 247- 252. Wert hei m , E. H., Mart i n, G., Prior, M., Sanson, A., & Smart , D. (2002 ). Par ent infl uences in the trans m i s s i on of eati ng and wei ght relat ed valu es and behavi o rs . Eating Disorders: The Journal of Treatment & Prevention, 10, 321- 334. doi: ht t p: / / dx .doi .org/ 10.1080/ 10640260214507 Wert hei m , E. H. & Pax t on, S. J . (2011). Bod y ima ge d evel opm ent in adol es cent girl s . In T. F. Cash & L. Smol ak (Eds.) , Body image. A handbook of science, practice, and prevention (pp. 76- 84 ). New York: Guil fo rd Pres s . Wert hei m E. H. & Pax t on, S. J . (2012). Bod y ima ge d evel opm ent – adol es cent girl s . In T. F. Cash (Ed.), Encyklopedia of body image and human appearance (pp. 187 - 1 93). London, UK: Acad em i c Press . West erber g - J acobs on, J ., Edlund, B., & Ghade ri , A. (2010). A 5- ye ar lon gi t udi nal stud y o f the relat i ons hi p between th e wish to be thinner, lifes t yl e behavi ours and dist urb ed eati n g in 9- 20- ye ar old girl s . European Eating Disorders Review, 18, 207- 219. doi: ht t p: / / dx .doi .org/ 10.1002/ erv.983 West erber g ‐J acobs on, J ., Ghaderi , A., & Edlund, B. (2012). A longi t udi nal stud y of moti ves for wishi ng to be thinner and wei ght ‐cont rol pr act i ces in 7 ‐ to 18‐ yea r ‐ol d Swedi s h girl s . European Eating Disorders Review, 20, 294 - 302. doi: ht t p: / / dx .doi .org/ 10.1002/ erv.1145 Wheel er, L., & Mi ya ke, K. (1992). Soci al compa r i s on in ever yda y life. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 62, 760- 773. doi: ht t p: / / dx .doi .org/ 10.1037/ 0022- 3514.62.5.760 Will i am s , L. K., Ricci a rd el l i , L. A., McC ab e, M. P., Waqa, G. G., & Bavadr a , K. (2006). Bod y ima ge atti t udes and concerns amon g indi gen ous Fiji an and Europe an Aust ral i an adol es c ent gir l s . Body Image, 3, 275- 2 87. doi: ht t p: / / dx .doi .org/ 10.1016/ j .bod yi m .2006.06.00 1 Wood- Barc al ow, N., T yl ka, T. L., & Au gus t us - H orvat h, C. (2010). "But I like m y bod y": Posi t i ve bod y ima ge cha r act eri s t i cs and a holi s t i c model for youn g - adul t women. Body Image, 7, 106 - 116. doi: ht t p: / / dx .doi .org/ 10.1016/ j .bod yi m .2010.01.00 1 Worl d Bank (2013). Argentina overview. Retri ev ed from http: / / www.worl dbank.or g/ en/ count r y/ ar gent i na/ o vervi ew W yk es , M., & Gunt er, B. (2005). The media & body image. London: Sa ge Publ i cat i ons . 97 APPENDIX I. Hol mq v is t K., Lund e, C., & Fri s én , A. (2007 ). Diet in g beh av io rs , bod y shap e percept ion s , and bod y satis fact ion : Cro ss -cul tu ral d ifferences in Arg enti n ean and Swed ish 13 -year -o lds . Body Image, 4, 191 - 20 0. II. Fri sén , A., & Hol mq v is t , K. (201 0 ). Bio log i cal , socio cu lt u ral , and beh avio ral fact o rs asso ciat ed with bod y diss atis fact ion in Swedi sh 16- year -o l d boys and girl s . Sex Roles, 63 , 373-3 85 . III. Fri sén , A., & Hol mq v is t , K (201 0). What charact eri zes earl y ado l es cent s with a posit iv e bod y imag e? A quali t ati v e invest ig at ion of Swed is h girls and boys . Body Image, 7, 20 5– 2 12 . IV. Hol mq v is t , K., & Fris én , A. (201 2 ).”I bet they aren ’t that perfect in reali t y.” App earance ideals fro m the pers pecti v e of adol es cent s with a posi ti ve bod y imag e. Body Image, 9, 388-39 5 .