SCHOOL OF GLOBAL STUDIES 
 
 
UNIVERSITY OF GOTHENBURG 
School of Global Studies 
 
 
 
 
 
 
When reasons to dance are taken away 
 
 
A review of the effect of systematic persecution of the Hazaras 
on their traditional dance 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
Dissertation in Human Rights, 30, higher education credits  
Spring Semester 2023 
Author: Abdolhadi Hadi  
Supervisor: Kamal Makili-Aliyev 
 
 
 
 
 
 
Acknowledgements: 
The completion of this thesis was made possible through the participation of the interviewees 
who generously shared their narratives for this study. Their trust and willingness to share their 
experiences were invaluable in advancing this research. 
Furthermore, I would like to extend my sincere appreciation to Kamal Makili-Aliyev for his 
invaluable guidance, constructive feedback, and engaging discussions throughout the process 
of producing this thesis. His insightful comments and expertise were instrumental in shaping 
the direction and quality of this work. 
 
 
 
 
 
Abstract 
This thesis examines the status of traditional Hazara dances in Afghanistan, which are 
gradually disappearing as an artistic genre. Anthropological studies highlight that dancing is 
an essential aspect of human behaviour, serving as a tool for storytelling, self-expression, and 
forming connections within communities. Dance has several purposes, including celebrating 
events, conveying emotions, and strengthening social bonds.  
However, since the Hazaras have been systematically persecuted in Afghanistan, this study 
aims to explore the impact of persecution on their traditional dances and its consequences. 
Through ten semi-structured qualitative interviews and using dehumanization, human dignity, 
and cultural rights perspectives, this study reveals that Hazara traditional dances have been 
marginalized and disappeared due to state-sponsored dehumanization that violates their 
human dignity and cultural rights.  
The findings indicate that the Hazaras' traditional dances were gradually replaced by 
collective religious mourning ceremonies after the community became the target of mass 
killings and ethnic cleansing policies between 1891-1893 to preserve their social cohesions. 
 
Kew words: Hazaras, traditional dances, persecutions, dehumanisation, human dignity, 
perception of cultural rights 
Number of words: 19509 
 
 
 
 
 
 
1 
 
Innehåll 
1. Introduction ......................................................................................................................................... 3 
2. Research problem ............................................................................................................................... 5 
2. 1 Aim and Purpose of the Study ...................................................................................................... 7 
2.2 Delimitation ................................................................................................................................... 8 
2. 3 Research Questions ...................................................................................................................... 9 
3. Previous research ................................................................................................................................ 9 
3.1 Literature review ........................................................................................................................... 9 
3. 2 The Hazaras traditional dances .................................................................................................. 16 
4. Theoretical framework ...................................................................................................................... 19 
4.1 Cultural Trauma ........................................................................................................................... 19 
4. 2. The impact of cultural trauma on cultural rights ..................................................................... 23 
4. 3. Cultural Rights ........................................................................................................................... 25 
4. 4. Cultural Genocide ..................................................................................................................... 26 
5. Methodology ..................................................................................................................................... 27 
5.1 Qualitative Semi-Structured Interviews ...................................................................................... 28 
5. 2 Data collection ............................................................................................................................ 29 
5.3 Selection and Interviewee Profile ............................................................................................... 31 
5.4. Reliability, Validity, and Generalizability .................................................................................... 33 
5. 5 Ethical Considerations ................................................................................................................ 34 
5.6 Methodological reflection ........................................................................................................... 35 
6. Results from Interviews ..................................................................................................................... 35 
6.1 The effect of systematic persecution on the Hazaras traditional dance and its consequence ... 36 
7. Analysis of Interview Results ............................................................................................................. 40 
8. Discussion .......................................................................................................................................... 46 
9. Conclusion ......................................................................................................................................... 51 
References ............................................................................................................................................. 52 
Appendix 1 ............................................................................................................................................. 57 
 
 
 
 
2 
 
1. Introduction 
This thesis aims to provide a comprehensive understanding of the present status and 
circumstances surrounding Hazaras' traditional dance. Hazaras' traditional dance was once an 
essential and significant aspect of their culture and cultural identity, performed on various 
festive occasions (Shariati, 2013, 286). Studies in Hazara ethnology suggest that many 
cultural practices and rituals, including Hazaras' traditional dances, are on the verge of 
extinction due to long-term state-sponsored persecution of Hazaras (Pouladi, 2008, 495, 
[1387]).1 
Afghanistan is a country renowned for its long-standing political instability, lawlessness, and 
violent conflicts, which have turned it into the centre of the Cold War in the past fifty years 
and later dragged the international community into combating international terrorism (Rashid 
2012, 45). It is also one of the countries that embrace the most ethnic, linguistic, and cultural 
diversity, where Hazaras are recognized as the third-largest ethnic group (Hazara Research 
Collective - Written evidence AFG0008, 2020).  
Hazaras' presence in Afghanistan dates to the 14th century, but since 1900, they have been the 
target of mass killings, ethnic cleansing, and extermination policies that continue to this day, 
albeit on different scales. Hazaras are divided into three Muslim branches, Shia, Suni, and 
Ismaili, and speak Persian. However, they have developed their dialect, culture, art, and 
traditions based on their history and estimated population, accounting for 15 to 25 percent of 
Afghanistan's total population (Ibid). In the 18th century, Hazaras comprised half of 
Afghanistan's population, and considering their population size, they had vast geographic 
regions and fertile agricultural lands. Although their lives depended on agriculture, culture 
and art have been two essential phenomena in their collective lives that they have persistently 
tried to develop. Historical evidence discovered so far illustrates that dance has been an 
integral part of their culture, and diverse types of dances were popular, with people mostly 
dancing in groups on different occasions (Shariati, 2013, 286). In the late 18th century, Amir 
Abdulrahman, the new king of Afghanistan, supported by Great Britain, organized a military 
offensive against the Hazara territory after part of the Hazara ethnic society disobeyed the 
Amir's ordinance. As a result of this offensive, more than half of the Hazara population was 
cleansed and annihilated, and their land and property were handed over to the Pashtun tribe. 
Young girls, boys, and women were either confiscated as booty or sold out as slaves in the 
 
1 Persian calendar 
3 
 
slave market. This violent and destructive occurrence destroyed all the fundamental 
foundations of Hazaras' lives, and those who survived have been the victims of brutal 
governmental persecution and discrimination policies, gradually marginalized as second-class 
citizens (Timurkhanuf, 1993, 236). 
The systematic persecution and discrimination of the Hazara ethnicity in Afghanistan had 
numerous consequences, including the reduction of their human status to that of animals or 
objects that could be bought and sold in the market (Dawlatabadi, 2005[1385], 114). Even 
after a century, the signs of this humiliation are still visible in the dominant culture and social 
relations. Hazaras have endured a long history of persecution and discrimination in their 
homeland, with every Hazara being able to recount stories of discrimination and 
dehumanization experienced in various forms and at different levels (Hazara Research 
Collective - Written evidence AFG0008, 2020). Given the vastness and complexity of this 
historical calamity, one can surmise what has happened to their culture, art, music, and 
especially their traditional dance, which is the focus of this study. The documents and stories 
passed down orally from generation to generation reflect the popularity of Hazaras' traditional 
dances, which were recognized as an independent identity. However, only a small percentage 
of Hazaras are currently familiar with their traditional dances, which were once an integral 
part of their cultural identity and a means of expressing their feelings, happiness, and joy. 
Pish-Pu, one of the traditional dances of Hazaras in central Afghanistan, was popular among 
Hazara females, who performed it as a team at weddings and other happy occasions. Although 
Pish-Pu still exists, it is now rarely performed. There are numerous indications of a new 
socio-cultural circumstance where many cultural practices, including Hazaras' traditional 
dances, are fading away because people no longer pay attention to these kinds of traditions 
(Lali, 2014). 
Therefore, the focus of this study is on the effects of systematic persecution of Hazaras on 
their traditional dances, along with the historical background of Hazaras' traditional dances 
and their significance in the scope of their culture and social existence and relations. This 
paper will begin by presenting the research problem's background, including a brief 
discussion of the historical persecution of Hazaras in Afghanistan and its consequences on 
their traditional dances. The relevant literature will explain how the Hazaras' traditional 
cultural heritage has been the target of long-term state-sponsored persecution and assimilation 
policies that gradually faded away and were replaced by mourning culture, such as celebrating 
4 
 
religious occasions. Next, this paper will develop the aim and purpose of this study and 
briefly explain what this study is looking for and what the research questions are. 
The following section is a literature review, which aims to examine relevant literature on 
various aspects of dance, the historical background of the Hazaras as an ethnic group, the 
significance of Hazara traditional dances in their culture, and the long-term persecutions and 
ethnic cleansing policies that they have endured and how these policies have impacted their 
traditional dance. The review will demonstrate how dance performances were a crucial part of 
the Hazaras' collective life and how they used to celebrate every happy occasion with dance 
performances. 
The theoretical framework of this study is based on the concept of dehumanization, with a 
brief discussion on human dignity and cultural genocide to explain the nature, objective, and 
target of the Hazaras' persecution, annihilation, and its consequences on the Hazaras' cultural 
practices, especially their traditional dances. Given the aim of this study to understand the fate 
and significance of the Hazaras' traditional dances in their collective existence in Afghanistan, 
the methodology that was applied is going to be explained further in the study. Here just I can 
name qualitative semi-structure interview method, data collection, selection and interview 
profile, reliability, validity, and generalizability, ethical consideration and methodological 
reflection are parts of methodology that I have used in this study. As well as I have used 
narrative analysis method to analyse the collected data.  
2. Research problem 
The Hazaras, the third-largest ethnic group in Afghanistan, with an estimated population of 15 
to 25 percent, primarily reside in the central part of the country. Although the Hazaras are 
divided into three Muslim branches - Sunni, Ismaili, and Shia - the majority are Shia Muslims 
and speak Persian, sharing many common beliefs and practices with other ethnic groups in 
Afghanistan. However, the Hazaras have developed their own unique traditions, culture, 
accent, poetry, art, style, and dance, which have contributed to their ethnic identity (Pouladi, 
2008[1387]). 
Historical documents, evidence, and oral narratives passed down through generations suggest 
that traditional dances have played a significant role in Hazara social life and culture, 
symbolizing collective joy and happiness. Hazaras used to perform their traditional dances, 
primarily in teams of young females during ceremonies such as birth, wedding, engagement, 
5 
 
and circumcision, as well as in groups to celebrate the new year, the first day of summer, and 
harvest season (Shariati, 2013, 280). Despite being Muslims, the religious beliefs of the 
Hazaras have not been so radically problematic as to overcome their culture and traditions 
(Khawari, 2003[1382]). 
These facts indicate that traditional dances have served a dual function in Hazara collective 
life, representing a significant and essential part of Hazara cultural and artistic identity while 
relieving the collective spirit of Hazara society and its members (Shariati, 2013, 278). 
However, the situation today is starkly different, with very few signs of traditional artistic 
rituals being performed in public. The place of traditional arts appears to have been replaced 
by commemorating religious ceremonies that are mostly occasions for mourning. The gradual 
decline of Hazara traditional dances, which started in the early 20the century, is supported by 
several pieces of evidence (Khawari, 2003 [1382]). 
The Hazara community has a rich cultural heritage, and traditional dances have played a 
significant and vital role in their collective culture and social cohesion. As a cultural and 
artistic element, traditional dances have symbolized the cultural and artistic identity of the 
Hazaras, setting them apart from other ethnic groups. Moreover, traditional dances have 
served as a strong and comprehensive tradition that has relieved the collective spirit of Hazara 
society and its members (Shariati, 2013, 278). However, in contemporary times, there are 
very few signs of traditional artistic rituals being performed in public, and the place of 
traditional arts has been replaced by commemorating religious ceremonies, which are mostly 
occasions for mourning. This gradual decline of Hazara traditional dances started in the early 
20th century (Khawari, 2003 [1382]). 
The contemporary Hazara society has become more accustomed to the culture of lamentations 
than to any other. The commemoration of the death of Hussein, the grandson of the Prophet of 
Islam, has turned into a widespread and expensive tradition, which lasts for ten days and 
involves distributing warm food and hitting themselves with blade-chains to prove their faith 
(Pouladi, 2008 [1387], 247, 250). However, traditional dances that were once a vital part of 
their culture and identity are no longer visible in the public atmosphere. These cultural 
changes have had serious tangible effects on the collective destiny of the Hazaras in different 
aspects of their lives, with the ostensible result and content of this change suggesting that 
happiness and joy have been replaced by mourning ceremonies. This gradual and enduring 
process of change has occurred in various aspects of the Hazaras' collective lives, with what 
they have lost outweighing what they have gained (Musavi, 2008, 148). 
6 
 
Furthermore, even the nature of the Hazaras' traditional music is sad and expresses sadness 
rather than happiness, and their poetry and literature similarly express sadness (Muradi 2019). 
Psychologists know well the consequences of these changes and how destructive their effect 
can be on the individual and collective fate of a human society. The Hazaras' joy and 
happiness have been replaced by a type of structural sadness (Askary & Mohammadi, 2021). 
These existing cultural circumstances represent one of the serious and complicated problems 
of the Hazaras. They prefer to resort to mourning rather than joy, and this could be one of the 
reasons for their existing worrisome life atmosphere and the many difficulties they face. 
However, not much has been done so far to study the correlation between their persecution 
and changes in their culture from a human rights perspective, and to discover the reasons and 
factors behind this historical transition. Therefore, it is tremendously significant to study the 
reasons and factors behind this tragic development. It is essential for the Hazaras to 
understand why they have lost a peaceful part of their cultural rituals, and for those who are 
interested in studying Afghanistan and especially the life of the Hazaras as a minority. Dance 
is an important genre of the collective culture of a society or nation, and its performance helps 
to develop the collective imagination power of a society, as well as to ensure collective 
happiness and inner peace (Bastenigar, 2021[1399]). Therefore, the destruction of traditional 
dances can be considered the destruction of the cultural foundation of a human society. 
2. 1 Aim and Purpose of the Study 
The primary aim of this paper is to investigate the impact of historical and systematic 
persecution of Hazaras in Afghanistan on their cultural rituals, specifically through the lens of 
Hazaras traditional dances, and its effect on their cultural rights. As dance is recognized as an 
integral part of human health and joy, an analysis of Hazaras traditional dances will provide 
insight into other aspects of Hazaras' lives. Dance, as one of the seven fine arts, is a vital part 
of human culture and is considered the hidden language of the soul. Traditional dances 
symbolize an ethnic or community's culture, arts, joy, and happiness or collective feelings 
with the language of body movements in the form of rhythmic gestures (Bastenigar, 
2021[1399]). Traditional dances are considered part of the cultural heritage of humanity, and 
due to its importance in promoting peace and happiness, UNESCO named April 29th as 
International Dance Day. Dancing increases social solidarity by promoting vitality and 
cheerfulness (Bastenigar, Ibid). Nietzsche sees dance as an expression of the glory of human 
emotions and feelings and emphasizes his belief in God who knows dance (Dadvar & Rahimi, 
2021[1399]).  
7 
 
Therefore, this study aims to understand the fate of Hazaras traditional dances, its 
marginalization under the effect of systematic persecution, and its consequence in their social 
life. The central focus of this study is the impact of systematic persecution on Hazaras 
traditional dances and its consequences. Furthermore, this study aims to understand the fate of 
this dance through the application of human rights covenants and principles. Cultural rights 
are one of the fundamental components of the International Covenant on Economic, Social, 
and Cultural Rights, and they are now a significant part of human rights at both national and 
international levels. Hence, this study explores the consequences of persecution's effects on 
Hazaras' cultural rights and how it has affected them while Article 15 ICESCR ( 
www.ohchr.org) emphasise on cultural right as part of the essential value and equal and 
inalienable entitlements of every individual in the human community constitutes the 
cornerstone of liberty, equity, and tranquillity on a global scale.  
2.2 Delimitation 
Culture is an extensive and inclusive field that comprises a wide range of elements, such as 
clothing, makeup, food, dance, sports, music, beliefs, and practices that individuals engage 
with in their daily lives. Among these components, the present study focuses on the traditional 
dances of the Hazara community. The selection of this subject is based on several reasons. 
Firstly, dance is a significant element of the seven arts and a way of expressing human 
happiness and joy. Secondly, dance was a significant part of Hazara culture in the past and is 
currently fading away. Finally, the recent revival of Hazara dance by a Swedish woman 
through a YouTube clip adds further impetus to the study (Asplind, 2021). 
The choice of the Hazara community is due to their systematic persecution and ruthless 
oppression as one of Afghanistan's ethnic minorities. Consequently, this study delimits its 
focus on the effects of the systematic persecution of the Hazaras on their traditional dance, 
which is currently fading away. Oral narratives passed down from past generations and 
scattered historical studies conducted in recent years suggest that Hazara traditional dance 
held an important position in the past and was performed on different occasions as a means of 
expressing collective emotions and sentiments. 
The study delimits its scope to identifying the factors and reasons for the decline of Hazara 
traditional dance with respect to Article 15 of the ICESCR (www.ohchr.org). Those states that 
have ratified the covenants are responsible for protecting this essential part of human rights. 
As dance falls within the realm of culture and arts, which is extensive, the study is limited to 
8 
 
covering this realm. Therefore, considering the importance of dance in human life, this study 
has only focused on the Hazaras' traditional dance, and why and how it has fallen from its 
peak to the brink of oblivion, and under what circumstances. 
2. 3 Research Questions 
Consequently, the study will focus on these research questions: 
How has systematic persecution and discrimination affected Hazaras' traditional dance? 
What are the consequences of these effects on Hazaras' cultural rights? 
3. Previous research 
This section presents a comprehensive review of relevant literature, divided into two 
categories based on their relevance to this study. The first category explores dance as an art 
form and its significance and meaning in human society. The second category focuses on the 
history and significance of Hazaras' traditional dances and their present status in Hazara 
society.  
3.1 Literature review 
During my initial search for literature on dance, I encountered a variety of titles in the form of 
hardcover books, online resources, and articles in online journals pertaining to dance. Upon 
perusal of a selection of these sources, I discerned that dance represents an important area of 
research that has been investigated from multiple angles. 
Peterson's (2002) book, "The Anthropology of Dance," offers a comprehensive overview of 
the field, addressing key issues and providing valuable insights into the study of dance within 
anthropology. Through exploration of various perspectives and studies, Royce sheds light on 
the multifaceted nature of dance and its significance in society. One of the main challenges 
discussed in the book is the definition of dance itself. Peterson delves into the complexities of 
defining dance and the implications of different conceptualizations. By examining the 
advantages and disadvantages of using film as a research method, the author offers valuable 
insights into the practical considerations of studying dance.  
The book presents three overarching perspectives: historical, comparative, and symbolic and 
stylistic. Peterson draws on examples from colonial dance, Native American pow-wow 
groups, and Zapotec dance to illustrate these perspectives and provide a nuanced 
understanding of dance within different cultural contexts. Central to the field is the 
9 
 
exploration of dance's role in society. Peterson highlights its significance as a form of 
nonverbal communication, examining how dance carries cultural meanings and facilitates 
social interactions. The book also delves into dance's role in social change and socialization 
processes, illuminating how it shapes and reflects broader societal dynamics. Engaging with 
early debates, Peterson addresses the distinction between participatory ethnic dance and 
staged ballet, highlighting the varying contexts and meanings associated with these different 
forms of dance. By delving into these debates, the author contributes to a deeper 
understanding of the diverse manifestations of dance and their cultural significance. In the 
final section of the book, Peterson offers insights into future directions for the anthropology of 
dance. She suggests the application of structuralist approaches to study change, creativity, and 
aesthetics within dance traditions. Additionally, the meaning of dance is identified as an area 
for further examination, highlighting the ongoing quest to unravel the intricate layers of 
significance embedded in this art form (Ibid). 
Wulff (2018) explores the influence of theoretical frameworks like structuralism and 
semiotics on dance studies. She discusses the expansion of the field in the 1980s, 
incorporating critical theories on feminism and gender. The importance of embodied practice 
and participation in dance for research is emphasized. The author further delves into the 
significance of the moving body, gender and sexuality, ethnicity and nationalism, 
globalization, and challenges in documenting dance. Overall, it provides a comprehensive 
overview of the anthropology of dance and its contributions. 
She provides an overview of the use of notation systems in documenting dance movements, 
emphasizing Labanotation and its application to both Western and non-Western forms. She 
discusses the role of photography, film, and digital technology in preserving and representing 
dance, as well as the challenges of ownership and copyright in the digital age. The author also 
explores future directions in the anthropology of dance, including the study of popular dance 
genres, street dance, health, disability, and cultural hybridity. 
Wulff (2018) highlights the collaboration between anthropologists and choreographers and 
the increasing incorporation of dance projects in multidisciplinary research. The historical 
dominance of women in the field and its revitalization are acknowledged. The author 
mentions the book "Dancing Cultures" and its examination of the relationship between dance 
and culture, emphasizing the active shaping of culture through dance. Her work emphasizes 
the growth of dance research and its contribution to theoretical debates and understanding 
cultural diversity. Overall, the author presents the anthropology of dance as a valuable field 
10 
 
addressing technological advancements and relevant theoretical and societal issues while 
exploring the dynamic relationship between dance and culture (Ibid). 
According to Mitchell, J. Clyde, (as cited by Wullf 2018, 5) dance serves as a celebratory 
platform for ethnicity and nationalism, assuming diverse forms across distinct historical and 
political landscapes. An illustrative instance of this phenomenon is evident in J. Clyde 
Mitchell's seminal work on the kalela dance in colonial Northern Rhodesia during the 1950s. 
This monograph stands as a quintessential portrayal of how dance becomes a conduit for the 
rekindling and revitalization of ethnic identity.2 
Thomas’s (1995) perspective on dance, emphasizes its sociological and cultural significance. 
The book highlights Thomas' aim to provide a systematic approach to dance sociology and his 
use of modern American dance, particularly Martha Graham's work, as an example of the 
development and decline of modernism in the arts. Thomas examines dance as a social and 
cultural phenomenon, encompassing a wide range of activities across different social contexts, 
from high art to popular culture. 
The book explores the blurring boundaries between high culture and popular culture in dance, 
as well as the participation of dance in various social environments such as street dancing, 
dance halls, discos, and parties. Thomas argues for the inclusion of dance in cultural studies, 
challenging traditional rationality standards and enabling the study of dance in relation to 
gender and race. He highlights the historical and feminist significance of ballet and dance, 
acknowledging the platform it has provided for women's self-expression and social mobility 
while also discussing the objectification of female dancers' bodies in classical ballet. Thomas 
mentions the limited attention given to dance in cultural and subcultural analyses compared to 
other cultural phenomena, but also notes the increasing interest in studying dance within the 
social sciences and humanities. He emphasizes the role of the body in sociological discourse 
and draws insights from dance anthropology, dance aesthetics, and phenomenology to 
understand the sociological study of dance. Criticisms made by post-structuralism, 
postmodernism, and feminism regarding the representation of the body in Western theatrical 
dance are also discussed. Overall, the author provides a comprehensive overview of Thomas' 
perspective on dance, emphasizing its social, cultural, and feminist dimensions. It highlights 
 
2 Mitchell, J. Clyde, “The Kalela Dance: Aspects of Social Relationships among Urban Africans in Northern 
Rhodesia” (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1956). 
11 
 
the need for further exploration of dance within a sociological framework and the significance 
of the body as a medium of expression in Western dance. 
Giurchescu's (2001) perspective on dance, emphasizes its role as a reflection of socio-cultural 
characteristics and an identity indicator for individuals and groups. The author explores the 
multifaceted concept of identity, highlighting dance's ability to differentiate and highlight 
uniqueness while also revealing inconsistencies in the relationship between thought, speech, 
and action. Giurchescu's focus on dance as a means of expression and a tool for unity and 
integration among diverse backgrounds is discussed, with examples such as chain dancing and 
gender-specific movements.   
Langer (as cited in Giurchescu 2000, 110) highlights that the role of dance extends beyond its 
surface representation, evolving into an influential catalyst for metamorphosis. Langer's 
assertion that dance derives its artistic potency from its ecstatic function underscores its 
ability to propel dancers beyond their individual boundaries and the mundane realities of daily 
life, transporting them into a realm characterized by temporal and spatial fluidity. In this state, 
dancers metamorphose into perceptive conduits, adept at conveying emotions, experiences, 
and ideas that resist verbal translation, resonating with profound depths.3 
Th author emphasises the social dimension of dance, suggesting that dance is primarily a form 
of social interaction and that its structure and combination are influenced by cultural, 
historical, environmental, and individual factors. Giurchescu argues for a humanistic 
perspective in dance studies to analyse its social function, importance, and aesthetic values. 
Dance is seen as a dynamic process of producing meaning, with cultural and social 
background playing a significant role in interpreting dance performances. The transformative 
ower of dance is discussed, as it allows the expression of emotions, experiences, and ideas 
that cannot be conveyed through words. Dance is viewed as a multidimensional cultural text, 
involving various elements beyond choreography, such as pantomime, gestures, music, 
spoken words, props, costumes, and social rules. These elements interact to create meaningful 
dance processes within ever-changing social contexts. 
Blacking (1983) explores the significance of dance as an innate aspect of human nature and 
social life, emphasizing its role as a mode of non-verbal communication with evolutionary 
 
3 Langer, S. K, “Feeling and form. A theory of art developed from Philosophy in a New Key” (London: 
Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1979). 
12 
 
importance. Blacking acknowledges the ethnocentric nature of the concept of dance and 
suggests that it can be expressed in various social forms beyond traditional definitions. The 
value of dance criticism and scholarship lies in revitalizing its role in education and society. 
The author also addresses the changing role of dance, highlighting the need for collaboration 
between dancers and scholars to bridge the gap between mental and manual labour in the 
field. Excessive use of language in dance is criticized for restricting professionals and 
hindering audience engagement. The undervaluation of dance's non-verbal characteristics 
limits its potential as a mode of communication. However, the text recognizes the importance 
of non-verbal thinking and acknowledges dance's limitations in teaching verbal thinking. 
Blacking emphasizes the significance of dance as a fundamental aspect of human nature and 
social life. He highlights dance's role as a non-verbal mode of communication with 
evolutionary importance, coexisting alongside verbal language. Dance's universality and 
survival emphasize its value and the need for its practice by all individuals. However, the 
concept of dance remains culture-specific and not fully understood. The author emphasizes 
the importance of cultural awareness in studying dance in different societies, avoiding biases 
and imposing definitions. Descriptions of dance movements should consider intentions and 
meanings, exploring their contextual significance. Comparative studies can aid understanding 
within one's own society, but researchers should strive to grasp the meaning of movements in 
their respective contexts for accurate identification of significant units. Furthermore, the 
author underscores the ongoing exploration of dance's nature, importance, and the need for 
cultural sensitivity in its study (Ibid). 
Kringelbach and Skinner (2012) examine historical approaches to the relationship between 
dance and culture, challenging the simplistic view of a direct connection. They criticize the 
concept of "world cultures" as homogeneous and bounded, advocating for a nuanced 
understanding of culture that recognizes its fluidity and complexity. The authors present 
anthropological studies that explore dance in relation to culture. For example, Novack's work 
on contact improvisation highlights its transformative role in reflecting cultural shifts. The 
decline of contact improvisation in the 1980s is attributed to changing cultural values. Ness's 
study on sinulog dancing in the Philippines reveals how localized urban history shapes 
cultural expressions and impacts performers' bodies. 
Other analyses focus on how dance embodies culture. Samba in Brazil is seen as a form of 
resistance and a narrative of cultural contact, while salsa provides a means of cultural 
reconnection for Puerto Ricans in the US. The use of fake tan in dance sport Latin dances 
13 
 
represents a theatrical depiction of Latinness in a predominantly white competitive culture. 
However, concerns are raised about the "whitening" of Brazilian capoeira, disconnecting it 
from its authentic roots. The authors emphasize that dance refracts social practices and is not 
merely a reflection of social life. Kringelbach and Skinner explore how Javanese court dances 
serve as ceremonial body diplomacy, shaping social interactions. The meaning of court 
dances is subjective and can vary between audiences and dancers, highlighting the fluid 
nature of culture. They also discuss the historical neglect of dance in scholarship, influenced 
by mind-body dichotomy and biases towards verbal communication. It emphasizes that dance 
is a socially constructed form of communication and highlights the need to recognize and 
name diverse dance practices in their cultural contexts. The authors underscore the power of 
dance as a social action that embodies and reflects cultural practices, identities, and historical 
dynamics. It emphasizes the importance of understanding dance within its cultural and social 
frameworks while recognizing its fluid and transformative nature. 
The author examines the historical development of studying dance in anthropology, noting its 
initial focus on ritual and religious practices and the shift towards recognizing the complexity 
of motives in dance events. The challenges faced by anthropologists studying dance are 
discussed, including biases against dance and a lack of analytical tools for body movements. 
The importance of "skilled vision" and the role of dancer-anthropologists in advancing dance 
research are highlighted.  
The interdisciplinary nature of dance anthropology is emphasized, with connections to 
disciplines such as ethnomusicology, sociolinguistics, and semiotics. The analysis of dance as 
a form of non-verbal communication is explored, considering the formal characteristics of 
movement and the multiple meanings conveyed through dance. The study also covers various 
thematic perspectives, including gender, sexuality, ethnicity, identity, migration, and 
postcolonialism. 
The authors provide a comprehensive overview of the anthropological study of dance, 
highlighting its interdisciplinary nature and the contributions of dancer-anthropologists. They 
offer a broad range of geographic and thematic perspectives, making it a valuable resource for 
understanding the diverse approaches to studying dance within anthropology (Kringelbach 
and Skinner2012). 
14 
 
Bryson's (1997) exploration of the multiple levels of meaning in dance provides a rich and 
comprehensive understanding of this expressive art form. By examining dance from different 
perspectives, he uncovers the intricate layers that contribute to its significance and impact. 
At the intercultural level, Bryson delves into the profound connection between dance and the 
performer's mental perception and self-expression. Here, dance serves as a powerful medium 
for individuals to communicate their innermost thoughts and emotions, transcending cultural 
boundaries. Moving to the conceptual level, Bryson emphasizes the importance of acquired 
knowledge in dance. This level involves understanding the technical aspects, historical 
context, and cultural references embedded within a dance tradition. It highlights the role of 
education and training in shaping dancers' expertise and appreciation of the art form.  
The mythical level explores the symbolic and metaphorical dimensions of dance. Bryson 
illuminates how dance can embody and convey cultural narratives, beliefs, and rituals. It 
becomes a vehicle for storytelling and a means to connect with deeper, collective meanings. 
Examining dance from a social interaction perspective, Bryson emphasizes how dance reflects 
and communicates social status, gender roles, age dynamics, and kinship ties. Dance becomes 
a language through which individuals navigate and express their place within a social 
framework. 
Finally, Bryson recognizes the artistic level, where dance transforms into a spectacle. Here, 
dance transcends its utilitarian functions and becomes a form of artistic expression, 
captivating audiences with its beauty, grace, and creativity. Throughout his analysis, Bryson 
emphasizes the interconnectedness and interplay of these different levels of meaning in dance. 
He highlights how changes in cultural contexts and societal dynamics shape and transform 
dance traditions over time. By examining these shifts, Bryson enables comparative analysis of 
dance traditions, facilitating a deeper understanding of cultural transformations. Furthermore, 
Bryson acknowledges the widespread popularity of ritual dance, particularly in countries like 
India, Iran, and Turkey. This recognition highlights the global appeal and cross-cultural 
significance of ritual dance as a distinct and cherished form of expression. In summary, 
Bryson's work provides a nuanced and comprehensive examination of dance's multifaceted 
nature. By exploring its intercultural, conceptual, mythical, social, and artistic levels, he 
unveils the depth, richness, and transformative power of this universal art form (Bryson, 
1997). 
15 
 
Adelvand and Nowrozitalab's (2014 [1399]) exploration of ritual dances presents a 
captivating perspective on this intriguing subject. The authors delve into the multifaceted 
nature of ritual dances, encompassing not only their aesthetic qualities in movement forms but 
also their deep connection to mystical, religious, and narrative concepts. They argue that these 
dances convey profound meanings that unfold within specific temporal and spatial contexts. 
Drawing on the intertwining themes of mysticism, religion, and narrative-mythical elements, 
Adelvand and Nowrozitalab shed light on the emergence of ritual dances across various 
civilizations. It is fascinating to discover that despite their diverse origins, some of these 
dances share common meanings, hinting at a unified truth expressed through different forms. 
This observation invites further exploration into the universal aspects of human experience 
that transcend cultural boundaries.  
By emphasizing the temporal and spatial dimensions of ritual dances, the authors highlight the 
dynamic nature of these performances. They acknowledge that the meanings and significance 
of ritual dances evolve over time and vary across different geographical locations. This 
recognition prompts a deeper understanding of the intricate interplay between cultural 
contexts and the symbolic language embedded within these dances. The authors' viewpoint 
underscores the richness and complexity of ritual dances as vehicles for expressing cultural 
beliefs, values, and collective identity. Through their analysis, they invite readers to 
contemplate the profound layers of meaning inherent in these performances, encouraging a 
holistic approach that goes beyond the mere aesthetic appreciation of movement (Ibid). 
3. 2 The Hazaras traditional dances 
Stevens (2013) presents a thought-provoking perspective on the historical reception of dance 
in the early cultures of present-day Afghanistan. Challenging the notion of animosity towards 
dance, the author argues that these ancient cultures embraced and accepted the art form. 
Through a comprehensive analysis of historical accounts, Stevens highlights the influence of 
Greek culture brought by Alexander of Macedonia in 326 B.C.E. and the subsequent 
dominance of Buddhist culture in the region. Drawing on Plutarch's biography of Alexander, 
the author reveals the impact of Greek culture on the region, suggesting a cultural exchange 
that included dance. This insight provides a fascinating glimpse into the early acceptance and 
integration of dance within the social fabric of Afghanistan. Stevens goes on to explore the 
subsequent influence of Buddhist and Mughal empires, contending that these ruling powers 
not only tolerated dance but actively encouraged the arts and music as integral components of 
16 
 
their cultural expression. This challenges common assumptions that associate conservative or 
restrictive attitudes towards dance in historical contexts. The author's analysis sheds light on 
the broader cultural landscape and the role of dance as an essential and valued aspect of these 
societies.  
Shariati (2013) provides a comprehensive examination of Hazara traditional dances, shedding 
light on their historical context, performance styles, and cultural significance. The author 
emphasizes that these dances have long been a popular form of expression within the Hazara 
community across Afghanistan. While the present-day popularity of Hazara traditional dances 
is not specifically addressed in Shariati's study, the focus lies on their historical roots and the 
way they are performed. Shariati highlights that Hazara dances are characterized by unique 
movements that foster a sense of unity and collective joy among participants. These dances 
serve as a means of expressing emotions and celebrating various occasions, often drawing 
inspiration from nature, and incorporating sounds produced by the performers themselves. 
Shariati argues that the origins of Hazara traditional dances can be traced back to the religious 
beliefs of their ancestors, who, like other communities in the region, used dance as a form of 
worship and expression during special ceremonies. The author highlights the presence of 
female dancers depicted in artistic representations found in Buddhist temples in Bamiyan, 
suggesting the long-standing tradition of dance in Hazara culture. 
Furthermore, Shariati explores the influence of diverse civilizations that interacted along the 
historic Silk Road, suggesting that Hazara art may have been shaped by external artistic 
influences. However, he asserts that the historical richness of Hazara traditional dance, as 
illuminated in his research, can be attributed to its preservation and transmission across 
generations with minimal changes. Shariati categorizes Hazara traditional dances into three 
groups: female dance, male and female group dance, and male dance. He provides detailed 
descriptions of each category, highlighting the specific movements, rhythmic patterns, and 
accompanying rituals associated with them. In particular, the author emphasizes the 
significance of female dance performed in groups, where participants gracefully move their 
hands and feet in synchrony while holding the corners of their traditional "chadar." The dance 
is accompanied by rhythmic handclapping and the production of a sound called "ghumbor," 
reminiscent of a pigeon's cooing and symbolizing peace. Shariati's work contributes to our 
understanding of Hazara traditional dances by providing historical insights, describing 
performance styles, and examining their cultural symbolism. While the study does not delve 
into contemporary popularity, it offers a valuable resource for scholars and enthusiasts 
17 
 
interested in the traditions, aesthetics, and cultural heritage of the Hazara community in 
Afghanistan. 
Ghasemi (2019) delves into the various types of Hazara traditional dances, shedding light on 
their specific characteristics and cultural significance. Shariati identifies "Alkhum" as a dance 
commonly performed by both males and females. The dance involves participants standing in 
two reciprocal lines, moving one leg forward and backward simultaneously while sitting on 
the ground. The rhythmic movements are accentuated by holding one leg with one hand from 
behind and performing coordinated movements with the other hand and leg. The number of 
participants can vary, ranging from small groups to larger gatherings depending on the 
occasion. 
Additionally, Ghasemi highlights male group dances performed seasonally in an open 
atmosphere to commemorate events such as the first day of summer or the harvesting season. 
These dances typically involve the use of two pieces of wood, creating rhythmic sounds as the 
dancers move their bodies and bring the wooden pieces together. Ghasemi also mentions two 
other popular group dances among the Hazaras called "Akhuchi" and "Pish-Pu," which are 
performed exclusively by females. These dances are characterized by rhythmic body 
movements, often in a circular formation, accompanied by the melodic sounds of a 
tambourine. While both studies provide detailed descriptions of Hazara traditional dances, 
neither Shariati nor Ghasemi specifically address the current popularity of these dances 
among the Hazara community. 
Furthermore, Chiovenda (2016), highlights the challenges and cultural traumas faced by the 
Hazara community in Afghanistan. The Hazara culture has historically faced threats from the 
Pashtun-dominated Afghan state since the late 1800s. This has resulted in a cultural trauma, 
primarily stemming from the Hazaras' disillusionment with unfulfilled expectations. The 
destruction of Hazara's way of life and cultural artifacts, including stories, songs, dances, and 
other aspects of their culture, has also contributed to another form of cultural trauma. 
Chiovenda emphasizes that these violations of cultural rights have led to significant hardships 
and cultural trauma experienced by a substantial segment of the Afghan population. In 
conclusion, Shariati, Ghasemi, and Chiovenda's studies provide valuable insights into the 
various types of Hazara traditional dances, their cultural significance, and the cultural traumas 
experienced by the Hazara community (Ibid).  
18 
 
4. Theoretical framework 
Considering the research's subject matter, cultural trauma serves as the chosen theoretical 
framework. This perspective offers valuable insights, particularly given the study's human 
rights approach, which examines cultural rights in conjunction with cultural trauma.  
Alexander (2004) believes that traumatic events disrupt the normal course of life and 
challenge established narratives, symbols, and values, which collectively contribute to a 
group's sense of who they are. He urges when societies experience events like war, genocide, 
or major societal upheavals, these events can shake the foundation of collective identity.  
Although Alexander does not explicitly discuss the direct connection between cultural trauma 
and cultural rights, by identifying cultural trauma as a factor that disrupts the foundations of 
identity, the implication of this theory is that cultural trauma also disrupts the foundations of 
cultural rights. This is because identity is an inseparable part of culture and cultural rights. 
Herman (2015) highlights that cultural trauma impacts cultural rights in multiple ways. 
Traumatic events can suppress or eliminate cultural expressions and practices. This 
encompasses the loss of artifacts, harm to sites, and restrictions on cultural practices, 
restricting the unfettered expression of cultural identity. 
Exploring further, cultural trauma stems from historical adversities, causing emotional 
wounds within cultural groups. Cultural rights counterbalance this, enabling the expression 
and preservation of cultural heritage (ICESCR). Moreover, cultural genocide's deliberate 
destruction of cultural heritage infringes upon human rights principles, emphasizing cultural 
identity and participation (Davidson, 2012).  
The core of cultural rights lies in preserving identity and promoting well-being, aligning with 
human rights principles. This subset values diversity and empowers individuals to embrace 
their heritage without discrimination. Ultimately, the fusion of cultural trauma, cultural rights, 
cultural genocide, and human rights underscores the importance of preserving identity, 
preventing harm, and upholding dignity. Safeguarding cultural rights stands as a multifaceted 
endeavour that thwarts trauma and genocide, aligning with the fundamental principles of 
human rights and ensuring the universal embrace of heritage. 
4.1 Cultural Trauma  
Cultural trauma arises from distressing events, leading to a profound disruption of an 
individual or collective actor's According to Caruth (1996), trauma refers to the psychological 
19 
 
and emotional response that sense of well-being. It entails a subjective experience of being 
shattered or overwhelmed by the events themselves. The concept of trauma emphasizes the 
profound impact of these events on individuals and their immediate and often uncontrollable 
reactions. Caruth posits that traumatic events encompass various experiences, such as natural 
disasters, accidents, violence, abuse, or exposure to life-threatening situations. The effects of 
trauma can manifest in a wide range of symptoms, including intrusive memories, avoidance of 
reminders, negative changes in mood and thinking, and heightened arousal (Ibid). 
According to Kirmayer, Lemelson and Barad (as cited in Ljubojevic, A., Mia, J. & Bovan, K. 
2017, 199) since the conclusion of the Second World War, the concept of trauma has been 
employed to elucidate the violence, conflict, destruction, killings, and their subsequent 
repercussions4. While the term trauma initially emerged within the realms of medicine, 
psychology, and psychiatry, primarily associated with post-traumatic stress disorder, it has 
since undergone evolution and acquired broader significance. In contemporary understanding, 
trauma is conceived as a socio-political event, a psychophysiological process, an emotional 
experience, and a narrative theme that aids in comprehending individual and social suffering. 
The authors highlight that presently, trauma is comprehended as a socio-political event, a 
psychophysiological process, an emotional experience, and a narrative theme that aids in the 
comprehension of individual or a groups cultural suppression, prohibition, and suffering. The 
emphasise that the consequences of cultural trauma can have significant mental and emotional 
health impacts also challenges (Ibid). 
Alexander (2004) who is a prominent scholar in sociology believes that cultural trauma refers 
to the collective psychological and emotional impact experienced by a social group or 
community because of deeply disturbing events that challenge their core beliefs, values, and 
sense of identity. The author suggests that cultural trauma encompasses the profound and 
enduring effects of traumatic experiences on the culture, Identity, memory, and collective 
consciousness of a group. It transcends individual experiences of trauma and extends to the 
social and cultural fabric of a community. The determination of cultural trauma is not solely 
contingent upon the occurrence of a specific event but rather on how that event is interpreted, 
remembered, and transmitted within the collective memory of the affected group.  
 
4 Kirmayer, L. J., Lemelson, R., & Barad, M., “Understanding Trauma: Integrating Biological, Clinical, and 
Cultural Perspectives (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007). 
20 
 
Alexander emphasizes that cultural trauma occurs when members of a collective perceive that 
they have experienced a horrific event that profoundly impacts their group consciousness, 
leaving lasting imprints on their memories, diminish their cultural continuity leads to erasing 
their cultural identity, denial of cultural expression and fundamentally transforming their 
future identity.  
Alexander (2012) has applied this approach to comprehend the cultural traumatic effects of 
the bloody partition of India and Pakistan in 1947 and the violent conflicts that caused 
immense trauma for the individuals involved. The author highlights that the establishment of 
cultural trauma necessitates a process of "trauma-claiming." This process involves asserting 
the existence of a fundamental injury, expressing the violation of sacred values, narrating the 
experience as a destructive social process, and demanding emotional, institutional, and 
symbolic repair and restoration.  
Debs (2012) illustrates how a cultural trauma of objects unfolded in Italy in 1997 following 
the earthquake that destroyed the Basilica of Saint Francis of Assisi. According to Debs, this 
destruction was perceived as an attack on Italy's soul, spirit, and national identity. While a 
counter-narrative emphasizing human loss existed, it was overshadowed by the narrative of 
the cultural trauma associated with the Basilica. Debs concludes that such traumas are not 
uncommon and represent a global cultural phenomenon. In the subsequent section, we will 
conduct a more detailed examination of the role of physical objects and places within the 
community (Ibid). 
Sztompka (2000) offers a definition of cultural trauma as the "other face of social change," 
highlighting its crucial role in comprehending the ramifications of societal transformations. 
The author posits that cultural trauma occurs when a society undergoes a profound disruption 
that challenges its fundamental values, norms, and belief systems. This disruption can be 
triggered by various events, such as wars, revolutions, natural disasters, or significant 
sociopolitical shifts. The traumatic event fundamentally shakes the societal foundations, 
engendering a collective sense of disorientation, loss, destabilization, and disruption of 
intergenerational transmission. 
Sztompka underscores that cultural trauma extends beyond individual experiences of trauma 
and centres on its broader impact on the collective identity and cultural fabric of a society. 
According to the author, the trauma becomes ingrained within the society's collective memory 
and shared narratives, shaping individuals' interpretations of their past, present, and future. 
21 
 
The author emphasizes that cultural trauma encompasses not only the immediate aftermath of 
a traumatic event but also the enduring consequences that shape the societal landscape. The 
author further highlights the lasting effects of trauma on a society and emphasizes the 
imperative of comprehending and addressing cultural trauma within the process of societal 
healing and transformation. To qualify as cultural trauma, a group must culturally interpret the 
situation as a wound to their cultural fabric, ascribing a traumatic significance to the 
circumstances (Sztompka, 2000). 
Eyerman (2001) employed the cultural trauma approach to investigate the formation of 
African American identity. The experiences of slavery, racial discrimination, and systemic 
oppression have profoundly impacted the collective identity of African Americans. By 
utilizing the cultural trauma framework, Eyerman examines how these historical traumas have 
shaped the culture, values, and social dynamics within the African American community. 
The author highlights that during the colonization of North America by European powers, 
Indigenous communities suffered profound cultural trauma. European settlers forcibly 
displaced Indigenous peoples from their ancestral lands, disrupted their traditional ways of 
life, and imposed foreign customs, beliefs, and governance systems on them. This traumatic 
process led to a significant loss of cultural identity, social cohesion, and traditional knowledge 
among Indigenous communities. The colonization process was characterized by violence, 
exploitation (Ibid). 
Eyerman (2001) has dedicated his research to exploring the intricate relationship between 
memory, trauma, and identity. Through his extensive work, Eyerman offers valuable insights 
into how traumatic experiences shape both individual and collective memory, ultimately 
influencing the formation of personal and social identities. The author emphasizes the 
profound impact that traumatic events can have on memory possess the capacity to disrupt 
and reshape an individual's perception of themselves and their position within society. The 
enduring psychological and emotional effects of trauma significantly influence how 
individuals remember and interpret the narratives of their own lives. Eyerman argues that 
traumatic events become deeply ingrained in the collective memory of societies or specific 
groups, moulding shared narratives and cultural expressions (Ibid). 
According to Halbwachs (as cited in Olick, 1999, 335) the process of trauma-claiming, 
involves the construction of memory. He delves into the intricate and profound concept of 
collective memory, exploring how societies and groups construct, preserve, and transmit their 
22 
 
shared memories over time. He posits that memories are not confined to the personal realm 
but are intricately influenced and interconnected within the wider social milieu. Halbwachs 
argues persuasively for the concept of collective memory as a social phenomenon, emanating 
from the interrelationships and engagements prevalent within communities and societies.5 
According to the scholars referenced, cultural trauma has profound and enduring effects on 
the affected group, influencing various aspects of their collective identity, including memory, 
narratives, rituals, and symbols. It holds the capacity to shape the group's perception of 
history, their place within society, and their cultural expressions. In the aftermath of cultural 
trauma, group narratives often emerge, highlighting the experiences of suffering, resilience, 
and collective struggles, which foster a sense of unity and solidarity among group members. 
Ultimately, the cultural trauma approach serves as a theoretical framework that facilitates the 
understanding of diverse phenomena by examining the impact of traumatic events on 
collective identities and cultural practices. It delves into how these events shape the shared 
experiences, memories, and emotions of a group of people or an entire human society.  
4. 2. The impact of cultural trauma on cultural rights  
The impact of cultural trauma on cultural rights is a matter of considerable importance as it 
pertains to the ramifications that arise from the experience of cultural trauma on the 
enjoyment and exercise of cultural rights. Cultural trauma, encompassing the profound 
disruption or harm inflicted upon a cultural or social group because of events that challenge 
their fundamental beliefs and values, holds significant implications for the preservation, 
practice, and expression of cultural traditions, languages, arts, and beliefs. It is crucial to 
comprehend how cultural trauma can profoundly affect the exercise of cultural rights, thereby 
imposing limitations on individuals and communities in their capacity to freely engage with 
and embrace their cultural heritage.  
Herman (2015) underscores the significant implications of cultural trauma for cultural rights. 
The experience of cultural trauma often results in the erosion, suppression, or denial of these 
rights for affected individuals and communities. Cultural trauma refers to the profound 
disruption or harm inflicted upon a cultural or social group because of events that challenge 
their core beliefs and values. The effects of cultural trauma on cultural rights manifest in 
various ways. Firstly, traumatic events frequently lead to the suppression or erasure of cultural 
expressions, practices, and traditions. This can encompass the loss of cultural artifacts, 
 
5 Halbwachs, M., “On collective memory” (University of Chicago Press, 2003). 
23 
 
destruction of cultural sites, or the imposition of restrictions on specific cultural practices, 
thereby restricting individuals' ability to freely engage with and express their cultural identity. 
Secondly, cultural trauma disrupts the intergenerational transmission of cultural knowledge, 
traditions, and practices. When traumatic events sever the bonds between generations or result 
in forced separation or displacement, the transfer of cultural heritage from older to younger 
generations is impeded, resulting in a loss of cultural continuity and identity. Furthermore, 
cultural trauma can contribute to the marginalization and stigmatization of affected cultural or 
social groups.  
Herman underscores that the aftermath of traumatic events may give rise to discrimination, 
exclusion, or prejudice, which undermines these groups' ability to freely practice and express 
their culture, perpetuating further harm to their cultural rights. Additionally, cultural trauma 
disrupts the collective memory and historical narratives of a group. Traumatic events can 
distort, omit, or deny historical experiences, impeding the construction of a cohesive identity 
and impeding the preservation and transmission of cultural heritage (Herman, 2015). 
Similarly, Alexander (2004), underscores the impact of cultural trauma on the 
intergenerational transmission of cultural knowledge, traditions, and practices. The author 
argues that when bonds between generations are severed or forced separation and 
displacement occur, the transfer of cultural heritage and values from older to younger 
generations is hindered. Consequently, this can result in a loss of cultural continuity, 
weakening the preservation and development of cultural rights (Ibid). 
According to Alexander, cultural trauma disrupts the social order and can give rise to a sense 
of dislocation and vulnerability. The author posits that cultural trauma can have implications 
for cultural rights in several ways. Firstly, traumatic events can prompt a re-evaluation of 
existing cultural practices and values. The disruption caused by trauma compels individuals 
and communities to reflect on their cultural identity, traditions, and rights, potentially leading 
to a reinterpretation or reaffirmation of these cultural elements. 
Secondly, cultural trauma can mobilize collective action and social movements aimed at 
defending or reclaiming cultural rights. Traumatic events can serve as catalysts, galvanizing 
communities to unite, advocate for their cultural rights, and seek social and political change. 
These movements may strive for recognition, representation, and the preservation of cultural 
heritage as a response to the experienced trauma (Alexander, 2004). 
24 
 
Cultural trauma extends beyond physical destruction and encompasses attacks on various aspects of 
culture, including body-space practices, religion, history, language, state organizations, and 
economics. These attacks may involve the prohibition of language or spiritual-healing practices, 
restricted access to public spaces, manipulation of history, creation of new enemies, acts of violence 
such as rape or interpersonal violence to disrupt families, removal of traditional authority figures 
within a community, and the imposition of alternative sources of authority. The authors emphasize that 
cultural trauma aims to undermine and disrupt the essential elements of culture, resulting in significant 
social and psychological consequences (Stamm et al. 2003).  
4. 3. Cultural Rights  
Cultural rights encompass the rights of individuals and communities to engage in and 
appreciate their cultural heritage, allowing them the freedom to practice, preserve, and express 
their cultural traditions, languages, arts, and beliefs. These rights acknowledge the significant 
role that culture plays in shaping individual and collective identities, fostering diversity, and 
promoting social cohesion (O'Keefe, 2006). According to Shaheed (2010), cultural rights are 
essential tools for development, peace, poverty eradication, and social cohesion, promoting 
mutual respect and understanding among individuals and groups, regardless of their diversity.  
Likewise, Dias (2009) urges that cultural rights play a fundamental role in the framework of 
human rights, as they actively support the preservation of cultural diversity, individual and 
communal identity, and human dignity. Through their promotion of social harmony, 
encouragement of creativity and innovation, and preservation of cultural heritage, cultural 
rights significantly contribute to creating a more inclusive, tolerant, and sustainable global 
society. Embracing and safeguarding these rights extend beyond mere adherence to human 
rights principles; they also serve to celebrate the richness of human cultures and pave the way 
towards a brighter future for all. 
International human rights instruments, such as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights 
and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, provide protection 
and promotion for cultural rights. Article 27 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, 
for example, affirms that "Everyone has the right freely to participate in the cultural life of the 
community, to enjoy the arts and to share in scientific advancement and its benefits" (UN, 
2023). The International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR, 1976) 
further elaborates on cultural rights, encompassing dimensions such as the right to cultural 
expression, the right to cultural participation, and the right to cultural heritage. 
25 
 
To actively safeguard and promote traditional dance forms as cultural expressions and 
performances, UNESCO has established the Intangible Cultural Heritage (ICH) program. This 
program recognizes the paramount importance and intrinsic value of dance as a profound 
form of cultural expression and an essential component of cultural heritage. UNESCO 
acknowledges that dance assumes a significant role in advancing cultural diversity, promoting 
intercultural dialogue, and nurturing social cohesion within societies. The organization 
highlights the multifaceted nature of dance, encompassing cultural, artistic, and educational 
dimensions, and recognizes its exceptional capacity to transcend boundaries, foster cross-
cultural understanding, and promote harmony among diverse communities (UNESCO, 2003). 
By championing the preservation of dance within the framework of Intangible Cultural 
Heritage, UNESCO emphasizes the significance of dance as a cultural manifestation, 
reinforcing cultural identity, and supporting cultural sustainability. UNESCO recognizes that 
dance not only celebrates cultural diversity but also fosters intercultural exchange, facilitating 
dialogue, mutual respect, and appreciation among communities worldwide (Ibid). 
4. 4. Cultural Genocide 
Cultural rights and cultural genocide are two related concepts that have significant 
implications for the promotion and protection of human rights. Article 27(1) of the Universal 
Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) guarantees everyone the right to participate freely in 
the cultural life of the community, while the International Covenant on Civil and Political 
Rights (ICCPR Article 27) recognizes the right of minorities to enjoy their own culture, 
religion, or language. Cultural rights are considered an integral component of human rights 
that are universal, indivisible, interrelated, and interdependent, as highlighted by the Human 
Rights Council's Resolution 10/23. They play a vital role in recognizing and respecting human 
dignity by safeguarding the development and expression of various worldviews, both 
individual and collective, and encompassing vital freedoms related to identity. When fully 
comprehended as part of the broader human rights system, cultural rights facilitate a deeper 
comprehension of the universality of human rights by considering cultural diversity. 
Moreover, cultural rights can serve as crucial tools for development, peace, poverty 
eradication, and social cohesion, promoting mutual respect and understanding among 
individuals and groups, regardless of their diversity (Belder & Pordam, 2017). 
On the other hand, cultural genocide is defined as the purposeful violation of cultural rights or 
the weakening and ultimate destruction of cultural symbols, heritages, institutions, and any 
other objects that symbolize the culture of a group or community. Cultural genocide can be 
26 
 
understood as the effective destruction of a people through the destruction, erosion, or 
undermining of the integrity of the culture and cultural foundations that define and give 
identity systematically to a group of people or a community to identify them nationally or 
internationally with other communities (Davidson, 2012). Cultural genocide can take many 
forms, including the elimination of a group's cultural elements, restrictions upon its traditional 
practices and ways, and the destruction of cultural and religious institutions. Cultural 
genocide also manifests when artistic, literary, and cultural activities are restricted, destroyed, 
or confiscated. 
The notion of cultural genocide is not new, and it has been present since the adoption of the 
1948 United Nations Convention for preventing genocide. The first draft of the Convention, 
prepared by the UN Secretariat in May 1947, included an entire section on cultural genocide. 
According to Nersessian (2005), Raphael Lemkin, the Polish lawyer who coined the term 
genocide and played a key role in the adoption of the Convention, described eight dimensions 
of genocide - political, social, cultural, economic, biological, physical, religious, and moral - 
each targeting a different aspect of a group's existence. Lemkin considered culture as 
necessary for human group life as basic needs are for individual physical well-being. Short 
(2010), urges that culture is a basic need for human existence, and therefore, the destruction 
of cultural symbols is a form of genocide. He advocated for the legal recognition of cultural 
genocide and considered the crime of genocide to include the deliberate destruction of a 
nation by mass killing or through predefined actions to destroy the basic foundations of 
collective life or collective culture.  
5. Methodology 
This section presents a detailed account of the data collection process used in this study. 
Firstly, the selected method for data collection and its rationale are described, followed by an 
explanation of the empirical research's conduct. Additionally, the section provides a 
description of the interviewees' profile and the materials used, followed by a discussion of the 
ethical considerations. Qualitative research is a systematic approach that enables the portrayal 
of the nature of something (Staren & Svensson 2011, 164). Given that the research questions 
of this study focus on exploring the effects of systematic persecution on Hazaras' traditional 
dance and its consequences on Hazaras' cultural rights in Afghanistan, qualitative research 
was deemed the most appropriate alternative for two reasons. Firstly, it provides an 
epistemological position that enables the researcher to examine and understand the 
27 
 
participants' interpretations (Bryman, 2016, 375). Secondly, it allows the study to explore how 
participants frame their experiences in the absence of predefined concepts and theories. 
Therefore, this study adopted a qualitative approach that has an inductive view of the data and 
theory (Bryman, 2016, 375). The reason that why I used interview is firstly there have not 
been produced enough reliable resources in form of text, discourses or books and articles to 
cover the subject that I am studying. Therefore, interview was the only method to help me to 
complete this study. According to Bryman interviews are the most frequently utilized method 
in qualitative research method in qualitative research, with ethnographic studies often 
involving a significant number of interviews.  
The appeal of interviews lies in their flexibility, which makes them an attractive option for 
collecting qualitative data, especially when participant observation is challenging. Although 
conducting, transcribing, and analysing interviews can be time-consuming, it is comparatively 
feasible to accommodate the researcher's personal life. The reason for not employing a 
quantitative method in this study is threefold. Firstly, the study concentrates on a complex 
subject that necessitates a thorough comprehension of how various factors interact with one 
another and how systems function. Secondly, the research investigates emotions, opinions, 
perceptions, and experiences, which are the primary focus of the study and require a nuanced 
approach. Thirdly, due to the nature of the study, it was not feasible to conduct a relevant 
survey. Instead, it was necessary to interview key individuals who possessed valuable insights 
and understanding based on their experiences and perspectives (Kvale & Binkmann, 2014). 
Furthermore, in the realm of qualitative research, interviews provide researchers with unique 
opportunities to explore matters that are specific to the experiences of the interviewees, 
thereby facilitating insights into how different phenomena are experienced and perceived  As 
a data-collection method, interviews are often associated with the naturalistic paradigm and 
qualitative research due to their emphasis on exploring human phenomena and the importance 
of the relationship between the participants and the researchers. Although qualitative 
interviewing can be used in various methodological approaches, it is particularly well-suited 
to address research questions focused on understanding the interviewee's subjective 
perspective of a phenomenon rather than generating generalizable understandings of large 
groups of people (Palmgren, McGrath & Liljedal, 2018).   
5.1 Qualitative Semi-Structured Interviews 
Interviews are an integral part of the research method that helps the researcher obtain results 
that are considered important to enrich the research. Different interview models can be used, 
28 
 
depending on the nature of the research. The interview enables the researcher to access 
information, thoughts, theories, feelings, experiences, and perspectives of others on a case or 
subject and gain an understanding of how they perceive it (May 2011, 159). There are four 
interview models that can be used in different conditions: structured interview, semi-
structured interview, unstructured or focused interview, and group interview. 
Semi-structured qualitative interviews were deemed the most appropriate method for this 
study, as they focus on the interviewees' perspectives, and the research questions are open-
ended (Bryman, 2016, 466). Semi-structured interviews were chosen over unstructured 
interviews to ensure that the respondents provide relevant answers to the broader research 
questions yet have the freedom and flexibility to integrate the patterns and behaviour they see 
as important (Bryman, 2016, 469). However, one primary limitation of semi-structured 
interviews is the considerable influence of the researcher and its impact on the data collected 
(Bryman, 2016, 375, 376). To address this challenge and minimize the researcher's role, 
efforts were made to facilitate a free and confidential space when interviews took place. 
To maintain the quality and validity of the data collected, the interviewees were selected 
based on their involvement in Hazaras' traditional dance and cultural rights in Afghanistan. 
The interviews were conducted face-to-face, and audio recordings were made for later 
transcription. Additionally, ethical considerations, such as informed consent and the 
anonymity and confidentiality of the participants, were ensured. 
5. 2 Data collection 
Prior to commencing the data collection process for this study, a study map was developed, 
which contained the research questions, relevant interview questions, theory, previous 
research, aims of the study, and methodology. This map served as a practical guide, enabling 
the researcher to focus and concentrate on the research questions. The next step involved 
conducting a narrative review of the literature, which situated the research questions in 
relation to previous studies and established the researcher's potential contributions (Bryman, 
2016, 91, 95). The utilization of existing literature, including research-based recorded videos 
on the topic, contributed not only to building credibility during the interviews but also to 
maintaining the flow of conversations (Bryman, 2016, 96). 
To conduct semi-structured interviews, an interview guide was prepared as a crucial 
component. This interview guide was divided into three thematic sections to capture the 
respondents' narratives and interpretations. The first category consisted of introductory 
29 
 
questions that served to warm up the respondents. The second category focused on the 
Hazaras and their traditional dance-related questions, which explored how the respondents 
observed, evaluated, and negotiated the effects of long-term persecution on the Hazaras' 
traditional dances and its consequences for the Hazaras' cultural rights. This section allowed 
the researcher to clearly perceive the similarities between the respondents' perspectives and 
the research objectives. 
The third category, reaction to the present status of the Hazaras' traditional dances and 
cultural rights, was designed to enable respondents to express their individual experiences of 
being discriminated against as Hazaras. Although the interview guide was divided into clear 
sections, the questions were flexible, and the interviews were primarily guided by the 
respondents' answers and narratives (Bryman, 2016: 483, 498). To ensure that interviewees 
felt safe to express themselves and their individual experiences, the interviews were 
conducted in private rooms. The respondents were contacted through phone, messages via 
WhatsApp, or Facebook at least one week prior to the interview, and they were thoroughly 
informed about the study. After obtaining their oral consent, the interviewees and the 
researcher agreed on a suitable time, and in-person interaction only occurred during the 
interview. The researcher provided a detailed description of the project, its aim, purpose, and 
address, and emphasized the anonymous, flexible, and voluntary nature of the interviews. The 
interviews were conducted with the respondents' consent, who agreed to audio-recording on 
the condition that the recordings would be removed after transcription. The transcription 
process was completed promptly after the interviews to ensure accuracy and quality (Bryman, 
2016, 481). During the transcription process, emerging themes were identified and 
opportunities to improve subsequent interviews were recognized (Bryman, 2016, 481). 
To minimize the possibility of linguistic errors, all interviews were conducted in Persian, the 
native language of both the interviewer and interviewees. The transcription was attentive to 
nuanced expressions, tone of voice, and emotions, as these factors can impact the meaning 
conveyed by the respondents (Bryman, 2016, 526). However, it should be noted that this 
study does not aim to examine language itself but rather to adopt a formal transcription 
approach that focuses on details relevant to the respondents' narratives (Kvale & Brnkmann, 
2015, 204, 210). The interviews were conducted via telephone during March 2023, with each 
interview lasting between 45 to 60 minutes. 
For analysing respondents interview I used vivo coding – that suing the participant’s own 
words instead of your interpretation as a researcher in the project. Vivo coding, also known as 
30 
 
thematic coding, is a qualitative research method used to analyse textual data like interviews 
or discussions. It involves identifying and categorizing themes and patterns in the data to 
understand the phenomenon being studied. Researchers start by familiarizing themselves with 
the data and assigning initial codes to capture specific concepts. Through constant 
comparison, codes are refined and grouped into themes that represent broader ideas emerging 
from the data. This iterative process helps researchers uncover participants' perspectives and 
experiences, leading to deeper insights and a better understanding of the research question. 
Vivo coding maintains the original context of the data to preserve its richness and complexity, 
making it a valuable tool in qualitative research (Jugessur, 2017). 
5.3 Selection and Interviewee Profile 
The participants in this study self-identified as having close contact with the practical life 
situation and a familiarity with Hazaras culture and traditional dances. A total of ten Afghan 
individuals were interviewed for this study. The interviews were conducted as one-on-one 
semi-structured qualitative interviews.  
This study has been produced after interviewing a total of ten Hazaras. Interviews were 
conducted as one-on-one semi-structured qualitative interviews. The participants’ age group 
has varied between 25 and 50 at the time of the interview.  
All respondents were born and raised in Afghanistan. Those who had left Afghanistan had 
practical involvement with Hazara cultural practices prior to their departure. Evry single 
respondent asked me be anonym and they agreed to refer to their name by numbering. The 
participants were selected from various geographical locations including Afghanistan, Iran, 
Pakistan, Norway, Germany, Italy, New Zealand, and the USA. While the informants chosen 
from outside Afghanistan were raised in Afghanistan, they later migrated to their respective 
countries at different periods. 
The participants who are chosen from outside Afghanistan were raised in Afghanistan, they 
later migrated to their respective countries at different periods. All the selected participants 
were educated and held a university degree. The first respondent has his degree in political 
since from Ferdowsi University of Iran and has given out several research works regarding to 
the socio-political development of Afghanistan. The second respondent has also received his 
PhD in Persian literature from Tehran University of Iran and has written in close contact with 
the Hazaras culture.  
31 
 
Notably, the third informant has received his degree from Kabul university and has served as 
a high-ranking government official in a Hazara populated province, and he is also a 
descendant of a renowned family that was affected by the Hazara massacre during the reign of 
the Afghan king, Amir Abdurrahman who was in power from 1880 to1901.   
The fourth informant has received his master in law from USA and later had direct 
involvement with Hazara culture and especially traditional dances and worked to support their 
performance, while the fifth informant has received his university degree in political science 
from Iran, was deeply involved in Hazara socio-cultural issues and has published numerous 
books on the political sociology of Afghanistan.  
The sixth respondent received her university degree in economy in History Studies from 
Kabul University and later has work with culture development and has had close contact the 
Hazaras culture and its different aspects. The seventh respondent has received her master in 
pedagogy from Kabul University and worked in close contact with cultural heritages 
protection. The eighth respondent has received her master in art from Turkey and later worked 
as art teacher in the Bamiyan University in Afghanistan and has had close contact with the 
Hazaras arts. The nineth respondent has her Bachelor in social science from Hyderabad 
University of India and later has worked as project adviser for protecting cultural heritage 
project in the Bamiyan the Hazara populated province in Afghanistan. The tenth respondent 
has studied journalism at Kabul University and later worked as journalist with focusing to the 
cultural developments in the Hazaras realm. 
The selection of participants employed a purposive sampling strategy, aiming to include 
respondents with relevant experiences related to the research questions (Bryman, 2016, 408, 
410). The initial respondents were introduced to me through my personal network as well as 
through my connections with the World Hazaras Council. Additionally, some respondents 
were recommended through my professional network in socio-cultural settings.  
I further complemented the purposive sampling approach with snowball sampling, where 
initial participants suggested other individuals with relevant experiences (Bryman, 2016, 415). 
This combination of strategies was logical, as it allowed me to leverage the participants' 
networks and achieve the desired number of respondents for the study. Despite the intentional 
use of purposive sampling, it coincidentally resulted in all interviewees belonging to the 
Hazara ethnic minority group.  
32 
 
To enhance ethnic diversity in the sample, I specifically sought non-Hazara respondents from 
different ethnic backgrounds. However, my attempts to reach such individuals through my 
contacts and the forementioned organization were unsuccessful. I was only able to find one 
non-Hazara respondent, but their participation was subsequently cancelled upon explaining 
the purpose of my study. The overrepresentation of Hazara participants in the sample can be 
attributed to the study's focus on Hazara traditional dances. 
While this study acknowledges the limited ethnic diversity among the respondents, the 
predominance of Hazara ethnic minorities can be justified by the specific subject matter 
concerning Hazara traditional dances. The selection of respondents was based on their 
individual experiences of the Hazara life situation in Afghanistan. With respect to their 
individual experience of the Hazaras life situation in Afghanistan as well their contact with 
the Hazara culture, they can be considered as elite in their knowledge in the realm of the 
Hazaras traditional dances. Elite can be accustomed to being interviewed and may have 
prepared to express their opinions, making it necessary for skilled interviewers to effectively 
respond. Additionally, their secure positions may allow for their statements to be questioned 
and provoking them can lead to fresh insights (Kvale & Brinkman, 2014,186). 
5.4. Reliability, Validity, and Generalizability 
In accordance with scientific principles, research should be conducted with consideration for 
the well-being of test subjects and researchers should be aware of treatment options, as 
emphasized by Wallen (1996). Qualitative studies present unique ethical challenges due to the 
lack of clear methodological rules, and it is therefore important to follow scientific rules and 
clearly report one's own efforts and the efforts of others. Ethical principles within qualitative 
studies require consideration of the four ethical principles: the information requirement, the 
confidentiality requirement, the utilization requirement, and the consent requirement, 
according to (Bryman, 2016). 
Holme and Solvang (1997) stress the importance of respect for people and attention to their 
integrity as prerequisites for all forms of social studies. The concept of validity is of central 
importance in social research, in addition to reliability. The information must be both reliable 
and valid, meaning that the operationalization of the theoretical variables must coincide with 
the theoretically defined variables to the greatest extent possible. Validity can be seen from 
different perspectives, such as clarifying the connection between variables in theory and what 
can be measured, and specifying what is being measured, according to (Wallen, 1996). 
33 
 
Merriam (1994) divides validity into two categories: external and internal validity. External 
validity concerns the extent to which the results from a certain investigation are applicable 
under conditions other than those investigated. Internal validity refers to the need to control 
factors that can affect the results. Bryman (2016) also divides validity into internal and 
external validity, with internal validity referring to the agreement between the researcher's 
observations and the theoretical ideas developed during the research, and external validity 
referring to the generalizability of the study's results beyond the specific study context. 
The present study is exploratory and utilized a systematic approach for data gathering, source 
review, and analysis, which facilitated the replicability of the study. The data gathering 
method followed a rigorous process, and the inclusion of data was reviewed to ensure its 
relevance to the study's aims and objectives. Narrative analysis was employed as the method 
of data analysis, offering consistency and reproducibility in future studies. Narrative analysis 
based on narratives that can be gathered from various sources such as journals, letters, 
conversations, autobiographies, transcripts of in-depth interviews, focus groups, and other 
types of qualitative research. These narratives can then be analysed and used as data in the 
research process (Riessman, 1993). The reporting of findings in this study was conducted with 
careful consideration of the themes, concepts, and contents of the collected data, aiming to 
ensure the validity of the research. As far as generalization is concerned, the results may be 
generalizable in other situations with the same conditions. 
5. 5 Ethical Considerations 
Reflexivity, as a crucial approach for generating knowledge and conducting ethical research, 
has been emphasized in the literature (Rose 1997, 305; Ackerly and True 2010, 36; Hellawell 
2006). It involves transparent representation and clarification of factors that have an impact 
on the research, such as the researcher's identity. Therefore, the researcher in this study made 
every effort to be transparent and adhere to research ethics principles. A power imbalance 
between the researcher and the interviewees is a factor that affects qualitative studies. 
Although the stories of the study participants should be the focal point of qualitative research, 
the researcher decides what is "important" and what should be included or excluded 
throughout the study process (Bryman 2016, 398; Kvale & Brinkmann 2014, 3). Given the 
nature of qualitative research, it is impossible to eliminate this power structure. Therefore, this 
thesis acknowledges the existence of an imbalance throughout the research process. 
34 
 
The ethical principles of Vetenskapsrådet have been taken into consideration during the 
interview and work on this study. Their aim is to provide norms for the relationship between 
the researcher and the study object, to act as a guide for the study's work and prevent any 
possible conflicts (Vetenskapsrådet, 2002). The principles cover four main areas: 1) providing 
information about the purpose of the thesis to the relevant actors for the research, 2) giving 
participants the right to independently decide whether to participate or not, 3) treating 
participants confidentially and not putting them at risk or harm, and 4) using the collected 
information for research purposes and not for commercial or another non-research aims 
(Vetenskapsrådet, 2002). Before interviewing the informants, the researcher explained in 
detail the nature of the study and the data needed. A high degree of transparency and 
confidentiality in participants' identities and information was ensured, as recommended by 
(Bryman 2016, 137). Furthermore, the ethical considerations undertaken for the interview 
have been in the respondents' interests and based on full consent and interest of participants. 
They were all informed that the data was only to be used for academic purposes, and the 
material was to be kept confidential. The participants were kept anonymous to ensure no 
potential harm and possible consequences to happen to them from their participation in this 
study. Furthermore, no personal or private data was collected in this study. 
5.6 Methodological reflection 
In this study, all interviews with participants were conducted in Persian. However, it is 
important to note that translating from Persian to English can result in the loss of nuances and 
feelings present in the original language (Kvale & Binkmann 2009). Additionally, accurately 
transcribing spoken words into written text can be challenging. To address these concerns, 
necessary precautions were taken to ensure that the interviews were translated accurately, and 
that the participants' intentions and meanings were conveyed without any distortion. During 
the interview, the interviewer occasionally provided more elaboration than necessary for the 
questions. In these instances, only the parts of the interview related to the question were 
translated. The quotes used in this study from the interviews were translated with great care to 
accurately convey the participants' spoken concepts in written English without any 
manipulation. 
6. Results from Interviews 
This chapter presents the individual experiences and perspectives of the respondents regarding 
the systematic effects of persecution on Hazara traditional dances and their consequences on 
35 
 
their cultural rights. The aim is to provide an understanding of the respondents' perceptions of 
the rise and fall of these dances and their consequences, as well as the impact on Hazara 
cultural rituals. The chapter is organized thematically, with a focus on the effects of 
systematic persecution on the Hazaras traditional dances and its consequences from cultural 
rights perspective. 
6.1 The effect of systematic persecution on the Hazaras traditional 
dance and its consequence  
The first respondent highlights the unique culture and traditional dances of the Hazara people 
as a historical nation, which has been marginalized and faded due to a significant historical 
tragedy. The respondent stated: 
“… The Hazara people, as a historically rich nation, have developed their own unique dance 
traditions, including the notable Pish-Pu dance. The Bamiyan region, where the Hazara people reside, 
was an important centre of Buddhism and located on the historical Silk Road, which has influenced 
their culture. The Hazara people have suffered from the destruction of their institutions, culture, 
social, economic, and feudal self-government system, which was responsible for managing public 
affairs, in addition to the physical harm inflicted upon them. As a result, communal gatherings, 
recreational activities, and events, including dancing, disappeared. Survivors of this tragedy have 
been stripped of their human dignity, do not enjoy the same human rights as other ethnic groups, 
leading to participation in collective mourning or religious festivals to express their collective sorrow 
through crying. This traumatic event and the subsequent oppression have resulted in a loss of 
happiness and cultural continuity among the Hazara people. Moreover, the Hazaras were not allowed 
to use government media to promote their culture until 1980, which contributed to the marginalization 
of their cultural practices.” 
The second respondent shares the view that dance, as an art form, reflects the values, beliefs, 
and traditions of a society throughout history, preserving its intangible cultural heritage. But 
the Hazaras traditional dances faded away since they have been the target of systematic 
persecution. 
“…The Hazara community is distinguished for their unique cultural features and a history of ups and 
downs, and their music, dance, local games, and sports stand out from other tribes. Hazara society 
has played a prominent role for women since ancient times, with women participating alongside men 
in all matters. However, this dynamic and cultural society has suffered immensely from historical 
injustices, massacres, heavy taxes, and various exhausting pressures, which have led to the 
destruction of their culture, leaving little room for expressing joy. People either gather in mosques or 
mourning houses to listen to the eulogy and cry. The Hazara people face discrimination and 
36 
 
humiliation, which has resulted in a loss of their human dignity. How you preserve your culture when 
you lose your cultural identity. 
The third respondent also acknowledges the significant impact of historical injustices and 
oppression on the Hazaras' historical and cultural assets: 
“… The Hazara community has a rich cultural heritage that has been gradually eroded due to 
historical massacres, persistent persecution, and other pressures inflicted upon them. Th Hazaras 
traditional dances have been forgotten, and their music has been forced into seclusion, resulting in the 
tabooing of traditional Hazara dance. The Hazara people now gather in places of mourning or 
solitude to hear elegies and cry or sit in a corner to listen to traditional Hazara music that lacks the 
rhythm of joy. Dominant political religion, which consider dancing contrary to religious belief, have 
also caused the fading and even disappearance of Hazara's traditional dance. I have never witnessed 
a single Hazara dance style concert, which indicates a violation of Hazara cultural rights. The basic 
human rights of Hazaras are violated at various levels, and persistent discrimination reflects the 
violation of human dignity.”      
Respondent four believes that the Hazaras developed their own traditional culture and dances 
over centuries, but after the historical massacre of the Hazaras, everything changed, and 
joyous occasions were replaced by mourning.  
“… The Hazaras' cultural genres changed, and the styles of music, poetry, and literature that were 
once a source of joy became a means of mourning and lamentation after they were massacred, their 
institutions destroyed, and those who survived were forced to flee their homelands and endure poverty, 
destitution, and wild discrimination. All Hazara music genres now contain sad styles that have their 
roots in this issue. The Pish-Pu dance gradually diminished, and the disrespectful phrases like 
"Donkey Hazara" and others were used to humiliate the Hazaras, which led to the disrespect of their 
language, dance, and all their arts. Furthermore, that state media did not broadcast programs in the 
Hazara dialect or about Hazara customs and culture until the establishment of private television 
networks. This lack of recognition and support from the state is an indication of the violation of your 
human dignity and your human rights.” 
Respondent five also believes that the long-lasting effects of oppression have been 
devastating to all aspects of Hazaras' lives, especially to Hazara dance.  
“… Systematic persecution and discrimination against Hazaras have had incredibly heavy and 
destructive impacts on all aspects of their lives, particularly on their cultural aspects. Dancing, which 
is a means of expressing one's happiness and joy through rhythmic movements, can be seen as a 
means of social cohesion, where the rhythmic dance reflects the rhythm of the universe. The 
continuation of persecution and discrimination against the Hazaras has resulted in the loss of this 
37 
 
cohesion, and the people have become mentally depressed. The past forty years of war and the 
atrocities committed against the Hazaras before that have had a destructive impact on all aspects of 
people's lives, their traditional dance has been affected enormously.  
You cannot find any single Hazara who has not experienced racial based discrimination here in 
Afghanistan. I can cite many examples to substantiate my claims. The destruction of the Buddha statue 
in Bamiyan, by the Taliban exemplifies cultural genocide. Because the statues were perceived as 
resembling the Hazara face. Furthermore, once we have organized a Pish-Pu dance performance to 
celebrate the new year festival, we faced a strong opposition by religious figures and local officials in 
Bamiyan. This is an explicit violation of your human rights which is emphasised in the human rights 
declarations.” 
Respondent six argues: 
The massacre of the Hazaras by Amir Abdulrahman had devastating consequences that 
extended beyond the loss of life. The survivors of the massacre faced enslavement and 
dehumanization, which fundamentally destroyed their cultural foundations and resulted in 
historical humiliation. This perception of the Hazaras as inferior persists in social interactions 
and has led to continued violence and discrimination against them. The destruction of their 
humanity has made it challenging for them to reconstruct their art and culture, including 
traditional dance. However, I have heard from my grandmother that the dance was once 
performed in groups of eight to ten females, often at wedding ceremonies. 
“… When the Hazaras were targeted by Amir Abdul Rahman, resulting in thousands of Hazara 
women and children being sold as slaves in the market and forced to work as sexual slaves and 
servants in the homes of other ethnic groups for many years. Hazaras have been subjected to 
derogatory terms, such as being called donkey or rate eater, are institutionalized and has not changed 
much since. The government's view of Hazaras is one of suppression and contempt, which further 
reinforces the lack of space for Hazaras to protect their culture and enjoy their human rights. In such 
situation there is no room for dance and human rights” 
Respondent seven believes,  
“… Those who are familiar with the past of the Hazaras all spoke of the brutal treatment of Hazaras 
in the past, including the sale of Hazaras as slaves, which has contributed to the destruction of their 
culture and dance. Nevertheless, the intentional destruction of Hazara schools, cultural institutions, 
and mosques in Kabul has been observed in recent years, leading to the destruction of Hazara culture 
which interprets cultural genocide. There is a Ministry of Tribes and Ethnicities in the Afghan 
government structure responsible for protecting the culture and art of various ethnic groups but not 
38 
 
Hazaras. This ministry had an official budget to support Hazara culture only during the years of the 
socialist regime backed by the former Soviet Union. Since then, nothing has been done for Hazara 
culture, as the ministry does not recognize the culture and art of Hazaras as equal to that of others. In 
recent years, we have witnessed the destruction of Hazaras' schools, cultural institutions, and mosques 
in Kabul, which means intentional destruction of the Hazaras' culture. Those who perpetrate this 
attack are Muslims and they believe that the Hazaras are not Muslims and therefore should be killed 
and annihilated.” 
Respondent eight believes, 
“… The decline of Hazara traditional dance can be attributed to multiple factors, including the 
destruction of Hazara cultural institutions by Amir Abdul Rahman Khan later continuation of a wild 
persecution. Discrimination against Hazaras has become a structural phenomenon in Afghanistan, 
with no Hazaras remaining unaffected. To be clear, the historical massacre, persistent persecution, 
and various exhausting pressures inflicted on the Hazaras have contributed to the destruction of their 
culture and dance. The survivors of the massacre faced enslavement and dehumanization. Recently the 
continuation of systematic terroristic attacks on the Hazaras institutions contributed to the decline of 
the Hazaras traditional dances.” 
Respondent nine posits that discrimination against Hazaras in Afghanistan is a long-standing 
issue that has persisted in various forms over a century. Respondent further elaborates on the 
cultural rights of the Hazara people by citing an example of their lack of access to a radio 
program in their own dialect.  
“… The destruction of the human infrastructure of a society results in a lack of foundation for the 
culture and arts to thrive, leading to the gradual disappearance of traditional Hazara dances over 
time. The developments of the past 50 years, pushing the Hazara community towards religious and 
sectarian extremism, have also played a role in the decline of traditional Hazara dances. The 
discrimination and pressure imposed on the Hazara community in the past century have destroyed 
many of their cultural aspects, including their traditional dances. A society that is less happy has less 
reason and mind for dancing. While the government of Baluchistan province in Pakistan offered a 
radio program in the Hazara dialect for those Hazaras who had fled from Afghanistan, Hazaras living 
in their homeland were deprived of such a program. Such a scenario represents a complicated 
discrimination and undermines their human dignity.” 
Respondent ten adds,  
“… Regardless of how much or how little I know about the past, I believe that when there is no reason 
for happiness, dance loses its meaning. My childhood and teenage years were spent in an insecure 
situation of war, and I was never invited to perform the traditional Hazara dance. The continuation of 
39 
 
war and recently the destruction of the Hazaras' existence and culture has resulted in a lack of joy, 
peace of mind, or happiness that would inspire people to dance. On the other hand, the trauma of 
historical upheaval, such as massacres and persecution, leaves no room for dancing. When a 
community is targeted, their values lose significance, further leading to the denial of their human 
rights and identity.” 
7. Analysis of Interview Results 
In this section, the present study's results will be analysed in the context of the theories of 
dehumanization, human dignity, and cultural rights. To provide a clearer understanding of the 
subject, this analysis will include excerpts from the respondents' quotes that directly relate to 
the study's theory. If certain aspects of the subsequent analysis appear repetitive, it is not due 
to the researcher's lack of diligence, but rather the resemblance of the respondents' 
conceptions and interpretations of the subject matter. The researcher believes that avoiding 
such repetition would be contrary to the responsibility to present the respondents' 
interpretations as entrusted. 
The present study's findings underscore the participants' characterization of the long-term 
persecution and discrimination of the Hazara people after the historical destruction that took 
place between 1891-1893. Moreover, some participants believe that the destruction of the 
Hazaras had not only physical but also detrimental psychological and collective personality 
consequences. The participants concur that the Hazaras remain victims of a massacre that 
obliterated their entire way of life. The respondents recount various ways in which they have 
systematically faced persecution and discrimination that culminated to cultural trauma. 
Cultural trauma occurs when a group or society experiences a deeply distressing event or 
series of events that significantly impacts their shared identity, beliefs, and norms (Alexander 
2004). 
The interviewees' quotes reveal that the continued cultural trauma through various forms of 
suppression, cultural identity crise and lose of cultural knowledge has primarily violated their 
cultural rights and human dignity. 
For instance, one participant highlights how the Hazara people were subjected to physical 
harm and the destruction of their institutions, culture, society, and economy, including the 
feudal self-government system that managed public affairs.  
“… The Hazara people not only experienced physical harm, but the destruction of their institutions, 
culture, society, and economy, including the feudal self-government system responsible for managing 
40 
 
public affairs. Later the state-sponsored persistent discrimination that even exist today stripped the 
Hazaras of their human dignity, as they were not allowed to broadcast their music or dance on state 
TV and radio until 1980.” 
Respondent one's quote, along with several examples of oppression and systemic government 
policies, emphasizes that the cultural and human dignity of Hazaras have been systematically 
violated over time. The respondent's quote, combined with several examples of oppression 
and systemic government policies, emphasizes the systematic violation of Hazaras' cultural 
and human dignity which exemplifies a cultural trauma process.  
Similarly, the second respondent suggests that Hazaras have suffered greatly from historical 
injustices, massacres, heavy taxes, and various pressures that have destroyed their culture, 
leaving minimal space for expressing joy. This participant highlights the challenges that 
Hazaras face in preserving or promoting their cultural genre when their human dignity is 
stripped. 
“… Noting that historical massacres, persistent persecution, and various exhausting pressures have 
destroyed the cultural potentials of this dynamic and cultural society. No doubt that being the target of 
discrimination leads to the violation of one's human dignity.” 
The third respondent argues that the historical massacre destroyed the Hazaras' institutions, 
and those who survived were either enslaved or forced to flee their homelands, enduring 
poverty, and destitution. 
"… The historical massacre, persistent persecution, and various exhausting pressures inflicted on this 
dynamic and cultural society destroyed its cultural potentials... When you are the target of 
discrimination, you are no longer deserve things that the discriminators deserve. You lack something 
that makes you the target of discrimination." 
The fourth respondent recalls her experience as a student when their professors, who were 
supposed to make their lives better, engaged in discrimination and prejudice. Such 
experiences are explicit humiliation and violations of one's human dignity. 
“… When I was student our professors, who were supposed to make our life better, were committing 
discrimination and prejudice. It means that you don’t deserve the same right other deserve and it is an 
explicit humiliation and a violation of your human dignity." 
This quote underscores the systematic violation of human dignity of Hazaras over time, 
demonstrating the ongoing impact of historical injustices, massacres, discrimination, and 
various pressures that have destroyed their institutions, culture, and society. One of the 
41 
 
primary indicators of cultural trauma that disconnecting a group of people or a society from 
their cultural roots (Eyerman 2001). 
Respondent five refers to the ISIS and Taliban’s systematic attacks on the Hazaras institutions 
that carried out in the last two decades. 
“… Why the Hazaras are still the target of ISIS or Taliban? They believe that the Hazaras are infidel. 
Now imagine people whose humanity has been taken away from them, how can they reconstruct their 
art and culture and preserve them? Dance is not the only one, but there are many other things that 
were taken away from them as well." 
The quote indicates an example of cultural trauma that the colonization of North America by 
European powers caused profound cultural trauma to Indigenous communities. European 
settlers forcibly displaced them from their ancestral lands, disrupted their traditional ways of 
life, and imposed foreign customs and beliefs. This resulted in a significant loss of cultural 
identity, social cohesion, and traditional knowledge among Indigenous peoples. The 
colonization process was marked by violence and exploitation, exacerbating the trauma 
experienced by Indigenous communities (Evyman 2001).  
Respondent six adds,  
“… When the Hazaras women and children being sold as slaves in the slave market and forced to 
work as sexual slaves and servants in the homes of other ethnic groups for many years. Hazaras have 
been subjected to derogatory terms, such as being called donkey or rate eater, are institutionalized 
and has not changed much since. The government's view of Hazaras is one of suppression and 
contempt, which further reinforces the lack of space for Hazaras to protect their human rights.” 
The quote shows that the cultural trauma that has leaded to profound loss of identity and 
suppression has put mental and emotional health impact also on the Hazaras collective and 
individual lives. As Ljubojevic, Jerman and Bovan (2017), mentioned in the theory section 
that the consequences of cultural trauma can have significant mental and emotional health 
impacts also. Individuals may experience depression, anxiety, and post-traumatic stress 
disorder (PTSD) because of historical traumas and ongoing cultural challenges. “Suppression” 
is a key word in the respondent’s quote that reminds one of the consequences of cultural 
trauma. This quote highlights that the systematic persecution and discrimination against 
Hazaras have resulted in cultural trauma within the community that in long term culminated 
to the suppression of their traditional dances which holds deep cultural significance and acts 
42 
 
as a symbol of their heritage and identity and this suppression contributed to feelings of loss 
and disempowerment. 
Respondent seven says, 
 “.. In recent years, we have witnessed the destruction of Hazaras' schools, cultural institutions, and 
mosques in Kabul, which means intentional destruction of the Hazaras' culture. Those who perpetrate 
this attack are Muslims and they believe that the Hazaras are not Muslims and therefore should be 
killed and annihilated.” 
This respondent’s quote indicates the destruction of Hazaras' schools, cultural institutions, and 
mosques in Kabul as examples of cultural genocide. According to Davidson, (2012) the 
purposeful violation of cultural rights and the weakening and ultimate destruction of cultural 
symbols, heritages, and institutions that represent a group's culture.  
Furthermore, respondent's quote sheds light on the deliberate suppression of Hazara 
traditional dance, which can be interpreted as a systematic effort to undermine their cultural 
identity and heritage. The restrictions imposed on their ability to freely engage in and 
showcase their traditional dance serve to erase a crucial aspect of Hazara culture and diminish 
the community's ties to its origins. As emphasized by Eyerman (2009), such cultural trauma 
disrupts the intergenerational transfer of cultural knowledge, traditions, and practices. 
Respondent eight urges,  
“… The destruction of the Hazaras goes beyond physical destruction and includes the destruction of 
their humanity and identity, which have not been recovered to this day.” 
The importance of human identity and cultural rights is recognized in various human rights 
covenants as fundamental human rights that must be respected. Identity is intertwined with 
cultural rights, where cultural rights or part of it is denied or violated, it means that human 
rights are violated. Cultural trauma can violate cultural rights in several ways, as it 
undermines the ability of individuals and communities to freely express, preserve, and 
celebrate their cultural identity and heritage (Eyerman 2019).  
Respondent nine believes,  
“… The long-term discrimination and pressure imposed on the Hazara community have resulted in the 
destruction of their cultural genres, including their traditional dances. This has led to multiple 
interpretations, one of which is a clear violation of their cultural rights as well as their human 
dignity.” 
43 
 
Shaheed (2010) emphasizes that cultural rights play a pivotal role in fostering development, 
peace, poverty eradication, and social cohesion. These rights promote mutual respect and 
understanding among individuals and groups, embracing diversity as a fundamental aspect of 
societal progress.  
Respondent ten adds, 
“…When a community is targeted, their values lose significance, further leading to the denial of their 
human.” 
The findings of this research highlight the participants' characterization and perception of the 
long-term persecution and discrimination that occurred after the destruction of the Hazaras 
between 1891-1893. Participants are generally agreeing that Hazaras are the remaining 
victims of a massacre that destroyed all their life structures and later became the target of 
state-sponsored discrimination. Some participants posited that the destruction of the Hazaras 
was not only physical but also had negative consequences for their collective personality and 
psyche.  
Through the interviews, it is inferred that this type of attitude towards Hazaras has been a 
deliberate and systematic violation of their human rights in the cultural rights context. The 
participants in this study, while having different experiences, speak to the reality of structural 
suppression and discrimination against the Hazaras, which are the consequences of cultural 
trauma. 
The quotes highlight the significant impact of cultural trauma on the Hazaras cultural identity 
and cultural rights, which continues to this day. The participants in this study have 
experienced these suppression and discrimination in various forms and dimensions, despite 
their technical differences. Suppression, denial of cultural participation, denial of cultural self-
determination, marginalisation, and violent attacks on their cultural symbols are the 
consequences of cultural trauma that exemplify in the respondents’ quotes. The quotes, 
furthermore, highlight that in the aftermath of cultural trauma, Hazaras have experienced what 
(Ljubojevic, German & Bovan, 2017) refer to as marginalization and exclusion. This refers to 
the impact of systematic persecution and discrimination, which has led to their exclusion from 
broader societal contexts. The denial of their cultural rights, such as the freedom to practice 
and perform their traditional dances, perpetuates their marginalized status, further restricting 
their opportunities for cultural participation and engagement.  
44 
 
The violation of human rights in the cultural rights context are significant issues in the quotes 
provided by the respondents, as they believe that the government, or with government 
support, has systematically violated these rights. As a result, the traditional dance of the 
Hazara people has faded away and been forgotten. 
Despite technical differences in the theoretical explanations all participants in this study are 
agree that historical persecution, discrimination, injustice, and half century war that 
radicalized the dominant religion have been destructive and devastating to the Hazara 
traditional dances.  
Overall, the respondents believe that Hazara traditional dances have been affected by the 
violation of cultural rights. Discrimination and marginalization of Hazara culture have 
resulted in the loss of cultural continuity, and the Hazara people are not given equal 
opportunities to promote their culture. 
 The violation of cultural rights is an indication of the violation of human rights, and it is 
essential to address these issues to ensure a more just and equitable society for all. 
As the present study concentrates exclusively on the Hazaras' traditional dance, interview 
quotes demonstrate that the systematically persecution of Hazaras through various forms of 
suppression and discrimination that are the consequence of cultural trauma has primarily 
culminated to lose of their cultural identity, denial of their cultural continuity, destruction of 
their cultural sites and reassure of their cultural heritages such as the brutal destruction of 
Buddha gigantic status in Bamiyan valley in 2001 by the Taliban insurgents (UNESCO 2021 
). Participants recount various ways in which they have always been subjected to systematic 
suppression and discrimination which are the outcome of cultural trauma, s perspectives. 
The excerpts of quotes that so far, I have referred here shed light that the Hazaras are still the 
victim of persecution and suppression and the cultural trauma that they are experiencing is 
still victimizing them in different dimensions. Respondents consistently described the 
persistent suppression and persecutions of Hazaras an explicit violation of their cultural rights 
resulted in the loss of their traditional cultural practices such as their traditional dances. 
Consequently, the Hazara community is faced significant barriers in preserving and 
transmitting their cultural heritage, hindering their ability to fully express and celebrate their 
identity within the larger social framework. 
45 
 
8. Discussion 
In this study, a salient theme is the convergence of perspectives among the respondents, who 
exhibit a remarkably consistent interpretation of events despite differences in their 
expressions and language. This convergence became particularly evident during the 
translation of their words from Persian to English. I attribute this coherence to the systematic 
oppression and discrimination that the Hazaras have endured, which has affected them equally 
and created a shared sense of suffering.  
Systematic persecution and discrimination have had a significant impact on Hazaras' 
traditional dance. As a social group that has experienced profound and enduring effects of 
traumatic events challenging their core beliefs, values, and sense of identity, Hazaras have 
likely faced various restrictions and suppression of their cultural expressions, including 
traditional dance forms. This suppression contributed to feelings of loss, disempowerment, 
and trauma, further exacerbating the cultural trauma within the community. 
Cultural trauma, as described in the theory section, can lead to the erasure or prohibition of 
cultural expressions and practices. When a group perceives itself to have experienced a 
horrific event that deeply affected their collective consciousness, there may be attempts to 
suppress or deny cultural expressions associated with that group's identity (Eyerman 2019). In 
the case of Hazaras, their traditional dance could have been targeted or marginalized as part of 
the process of cultural trauma-claiming. The traumatic events they have experienced have left 
lasting imprints on their cultural consciousness, shaped their understanding of history, and 
influenced the stories and emotions.  
As discussed in the preceding sections, the Hazaras, estimated to comprise between 15-25 
percent of the entire population of Afghanistan, are survivors of a mass-killing that took place 
from 1891 to 1893. This tragedy resulted in the annihilation of 400,000 families, the 
confiscation of their lands, and the enslavement of their young women and children. This 
tragic occurrence marked the beginning of a state-sponsored persecution that reduced them to 
the level of animals and objects to be sold in slave markets (Dawlatabadi 2005 [1385]). 
According to respondents, those who survived the massacre, either sold slaves or as 
individuals stripped of their humanity. They would gather on clandestine religious occasions 
to mourn and cry together, and to alleviate the bitter memories of the massacre. Respondents 
believe that this collective mourning has gradually become a lasting tradition that 
overshadows the lives of the Hazaras today. Therefore, the Hazaras' collective memory has 
46 
 
been marked by mourning and sadness rather than joy and happiness, which is indicative of 
the pervasive and enduring impact of cultural trauma on the Hazaras community.  
Cultural trauma typically arises from events that disrupt or threaten the continuity and 
stability of a group's way of life, cultural practices, and shared meaning systems. These events 
can include colonization, genocide, war, forced displacement, political repression, natural 
disasters, or other forms of systemic oppression (Alexander 2004). 
The respondents’ statements highlight that the systematic persecution and discrimination 
against the Hazara community have had profound effects on their traditional dance forms, 
resulting in their suppression and endangerment. The Hazara traditional dance, which holds 
significant cultural value, has been specifically targeted and subjected to restrictions due to 
pervasive discrimination and marginalization. 
According to respondents’ statements, the deliberate suppression of Hazara traditional dance 
can be understood as a systematic attempt to undermine and erode their cultural identity and 
heritage. By curtailing their ability to freely practice and perform their traditional dance, the 
perpetrators of discrimination have sought to erase a vital component of Hazara culture and 
weaken the community's connection to its roots. As Eyerman (2009) highlights that cultural 
trauma can disrupt the intergenerational transmission of cultural knowledge, traditions, and 
practices.  
The respondents have similar perception that the systematic persecution and discrimination 
against Hazaras have had significant consequences, leading to a loss of cultural expression 
through their traditional dance. The denial of their freedom to practice and perform their 
traditional dance disrupts their ability to articulate their cultural identity and heritage. 
Consequently, this loss of cultural expression contributed to a sense of cultural disconnection 
and erasure within the Hazara community. The loss impacted their overall cultural identity 
and sense of belonging that according to Alexander (2004), is an aftermath of cultural trauma 
and means loss of cultural expression.   
Based on the respondents' statements, since the culture and art of the Hazaras had not been 
preserved in written form, those who possessed experiential knowledge of dance and other 
arts were either killed or forced to leave the country during the massacre. Those who survived 
were unable to document their art forms. Consequently, given this reality and the persistent 
prevalence of Hazara discrimination, they lost the possibility to degenerate their traditional 
dances. It means that the consequences of cultural trauma have extended beyond the 
47 
 
immediate effects on the Hazaras traditional dances, impacted intergenerational dynamics. 
The disruption of their traditional dance, which serves as a vehicle for the transmission of 
cultural knowledge, pride, and collective memory, hampered the intergenerational transfer of 
cultural heritage within the Hazara community. This loss of continuity undermined their 
ability to maintain a cohesive cultural identity and hindered the development of a shared sense 
of history among future generations. According to Sztompka (2000), cultural trauma disrupts 
the intergenerational transmission of cultural knowledge and traditions. The trauma-induced 
displacement or separation of generations can hinder the transfer of cultural heritage, resulting 
in a loss of cultural continuity and weakening the preservation and development of cultural 
practices, including traditional dance (Ibid).  
The respondents emphasize that dance is the language of joy and happiness in human society. 
However, in the absence of any reason for happiness or joy, dance loses its significance and 
meaning. Furthermore, the respondents’ statements highlight that systematic persecution and 
discrimination against Hazaras have resulted in a violation of their cultural rights, particularly 
concerning their traditional dance. Cultural rights are part of human rights that encompass the 
fundamental entitlements to preserve, develop, and express one's cultural heritage without 
facing any form of discrimination or restriction (O'Keefe, 2006). The deliberate suppression 
of Hazara traditional dance directly infringes upon these rights. The International Covenant on 
Economic, Social and Cultural Rights in Article 15 refers to the right to take part in cultural 
life and obliges governments to respect and protect this right (www.ohchr.org) as well as 
UNESCO highlights the protection of dance as an intangible art form (www.ich.unesco.org). 
By denying Hazaras the freedom to engage in their traditional dance, a vital aspect of their 
cultural expression and identity, their ability to maintain and transmit their cultural traditions 
is severely hindered. The suppression of their dance forms restricts their capacity to 
perpetuate intergenerational cultural knowledge, thereby it means disrupting the continuity 
and preservation of their cultural heritage. Consequently, the suppression of Hazaras' 
traditional dance significantly impacts their cultural rights. 
The denial of the opportunity to practice and perform their traditional dance not only curtails 
their cultural expression but also undermines their sense of belonging and cultural identity. 
Hazaras, like any community, rely on their cultural practices to establish a collective memory 
and a shared sense of history. The suppression of their dance contributes to a loss of cultural 
connectedness and a diminished cultural identity, leading to a sense of disempowerment and 
erasure. As Sztompka (2000), believes that cultural trauma is a concept that explains the 
48 
 
consequences of societal transformations. It occurs when a society experiences a profound 
disruption that challenges its core values, norms, and beliefs. This disruption can be caused by 
events like wars, revolutions, natural disasters, or major sociopolitical shifts. The traumatic 
event shakes the foundations of society, leading to a collective sense of disorientation, loss, 
and destabilization (Ibid).  
One of the respondents notes that there is a ministry in the structure of government named 
"Ethnic Groups and Tribes Ministry" with the purpose of supporting the culture and arts of 
different ethnic groups. According to the respondent, this ministry has assisted in 
strengthening the culture of Hazaras, albeit for a brief period during the former Soviet-backed 
regime in Afghanistan. However, this ministry has never supported the culture and arts of the 
Hazaras before or after that time. Another respondent mentions that the Hazara population 
constitutes more than twenty percent of the total population of Afghanistan, yet they were not 
allowed to broadcast radio programs in their own accent until private television channels were 
established. These instances reflect a structural process of persecution against the Hazaras that 
has infringed upon their human cultural rights in various forms and dimensions, above all 
else. These instances interpret another aftermath of cultural trauma that (Ljubojevic, German 
& Bovan, 2017) calls it marginalization and exclusion. It means that the systematic 
persecution and discrimination faced by Hazaras have contributed to their marginalization and 
exclusion from broader societal contexts. The denial of their cultural rights, including the 
freedom to practice and perform their traditional dances, perpetuates their marginalized status, 
further limiting their opportunities for cultural participation and engagement.  
The effects of violating Hazara cultural rights have been far-reaching, including the loss, 
eradication, or annihilation of their traditional dances, which are the central focus of this 
study. Various factors have been cited as contributing to its decline. The statements of the 
respondents indicate that the demise of the Hazaras traditional dances is not an incidental 
occurrence, but a fully conscious and intentional act that has been carefully planned and 
executed to obliterate the Hazaras culture or part of it. Interestingly, one of the respondents 
links the destruction of the Bamiyan's great Buddha statues to their resemblance to Hazaras' 
faces. Over the past few years, Kabul has witnessed numerous terrorist attacks targeting 
Hazara cultural institutions, resulting in devastating consequences and heavy casualties which 
further detail is available in this document (Hazara Research Collective - Written evidence 
AFG0008 2020). One of the respondents also characterizes these attacks as a deliberate and 
intentional attempt to eradicate Hazara culture. 
49 
 
From this perspective, it can be argued that the deliberate actions taken to weaken or destroy 
elements of Hazara culture, both in the distant past and in recent times, not only constitute a 
violation of their cultural rights but can also be classified as cultural genocide. Cultural 
genocide is defined as the purposeful violation of cultural rights or the weakening and 
ultimate destruction of cultural symbols, heritages, institutions, and any other objects that 
symbolize the culture of a group or community (Davidson 2012). Based on this study, the 
Hazaras have faced a long-term process of persecutions since the massacres of 1891-1893, 
which has resulted in the persistent violation of their cultural rights in various forms and 
dimensions. As a result, the Hazaras traditional dances, such as the Pish-Pu dance, have been 
pushed to the brink of extinction, as revealed by the findings of this study. 
The consequences of these effects on Hazaras' cultural rights are significant. What 
understands from the Article 15 of ICESCR in cultural rights encompass the rights of 
individuals and communities to engage in and appreciate their cultural heritage, including the 
freedom to practice, preserve, and express their cultural traditions, languages, arts, and 
beliefs. Cultural trauma can directly impact these rights by restricting individuals' ability to 
freely engage with and express their cultural identity that means diminishing of cultural 
continuity (Alexander 2004). It means that the disruption of intergenerational transmission 
due to systematic persecution and discrimination have undermined the continuity of Hazara 
traditional dance. The respondents' statements shed light on the consequential loss of 
opportunities for the Hazaras to learn and engage with their traditional cultural dances, 
resulting in the gradual fading away of these dances from their collective life. 
In summary from a cultural trauma perspective and with respect to the respondents statements 
the systematic persecution and discrimination against the Hazara community have profoundly 
impacted their traditional dance and cultural rights. 
Regarding Hazaras' traditional dance, the systematic persecution and discrimination have 
resulted in the suppression and marginalization of their traditional dance. The deliberate 
efforts to undermine their cultural identity have restricted their freedom to freely practice and 
perform their traditional dance forms. Consequently, this has led to a loss of opportunities for 
passing down cultural knowledge and maintaining their heritage. Additionally, the trauma of 
persecution may have instilled fear and insecurity within the Hazara community, causing 
them to hesitate in openly engaging in their cultural practices, including traditional dance, 
which further threatens the continuity of their dance traditions. 
50 
 
As for the Consequences on Hazaras' Cultural Rights, the effects of systematic persecution 
and discrimination directly infringe upon their cultural rights. Cultural rights encompass the 
freedom of individuals and communities to participate in and contribute to cultural life, 
including the expression and practice of their cultural heritage. The denial of these rights not 
only undermines the dignity of the Hazara community but also erodes their sense of belonging 
and cultural identity. By suppressing Hazara traditional dance, the community is deprived of 
the opportunity to preserve and transmit their cultural knowledge, traditions, and practices to 
future generations. Given that cultural rights are vital for maintaining cultural diversity and 
promoting mutual understanding, the loss of traditional dance can hinder intercultural 
dialogue and social cohesion within the broader society. 
9. Conclusion 
In conclusion, the findings of this study shed light on the profound impact of systematic 
persecution, discrimination, and cultural trauma on the Hazara community and their 
traditional dance. The consistent narratives provided by the participants unveil a collective 
experience of suffering and loss stemming from historical massacres, persistent 
discrimination, and ongoing pressures that have disrupted the community's cultural continuity 
and eroded its cultural identity. 
The systematic suppression and marginalization of Hazara traditional dance serve as poignant 
manifestations of the repercussions of cultural trauma. Deliberate endeavours to efface their 
cultural expressions and practices have resulted in the forfeiture of opportunities for 
intergenerational transmission, thereby impeding the safeguarding of their cultural heritage. 
Traditional dance, once a conduit of joy and celebration, has been stripped of its significance 
in the face of enduring persecution and discrimination, resulting in the estrangement of the 
Hazara community from its cultural origins. 
Moreover, the denial of Hazara cultural rights, particularly the freedom to engage in the 
practice and performance of traditional dance, constitutes a violation of their human dignity 
and sense of belonging. The intentional stifling of their cultural expressions represents a 
transgression against their entitlement to participate in cultural life, a right underscored by 
international human rights conventions. 
The consequences of these impacts extend beyond the immediate loss of traditional dance, 
permeating into broader realms. They encompass cultural disengagement, the erosion of 
51 
 
cultural identity, and the marginalization of the Hazara community within the broader societal 
framework. Instances of targeted destruction of cultural symbols and institutions, along with 
orchestrated attacks on Hazara cultural spaces, coalesce into a larger pattern indicative of 
cultural genocide. 
Considering these revelations, it becomes apparent that addressing the cultural trauma 
endured by the Hazara community necessitates a reckoning with historical injustices, ongoing 
discrimination, and deliberate endeavours to suppress their cultural expressions. Endeavours 
to reinstate their cultural rights and facilitate the resurgence of traditional dance assume 
pivotal importance in the pursuit of a more equitable and just society. 
The testimonials furnished by the respondents underscore the urgency of conducting 
exhaustive research to gain a deeper comprehension of, and effectively address, the profound 
ramifications of cultural trauma on marginalized communities. This study not only 
underscores the significance of cultural rights but also highlights the enduring 
intergenerational impact of trauma. It also underscores the imperative of safeguarding cultural 
heritage as a mechanism for nurturing social cohesion and engendering mutual understanding. 
References 
Alexander, J. C. (2004). Cultural trauma and collective identity. University of California 
Press. 
Alexander, J. C. (2012). Trauma: A social theory. Cambridge, Polity. 
Askary, S. & Mohmmadi, S. (2021). “Why the Hazara people fear genocide in Afghanistan?” 
Aljazeera. Available at: https://www.aljazeera.com/author/sitarah-mohammadi (Accessed 10 
April 2023).  
Asplind, A. (2021).” Om Pish-Pu, Dance redance,” rural movements. Available at 
https://www.ruralmovements.se/2021/03/12/omdansa-pish-po-redance-pish-po/. (Accessed 10 
April 2023). 
Bastenigar, M. (2021 [1399]). “Dance, Symbolic Capital; An Option for the Development of 
Tourism in Iran”. Baaghe-Nazar, Available at: http://www.bagh-sj.com/article_128844.html, 
(Accessed 15 March 2023). 
Belder, L. Pordam, H. (2017). Negotiating cultural rights ions. Cheltenham, UK: Edward 
Elgar Publishing. 
Blacking, J. (1983). Movement and Meaning: Dance in Social Anthropological Perspective, 
The Journal of the Society for Dance Research, 1, (1). Edinburgh University Press. Available 
at: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1290805. (Accessed 21 July 2023).  
52 
 
Brooke, A. & Jacqui T. (2010). Doing Feminist Research in Political and Social Science. 
Palgrave Macmillan. 
Bryman, A. (2016). Social Research Methods. Oxford: Oxford University Press. 
Bryson, N. (1997). “Cultural Sudies and Dance History”. In Meaning in Motion, New 
Cultural Studies of Dance Jene C. Desmond (Red). Duke University Press. 
Caruth, C. (1996). Unclaimed experience: Trauma, narrative, and history. JHU Press. 
Chiovenda, M. S. Kerr (2016). Cultural Trauma, History Making, and the Politics of Ethnic 
Identity among Afghan Hazaras, Zayed University, Abu Dhabi. Available at: 
https://www.researchgate.net/publication/313482633. (Accessed 1March 2023). 
Dadvar, A. & Rahimi, M. (2021[1399]). Bar-rasi tahlili mzaher va mazamin raghse shiva. 
Journal alzahra, (8) 1-15, Available at: 
https://journal.alzahra.ac.ir/article_27_252d2c52f4d1d17faeeec376233155ea.pdf (Accessed 
1March 2023). 
Davidson, L. (2012). Cultural Genocide. New Brunswick, NJ, Rutgers University Press. 
Dawlatabadi, B. A. (2005 [1385]). Hazarahaa Az qatleaam taa ahyaaye-Hoyat. Ebtikar 
Ketabferoshi, Quetta. 
Debs, M. B. (2012). The Suffering of Symbols: Giotto Frescoes and the Cultural Trauma of 
Objects: The 1997 earthquake in Italy. Cultural Sociology (1749–9755) 7 (4), 479–494. 
Available at:  
https://journals-sagepub-com.ezproxy.ub.gu.se/doi/full/10.1177/1749975512454086. 
(Accessed 18 July 2023). 
Dias, J.C. (2009). Identity, Dignity, Culture and Human Rights. Journal of Human Rights. 04 
(2), 13-26. Available at: 
https://humanrights.mofidu.ac.ir/?lang=en&_action=article&keywords=Clarence+J.+Dias. 
(Accessed 10 July 2023).  
Eyerman, R. (2001). Cultural trauma: Slavery and the formation of African American 
identity. Cambridge University Press. 
Eyerman, R., & Alexander, J. C. (Eds.). (2009). Cultural trauma and collective identity. 
University of California Press. 
Eyerman, R. (Eds.). (2019). Memory, Trauma, and Identity. Springer Nature Switzerland AG. 
Genocide Watch (2022). “Stop Hazara Genocide”, Genocide Watch Available at 
https://www.genocidewatch.com/single-post/stop-hazara-genocide-rallies-october-8-
worldwide (Accessed 30 April 2023). 
Giurchescu, A. (2001). The Power of Dance and Its Social and Political Uses, Cambridge 
University Press, 33, 109-121. Available at: https://www.jstor.org/stable/1519635 (Accessed 
2 April 2923) 
53 
 
Ghasemi W. (2019).” Mowseghi Aseli Hazara”. farda, Available at: 
https://www.farda.org/wp-
content/uploads/2019/08/%D9%85%D9%88%D8%B3%DB%8C%D9%82%DB%8C-
%D8%A7%D8%B5%DB%8C%D9%84-D9%87%D8%B2%D8%A7%D8%B1%D9%87.pdf 
(Accessed 1March 2023). 
Hazara Research Collective -Written evidence AFG0008 (2020). The UK and Afghanistan, 
Call for Evidence. International Relations and Defence Committee. Available at 
https://committees.parliament.uk/writtenevidence/11165/pdf/ (Accessed 10 January 2023). 
Hellawell, D. (2006). “Inside–out: analysis of the insider–outsider concept as a heuristic 
device to develop reflexivity in students doing qualitative research,” Teaching in Higher 
Education, 11(4), 483-494. Available at: 
https://srhe.tandfonline.com/doi/pdf/10.1080/13562510 
600874292? needAccess=true (Accessed 15 March 2023). 
Herman, J. L. (2015). Trauma and recovery: The Aftermath of Violence - from Domestic 
Abuse to Political Terror, Basic Books.  
Jugessur, SMF. Y. (2022). In Vivo Coding Qualitative Data Analysis methodology adapted, 
contextualized into 7 stages, and applied to data from Interview, Focus Group and Case Study 
in School enterprises. International Journal of Humanities and Social Science Invention. 11 
(5), 11. 30-36. Available at:  
https://www.ijhssi.org/papers/vol11(5)/Ser-2/F1105023036.pdf. Accessed 12 Jun 2023). 
Kringelbach, H.N, & Skinner, J. (2012). The movement of Dancing Cultures: globalization, 
tourism, and identity in the anthropology of dance. New York: Bergh Ahn Books. 
Kvale, S. (1997). Den kvalitativa forskningsintervjun, Studentlitteratur, Lund 
Khawari, M. T. (2003 [1382]). Mardome Hazara va Khorasan. Publisher: Mohammad 
Ibrahim Shariati, Tehran, Iran. 
Kvale, S. & Svend, B (2009). Interviews: Learning the craft of qualitative research 
interviewing. Los Angeles: Sage Publications. 
Lali, A. (2001). Saire dar Hazarajaat. Hazara Press, Quetta Pakistan. 
Larson, S. (2011) i Beng Starrin & Per-Gunnar Svenson (red.) Kvalitativmetod och 
vetenskapsteori. Studentlitteratur AB, Lund. 
Ljubojevic, A., Mia, J. & Bovan, K. (2017) Cultural Trauma Set in Stone?  
Croatian Political Science Review, Vol. 54 (1-2), 197-219. Available at: 
file:///C:/Users/46727/Downloads/Cultural_Trauma_Set_in_Stone_.pdf. (Accessed 28 July 
2023) 
May, T. (2013). Samhällsvetenskaplig forskning. Studentlitteratur. 
Mousavi, S. A. (1387) Hazara-haaye Afghanistan. Translated By Asadullah Shfaie. Ashke-
Yaas. 
54 
 
Muradi, H. (1398). “Maahe-malange-mosighi hazaragi”. Itilaateroz, Availabe at 
https://www.etilaatroz.com/79428/tahir-khawari-mah-malng-of-hazragi-music/ (Accessed 10 
March 2023). 
Nersessian, D. L. (2010). Genocide and Political Groups. Oxford University Press.  
Norouzitalab, A. & Adelvand, P. (2014[1399]). The Comparative Study of Shiva. Baghe 
Nazar Journal, 28, 15-24. Available at http://ensani.ir/file/download/article/20140412095022-
9604-80.pdf (Accessed 20 March 2023). 
Nora, P. (1989). Between memory and history: Les lieux de mémoire.  
OHCHR (n.d). “International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (1966)”. 
United Nations Human Rights, Available at: https://www.ohchr.org/en/instruments-
mechanisms/instruments/international-covenant-economic-social-and-cultural-rights 
(Accessed 12 February 2023). 
O'Keefe, (2006). The protection of cultural property in armed conflict, Cambridge University 
Press. 
Olick, J. K. (1999). Collective memory: The two cultures. Sociological Theory, 17(3), 333-
348. Available at: https://www.jstor.org/stable/370189. (Accessed 23 July 2023). 
Palmgren, P. & McGrath, C. & Liljedal, M (2018). “Twelve tips for conducting qualitative 
research interviews”. MEDICAL TEACHER, 2019 Available at 
https://doi.org/10.1080/0142159X.2018.1497149 (Accessed 4 April 2023). 
Peterson, A. R. (2002). The anthropology of dance, Alton: Dance Books. 
Pouladi, H. (2008). Hazarahaa, Translated by Ali Kermani. Orfran, Tehran Iran.  
Putz, C. (2022). “Students Killed in Attack on Education Center in Kabul’s Hazara 
Neighborhood” The Diplomat. Available at: https://thediplomat.com/2022/10/students-killed-
in-attack-on-education-center-in-kabuls-hazara-neighborhood/ ( Accessed 29 April 2023).  
Rashid, A. (2000). Islam, Oil, and the New Great Game in Central Asia, Danishe-hasti, Iran 
Tehran. 
Riessman, C. K. (1993) Narrative analysis. Newbury Park, CA: Sage Publications. 
Representations (Berkeley, Calif.), 26 (26), 7-24. Available at: 
https://www.jstor.org/stable/2928520. (Accessed 29 July 2023). 
Rose, Gillian. (1997). “Situating knowledges: positionality, reflexivities and other tactics.” 
Progress in Human Geography, 21(3): 305-320. 
 
Shapiro, Sherry B. (2008). Dance in a World of Change: A vision for Global Aesthetics and 
Universal Ethics. Human Kinetics.  
Shariati, H. (2013). Hazara Oral Culture. Ameri Publishing Centre, Kabul. 
Shell. Susan M. (2003). “Kant on Human Dignity”. In Human Dignity Robert P. Kraynak & 
Glenn Tinder (Red), University of Notre Dame. 
55 
 
Short, D. (2010). “Cultural genocide and indigenous peoples: a sociological approach”. The 
International Journal of Human Rights, 14, (6), Sociology and Human Rights: New 
Engagements. Available at: thttps://doi.org/10.1080/13642987.2010.512126 (Accessed 10 
February 2023). 
Stamm, B. H., Stamm IV, H. E., Hudnall, A. C., & Higson-Smith, C. (2004).  “Considering a 
theory of cultural trauma and loss”, Journal of Loss and Trauma, 9: 89-111, South African 
Traumatic Stress Institute, Johannesburg, South Africa, Available at: 
file:///C:/Users/46727/Documents/retrieve%20(1).pdf (Accessed 20 Jun 2023). 
Starrin, B. & Svensson, P. G. (2011). Kvalitativ metod och vetenskapsteori. Studentlitteratur 
Ab Lund. 
Steven, C. (2013). “Dancing in Afghanistan: Casualty of War”. Academia, Available at 
https://www.academia.edu/36943860/Dancing_in_Afghanistan_Casualty_of_War (Accessed 
15 March 2023). 
Sztompka, P. (2000). “Cultural Trauma: The other Face of Social Change” in European 
Journal of Social Theory, 3(4): 449-466- Sage Publication London. Available at: 
file:///C:/Users/46727/Documents/sztompka-2000-cultural-trauma-the-other-face-of-social-
change%20(1).pdf (Accessed 12 March 2023).  
Timurkhanuf, L. (1992). Tarikhe Meli Hazara, Translated by: Aziz Tughyan. Ebtikar 
Ketabkhana, Quetta, Pakistan. 
Thomas, H. (1995). Dance, Modernity and Culture. Exploring in the Sociology of Dance. 
Library of Congress Cataloguing in Publication Data. 
U.N (n.d). “International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (1966)”. United Nations 
Treaty Collections, Available at https://treaties.un.org/doc/treaties/1976/03/19760323%2006-
17%20am/ch_iv_04.pdf (Accessed 12 February 2023). 
U.N (n.d). “Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women 
(1979)”. United Nations Human Rights, Available at: 
https://www.ohchr.org/sites/default/files/Documents/ProfessionalInterest/cedaw.pdf 
(Accessed 12 February 2023). 
U.N (n.d). Genocide prevention and the responsibility to protect. Available at: 
https://www.un.org/en/genocideprevention/genocide.shtml (Accessed 28 April 2023). 
U.N (n.d). “What is intangible cultural heritage” UNESCO, Available at: 
https://ich.unesco.org/en/what-is-intangible-heritage-00003 (Accessed 30 April 2023). 
UNESCO (2021) Commemorating 20 years since the destruction of two Buddhas of Bamiyan, 
Afghanistan. Available at: https://whc.unesco.org/en/news/2253. (Accessed 22July 2023). 
56 
 
Vetenskapsrådet. (2014). “Forskningsetiska Principer inom Humanistisk-
Samhällsvetenskaplig Forskning.” Elander Gotab, 1-17. Available at 
http://www.codex.vr.se/texts/HSFR.pdf (Accessed 16 March 2023). 
 
Wallén, G. (1996). Vetenskapsteori och forskningsmetodik. Studentlitteratur, Lund. 
Williams, D. (1991). Ten lectures on the theories of the Dance. Library of Congress -in- 
Publication Data. 
Wulff, H. (2018) Dance, Anthropology. Oxford, UK: John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  
 
Appendix 1 
Interview guide  
• Introduction 
• Name: 
• Age 
• Education 
• Occupation 
 
Warm-up questions 
1. Have you ever watched or performed Hazara traditional dances? 
2. What is your perception of Hazara traditional dances? 
Dance-related questions: 
1. What is dance, and how important is it in human life? 
2. How much do you know about Hazara dances? 
3. How popular are Hazara dances? 
4. Have you ever watched Hazara dances on the state TV channel in Afghanistan? 
5. As a Hazara, have you ever been the object of racial discrimination? 
6. Do you think that Hazara human dignity and cultural rights have ever been violated? 
7. What happened to Hazara traditional dances? 
8. Do you think that Hazaras are treated equally to others in Afghanistan? 
 
 
57 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
58