The “road” to development A qualitative case study of the transportation infrastructure and its impact on the equitable development in Nậm Ty commune, Vietnam Figure 1. Photo taken by the author (2025) Author: Erica Gustafson Bachelor thesis in Global Studies School of Global Studies VT 2025 Supervisor: Kamal Makili-Aliyev, LL.D. Word count: 13 983 Abstract This study examines the transportation infrastructure and its impacts on equitable development in Nậm Ty commune located in the region of Hoàng Su Phì district, Hà Giang province in northern Vietnam. By exploring the impact transportation infrastructure has on peoples' everyday lives, the aim of the study is to understand how varying infrastructure conditions influence their mobility and accessibility. The study combines a political ecology approach with the theory of mobility justice, to explore how the transportation infrastructure in Nậm Ty commune is distributed and experienced. Using a qualitative methodology involving an deductive approach, 17 semi-structured interviews were conducted with people from the villages Nậm Ty, Nậm Piên, Tân Thượng, focusing on their subjective experiences. The results revealed that variations in the infrastructure created disparities in road conditions and access to essential services, with more remote areas like Nậm Piên facing significant barriers, while Tân Thượng benefits from better connectivity. The findings highlighted frequent occurrences of landslides, affecting the physical movement and isolating communities and that infrastructure depends heavily on the active participation and maintenance of the locals to enable mobility, underscoring the important role infrastructure has in shaping attitudes and behaviours in the community. Keywords: Transportation infrastructure; Mobility justice; Political ecology; Accessibility; Rural development; Local participation 1 Table of contents Abstract..................................................................................................................................... 1 Table of contents....................................................................................................................... 2 Acknowledgments.....................................................................................................................3 1. Introduction.......................................................................................................................... 4 1.1 Aim.................................................................................................................................6 1.2 Research questions......................................................................................................... 6 1.3 Delimitation....................................................................................................................6 1.4 Subject relevance............................................................................................................7 2. Theoretical framework and key concepts.......................................................................... 8 2.1 Previous research............................................................................................................8 2.2 Theoretical framework................................................................................................. 11 2.2.1. Mobility Justice.................................................................................................. 11 2.2.2. Political ecology.................................................................................................13 3. Methodology and research design.....................................................................................16 3.1 Empirical methods........................................................................................................16 3.1.2 Semi-structured interviews..................................................................................17 3.2 Sampling.......................................................................................................................18 3.3 Analytical method........................................................................................................ 19 3.4 Limitations................................................................................................................... 21 3.5 Validity and Reliability.................................................................................................23 3.6 Ethical considerations.................................................................................................. 24 4. Results................................................................................................................................. 26 4.1 Road conditions............................................................................................................26 4.1.1. Alternative means of transport........................................................................... 29 4.2 Mobility........................................................................................................................30 4.2.1. Disrupted infrastructure......................................................................................30 4.2.2. Maintenance of the infrastructure.......................................................................31 4.3 Accessibility................................................................................................................. 32 4.3.1. Availability to essential services........................................................................ 33 4.3.2. Future aspirations and attitudes..........................................................................35 5. Analysis............................................................................................................................... 39 6. Final discussion...................................................................................................................43 Bibliography........................................................................................................................... 45 Appendix 1. Interview guide................................................................................................. 48 2 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would like to convey my appreciation to all those who contributed to making the data collection possible. Firstly, I am extremely thankful to the People’s Committee and the residents of Nậm Ty commune, Hoàng Su Phì District (Hà Giang Province), for providing me with the opportunity to conduct the research in the region. I wish to acknowledge the support and openness of the people. Their willingness to share their stories and experiences significantly enriched the research and made it all the more meaningful. I also want to express my sincere thanks to my supervisor Kamal Makili-Aliyev for your time, guidance and constructive feedback throughout the conduct of the thesis. Finally, I want to thank my Vietnamese student partner Đỗ Minh Anh for the cooperation, making my study possible and my time in Vietnam more meaningful. Your initiative and cooperation with the data collection has been appreciated and essential for my study. With respect and kind regards, Erica 3 1. Introduction Transportation infrastructure plays an important role in shaping urban and rural areas and is an important system that supports communities’ well-being with a main function to support accessibility, more specifically the need to connect people to each other and places of necessities such as workplaces, schools, and hospitals (Boakye et al., 2022, p. 1). Transportation infrastructure has positive impacts on economic growth and development in terms of improved access to goods and services, infrastructure development, employment and greater opportunities for trade to unconnected areas (Mohmand et al., 2017, p. 63). Vietnam has gone from a poor, agricultural country facing devastating consequences from the wars to a middle-income country with diversified economy, due to three decades of rapid economic growth. In rural areas, access to education, healthcare, and basic infrastructure has increased as a result of that the incidence of poverty has decreased (London & Pincus, 2023, p. 273). In Vietnam the rapid economic growth is seen as the key factor of improvements of the well-being of the country. Due to the rapid economic growth, the average income has risen in cities and extreme poverty has become an increasing problem in the uplands and among the ethnic minority populations (London & Pincus, 2023, 2023, p. 279). Harvey (2012, p. 10–11) emphasized the importance of cities developing robust infrastructure systems to cope with rapid growth, while also promoting inclusivity and equitable development for everyone. However, in remote and rural areas, the challenge of improving the basic infrastructure can be more urgent, as they tend to have limited access to essential services. In recent years transportation infrastructure has received increased attention in Vietnam’s rural areas. The gained focus is particularly significant in northern provinces such as Hà Giang, known for their mountainous terrain and large ethnic minority populations, where infrastructure challenges are more pronounced (EIP Nậm Ty, 2018). Within Hà Giang, Hoàng Su Phì district stands out as a key area targeted for development initiatives due to its remote location and socio-economic vulnerabilities. In 2022, the People's Council of Hoàng Su Phì district (HĐND huyện Hoàng Su Phì, 2022) presented a document with resolutions and decisions regarding investment plans for the district, which includes Nậm Ty commune, the commune identified as the subject for the case study in this thesis. The document contains the approval of investment plans and emphasizes the implementation of the National Target Program for socio-economic development in ethnic minority and mountainous areas (MTQG) and the National Target Program for sustainable poverty reduction. The programme 4 highlights infrastructure investments and the importance of essential infrastructure and production systems that support the livelihoods of ethnic minority communities in mountainous regions (HĐND huyện Hoàng Su Phì, 2022). Nậm Ty is a remote commune located in the mountainous region of Hoàng Su Phì district in Hà Giang province. Nậm Ty commune is situated along the provincial road 177 which ensures transportation to other villages, communes or cities. The commune is characterized by its rugged terrain, which continuously poses challenges for the infrastructure development. Nậm Ty commune is divided into different villages such as Nậm Piên, Nậm Ty village and Tân Thượng and the different villages have different road conditions and accessibility to transportation. Nậm Piên village for example is only accessible by moped or by foot, because of its rugged and steep terrain with narrow roads, some of them unpaved. People living in mountainous areas of Vietnam, including Nậm Ty commune, are facing many challenges, partly because the provincial road is still under construction, but mainly due to natural disasters which cause landslides and flash floods (Vietnam News Agency, 2024). In Nậm Ty commune, transportation access varies across villages, with some facing poor road conditions and limited accessibility, which continues to hinder economic opportunities, social mobility, and availability to essential services. Hence, the ongoing infrastructure investments in rural Vietnam, including Nậm Ty comune, play a crucial role in bridging the rural–urban divide and reducing the socio-economic vulnerabilities faced by remote and marginalized communities. Although previous mentioned studies and policy documents (e.g. London & Pincus 2023, HĐND huyện Hoàng Su Phì 2022) emphasize the importance of infrastructure development in rural and mountainous regions, there remains a lack of localized analysis on how these infrastructure gaps specifically affect mobility, economic opportunities, and social inclusion in remote communes like Nậm Ty. Much of the existing literature, discussed later in the study, focuses on broader regional or national trends often overlooking the nuanced challenges faced by the people in the individual villages within these areas. This study will address this gap by examining the infrastructure conditions and transportation issues within Nậm Ty commune, based on the concepts of mobility justice and political ecology, in order to gain deeper insight into mobility and accessibility dynamics at the local level in rural and remote areas. 5 1.1 Aim The aim of the study is to identify the limitations or opportunities related to transportation infrastructure within the different villages in Nậm Ty commune and how these can contribute to a greater understanding of how infrastructure affects people's everyday life. By focusing on transportation, including alternative means of transport, road conditions, accessibility and mobility, this study seeks to explore how the variations in infrastructure lead to differing living standards for people living in rural areas. By identifying and analyzing these localized infrastructure challenges this study aims to contribute to an understanding of how inadequate transportation infrastructure impacts equitable development at the community level. 1.2 Research questions To achieve the aim given, the study seeks to answer the following research questions: - How does the transportation infrastructure impact the mobility and accessibility for people in Nậm Ty commune? - How do variations in transportation infrastructure shape different opportunities or limitations for residents of different areas in Nậm Ty commune? 1.3 Delimitation The study was conducted over a limited period of time, with approximately just over a week for interviews. The time constraint limited the depth of data collection and therefore, this study is geographically limited to Nậm Ty commune located in the district of Hoàng Su Phì in Hà Giang province. As this study seeks to explore a broader perspective on transportation infrastructure in Nậm Ty commune, interviews were conducted without focusing on a specific occupational, social or ethnic group to capture a wide range of experiences and viewpoints. Due to this, it is also important to acknowledge that the study’s generalizability is limited. Finally, this study does not aim to explore the broader historical factors that have influenced infrastructure development in Nậm Ty commune. Instead, it focuses specifically on the current state of the transportation infrastructure and how it affects mobility, access to essential services and opportunities. It also excludes further consideration of broader infrastructure issues beyond transport or other socio-economic factors not directly related to transport infrastructure. 6 1.4 Subject relevance The study has relevance to Global studies as it engages with the main themes of globalisation and justice. The study emphasizes that understanding globalisation requires examining how global processes are experienced at the local level and how infrastructure can act as both a material and symbolic bridge between the local and the global. As Hansen points out and explains through the concept of “system of moto–mobility” (2023, p. 490), people at the local level, like Nậm Ty commune, are increasingly becoming a part of an interconnected system. When discussing globalisation and the global perspective, it is crucial to acknowledge the experiences at the local level which make the study’s purpose relevant for Global studies. The study also relates to the theme of justice by exploring mobility justice and how different groups in Nậm Ty commune are affected differently by the existing infrastructure, reflecting structures of inequality, creating further relevance for Global studies. 7 2. Theoretical framework and key concepts In the following section, the study will present previous research to establish a basis for the study to further present the theoretical framework. To establish a theoretical framework, this study is based on the concepts of mobility justice and political ecology, which were developed through a thorough analysis of the empirical findings from the case study. These concepts will further be outlined and defined. 2.1 Previous research For this part of the study, previous research will be presented as it offers the reader a more comprehensive understanding of the context and background underpinning the study. Engaging with existing literature is essential not only to situate the study within a broader scholarly context but also to critically examine what is already known, identify gaps, and justify the relevance of the study. As mentioned previously in the introduction, transportation infrastructure in Vietnam, particularly in remote and mountainous areas like Nậm Ty commune, still remains a persistent development challenge. The existing literature (e.g. London & Pincus 2023, HĐND huyện Hoàng Su Phì 2022) emphasize the importance of infrastructure development in rural and mountainous regions, but there still remains a lack of localized analysis on how transportation infrastructure affects people's everyday daily lives and the communities socio-economic structure, mobility and accessibility. National narratives emphasize the role that infrastructure has in driving economic growth and reducing poverty, but it often overlooks the uneven realities in rural areas like Nậm Ty commune, where infrastructure development remains fragmented and its impacts on daily life are more complex. The gap justifies the need for this study and for a more localized and context-based analysis (London & Pincus, 2023, p. 273). Lu et al. (2022) continues the discussion between transport infrastructure and economic growth and explains how regional economic growth can be enhanced by reducing transport costs and time, for both individuals and goods. By studying the transportation infrastructure across 227 prefectural-level cities in China, Lu et al. (2022, p. 1–2) demonstrates that national, provincial and municipal roads play a significant role in enabling rural labour mobility, subsequently contributes to narrowing the urban-rural income gap, which contribute 8 with understanding of the socio-economic implications of the poor infrastructure in rural Vietnam. This is particularly relevant for the study, as Nậm Ty commune is characterized by rugged terrain and narrow roads, creating inadequate and uneven road conditions which may hinder mobility and reinforce socio-economic disparities. By drawing on Lu et al (2022) findings this study can explore whether similar patterns can be identified in Nậm Ty commune. Furthermore, Lu et al. (2022, p. 1–2) highlights the critical role of policy making as their impact on road infrastructure can reduce the urban-rural income disparities faced by rural areas, creating awareness of policy making and its broader influence on local communities. Infrastructure investments in the Hoàng Su Phì district, including Nậm Ty commune, target essential infrastructure and production systems that support the livelihoods of ethnic minority communities in mountainous regions. These ongoing infrastructure investments align with Lu et al. (2022, p. 1–2) findings, but can be further analysed in the context of Nậm Ty commune to assess if government policies and investments contribute to reducing socio-economic vulnerabilities. In Vietnam there are 54 ethnic groups that are officially recognized, with Kinh as the ethnic majority. The 53 ethnic minorities groups make up 15 percent of the population and also represent three-quarters of those living in poverty (Rama, 2023, p. 136–137). In comparison to the Kinh majority, the ethnic minorities, more specifically in the uplands, are facing increasing problems in relation to extreme poverty. Those groups have been unable to take advantage of the economic growth as the Kinh people have. Due to this, two programs were consolidated in 2016–2020, the National Targeted Program for Sustainable Poverty Reduction and the National Targeted Program for New Rural Development. The New Rural Development targeted program, focusing on socio-economic development, is aiming to improve living standards and strengthen local governance in the rural areas, by supporting infrastructure development, education, social protection, health facilities, and village community centers (London & Pincus, 2023, p. 279). These initiatives have shaped an ambitious framework for rural development, which can overlook the complexity of implementing such reforms in remote and geographically challenging regions, raising questions about its feasibility. These policy documents may advocate for infrastructural investment and development in rural areas and provide important background for understanding the government’s role in infrastructure planning, but they frequently overlook 9 how the infrastructure shapes the daily lives and social inclusion at the local level. Given this, the previous literature creates relevance for the study and for a localized analysis of the transportation infrastructure development in rural and mountainous regions. By incorporating these policies into the analytical framework this study investigates directly how the infrastructure affects, rather than support, social inclusion. Hai (2020) further contributes to this discussion by highlighting how community participation, government leadership, and socio-economic factors influence infrastructure outcomes. Rural infrastructure development still has many limitations and the socio-economic aspect of rural areas is still underdeveloped, in terms of poor conditions of the rural infrastructure. Hai (2020, p. 14–15) explores the Rural Transport Infrastructure (RTI) in the province of Dong Nai, located in the southwest of Vietnam, and explains how a well developed RTI system can enable rural development in the province. In addition, Hai (2020, p. 15) explains how active participation and physical contribution in a community can contribute to the development of the RTI, but also points out factors that can affect the physical participation. Government leadership, the organization of participation and internal factors such as household economy, income sources, the level and the gender of the household head, social relations and the benefits from rural infrastructure in rural households, are all factors that can affect the extent of community participation of physical contributions for rural infrastructure development. By including Hai’s (2020) research, it creates a foundation for this study to further explore how local participation affects the infrastructure outcome in Nậm Ty commune and contribute with findings on which factors are affecting the physical participation. In rural communes such as Nậm Ty, the infrastructure is unevenly distributed, bridging gaps in access to markets and essential services, highlighting the importance of the alternative means of transportation options. In the early 1990s bicycles were the primary choice of transportation in Vietnam and a decade later the defining feature of the country’s transportation alternative shifted to motorbikes which is also shown in today's Vietnam, as in Nậm Ty commune (London, 2023, p. 3). Hansen (2023, p. 490) further explains how the motorbike is a highly convenient upgrade from the bicycle and has become essential for the everyday life of the people in Vietnam. The motorbike has increased the mobility and the freedom of movement for the people compared to before. It has created a “system of moto–mobility” which is reinforced through social aspects where the flows of goods and 10 services are connected from the local to the national to the global. People at the local level, all the way from the markets in the narrow and remote villages, are starting to integrate in the global market and economy. Cars have begun to compete with the system that motorbikes have created in everyday mobility practices in national industrial aspirations. The car ownership ratio is still low in Vietnam but it is expected to change (Hansen, 2023, p. 491). Moreover, literature (e.g. Hansen, 2023) on mobility practices in Vietnam reveals how transitions from bicycles to motorbikes, and more recently to cars, have transformed rural transportation. These evolving mobility patterns reveal an integration into broader interconnected systems, which further create a basis to this study to further explore if similar trends and change in mobility practices could be shown in Nậm Ty commune. Finally, Jenkins et al. (2020) extend the discussion on rural transportation infrastructure, providing insights in how the upgrade from footpaths to motorcycle accessible tracks can bring positive impacts on the socio-economic development to rural areas. Improved access to transport, in terms of an upgrade to motorcycle transportation option, contributes to a greater access to essential services, in terms of greater market integration, improves access to education and health facilities, and creates job opportunities. Jenkins et al. (2020) findings align with those of Hansen (2023) both emphasizing that motorbikes have become central to mobility and social integration in rural areas. This is particularly relevant to the present study, as it underscores how improved transport options directly influence access to essential services and economic opportunities in rural communities. 2.2 Theoretical framework To establish a theoretical framework this study will be based on the concepts of mobility justice and political ecology. By combining political ecology and mobility justice, this study seeks to explore how the transportation infrastructure in Nậm Ty commune is distributed and experienced, which allows wider questions of justice and development. Furthermore, these concepts will be clarified and defined to demonstrate their conceptual relevance for the study. 2.2.1. Mobility Justice When exploring the infrastructure, it is essential to recognize who benefits from the existing infrastructure and who undermines it. Reduced access to transportation infrastructure can constrain social mobility and limit opportunities for social participation, which aligns with Boakye et.al (2022, p. 2) discussion about the role transportation infrastructure has on social 11 justice. Different groups in the same community have different presumptions, some groups will be more affected by damage or reduction of functionality of the transportation infrastructure than other groups in the community, where their recovery might be more difficult. Given this, the study will be analysing the transportation infrastructure in Nậm Ty commune from a mobility justice perspective where it is about analysing how the transportation infrastructure is creating differing living standards and different opportunities for the people in Nậm Ty commune. Karner et.al (2020) discusses transportation justice and describes it as an aspirational ideal where no individual or group should be disadvantaged due to limited access of the opportunities necessary for a meaningful life, where structural issues such as race, ethnicity, age, ability and capital to mobility, can contribute to inequitable distribution. The idea regarding transportation justice is important to take into consideration for the study, but for a more comprehensive understanding and as Sheller (2018, p. 20) points out, justice cannot be understood through a singular phenomenon, as it consists of a dynamic process shaped by diverse forms of (im)mobilities. Therefore, this study will be using the concept of mobility justice to ensure a greater understanding and perspective on the inequitable infrastructure within Nậm Ty commune. Wellman (2019, p. 67) argues that mobility is fundamental for a functioning society, emphasizing its importance both at the global level, in terms of movement of people, capital, information and objects, and at the local level, highlighting daily transportation and movement of material within the public space. Development in human societies involves choices, where different choices and ways of thinking about development can bring different outcomes for different people. By turning the attention to the local level, the study can explore how infrastructural choices impact people’s everyday lives, and how certain ways of organizing the transportation infrastructure may privilege or marginalize different groups within the community. Sen (1979, p. 218–219) further extend the concept of equality, drawing on Rawls theory on primary goods, by shifting focus to what these goods do to people and present “basic capability equality”. The concept highlights people’s capacity to do certain basic things, such as the ability to move, the ability to meet one’s nutritional requirements and the power to participate in the social life of the community (Sen, 1979, p. 218). Sen and Nussbaum further develop a capability approach, in terms of a human development discourse, which includes a discussion regarding people’s capacity to take advantage of the existing opportunities within the society, well-being should be discussed through people’s capabilities and not through income or material goods (cited in Sheller, 12 2019, p. 27). Sen presents the concept of capabilities which involves people’s opportunities to exercise one’s practical freedom, where the capabilities are opportunities that institutional arrangements, such as infrastructure, can enable (cited in Karlsson, 2019, p. 217). Further, Sen argues that “people’s capacities are shaped by their opportunities” (cited in Sheller, 2019, p. 27), which further are shaped by one’s internal capabilities and external environment, such as societal structures. By combining Wellman's (2019) idea regarding the role of mobility in the society with Sen and Nussbaum capability approach (cited in Sheller, 2019), access to infrastructure can be seen as an issue of justice, which create a deeper understanding of how the infrastructural conditions in Nậm Ty commune can affect people's ability to access the existing opportunities within the community. By using mobility justice, the study will be able to explore how different groups in Nậm Ty commune are affected differently by the existing infrastructure, focusing on access to essential services, social participation and economic opportunity. Mobility justice, as a concept, aims to analyze how power, justice, and access to movement interact in social and spatial contexts (Sheller, 2018). It is not just about transportation, but about who can move, how, and under what conditions. Mobility justice will provide an analytical framework to explore how transportation infrastructure both enables and restricts opportunities for different people in Nậm Ty commune, and how this can reflect structures of inequality. 2.2.2. Political ecology For the purpose of this study, political ecology will be used to understand how infrastructure shapes humans’ behavior, and how, in reverse, human behavior affects infrastructure. The study will not involve a deeper discussion of the broader theoretical discourses within political ecology. Instead, political ecology will be used to highlight how infrastructure forms the foundation of a society and structures people’s everyday lives, or as Cederlöf and Loftus (2023, p. 87) argue, it provides a vision of what the society would like to be. Cederlöf and Loftus (2023, p. 87) discuss political ecology and argue that infrastructure is not only about enabling the flows of services, in terms of electricity, water, waste management and other necessities. Infrastructure is a foundation in the communities and it shapes humans' everyday life and behavior, which contributes to a deeper understanding of the role of the infrastructure in Nậm Ty commune and how it affects people's daily lives and their mobility, creating a bottom-up perspective. 13 Cederlöf & Loftus (2023, p. 21) explains how access often is defined as “the ability to benefit from things” which turns access into a question of power and how infrastructure can be seen as a reflection of broader social and political relations. Furthermore, Cederlöf & Loftus (2023, p. 140) also includes a further discussion about Foucault and his idea regarding how knowledge produces power. Power and knowledge presupposes each other, which provides insights in understanding human interactions and how different social, economic and political interests influence the given environment and context. Foucault argues that power is organised in human practices, power exists everywhere and is not controlled by one institution or one structure, power relations are embedded in each other (Cederlöf & Loftus, 2023, p. 30–33 & 149). Within the theory of political ecology this idea of power and knowledge has turned into a concept of “governmentality” (Cederlöf & Loftus, 2023, p. 140). Governmentality aims to explore how people perceive themselves and adjust their attitudes and actions in line with the existing power and knowledge structure within their society. Through various social mechanisms, individuals start to adapt to the governmental objectives that shape their understanding of what being a “good citizen” means. Li (2007, s. 12–13) further explains how governmentality can be used to describe the government’s role in driving societal change and how it therefore shapes modern society. By combining Foucault's perspective on power and knowledge with governmentality within the framework of political ecology, it offers this study to critically examine how the transportation infrastructure in Nậm Ty commune not only enables or restricts accessibility, but also how it shapes the norms, attitudes and behaviours within the community (Cederlöf & Loftus, 2023, p. 30–33 & 140). Political ecology is essential for the theoretical framework for this study, as it provides a critical and conceptual structure for understanding the complex relationship between transportation infrastructure, environmental challenges, power structures, and the everyday lives and aspirations of residents in Nậm Ty commune. The framework enables the study to go beyond describing road conditions and mobility patterns, linking the findings to broader issues of accessibility, inequality, and the dynamics of governmentality that shape infrastructure and, consequently, people's everyday lives. Harvey (2012, p. 131) discusses the central role of infrastructure and how it is a foundation for communities and therefore shapes humans' everyday life and behavior. Furthermore, infrastructure can both create conditions for inclusion or exclusion, social justice or inequality, it can unify or divide communities. Although the study does not ground its thesis in political ecology, the approach influences the study and offers a foundation for analysing the collected data and is therefore acknowledged 14 as a concept. The results offered findings of how political ecology can be applied to understand localized impacts of infrastructure on communities. As such, analyzing the transportation infrastructure in Nậm Ty commune provides insights into the social dynamics that shapes behaviours and the well-being in the community. Both Harvey (2012) and Cederlöf & Loftus (2023) discuss the influence infrastructure has on communities, more specifically the cities, but there still remains a lack of a localized-level discussion. Therefore, this study will address and analyze the impact transportation infrastructure has at the local level with the theoretical framework of political ecology and mobility justice, to be able to frame the study globally and critically from a local perspective. By combining mobility justice and political ecology, this study provides a more holistic understanding of the transportation infrastructure in Nậm Ty commune and how it is shaped by political and social relations, reflecting and producing inequalities. Political ecology explores how infrastructure affects the communities norms and behaviours with the broader power structures. While mobility justice focuses on the individual's capacities and how access to infrastructure shapes opportunities and social inclusion, asking who can move, how, and under what conditions. This integrated framework strengthens the analysis by linking the subjective experiences of the residents to existing power structures, offering a deeper understanding of how infrastructure influences both people's everyday life and behaviors, and the equitable development in Nậm Ty commune. 15 3. Methodology and research design The study has a case study design with the aim to understand the structure and condition of the transportation infrastructure in Nậm Ty commune. The study is based on a specific case, more specifically a single community’s transportation infrastructure, where the specific single community for this study is Nậm Ty commune (Bryman, 2012, p. 66). To achieve the study’s given aim, the study will have an interpretative stance to develop a deeper understanding of the respondents and their subjective experiences of the infrastructure conditions. By including an interpretative stance and focusing on individuals’ narratives, the study aims to contribute to new aspects of the issue and therefore, a deeper understanding (Bryman, 2018, s. 52). This empirical study uses a qualitative methodology involving a deductive approach, because qualitative research analyzes the participants' perspectives which is in line with the interpretive stance of the study, while quantitative research is based on the researchers interest and perspectives (Bryman, 2018, p. 487). Qualitative research allows a more complex analysis of the social realities and subjective experiences which can be challenging to quantify and analyze through a quantitative research method (Bryman, 2018, p. 61–62). The study has a deductive approach as the theoretical framework is necessary for analysing the empirical collected data, of participants’ subjective experiences, to achieve the study’s aim (Bryman, 2018, s. 47–49). An abductive approach was necessary during the field visit, particularly when responding to unforeseen circumstances and adapting the previous theoretical understanding to the research context. However, as the key concepts, political ecology and mobility justice, were developed through a thorough analysis of the empirical findings, the study transitioned to an deductive approach in order to analyse the material through the theoretical framework, identified and refined during the field research. 3.1 Empirical methods The empirical data has been collected through semi-structured interviews, which allowed the study and researcher to be more open minded about the objectives, so that concepts and theories could emerge from the collected data. The empirical collected data is based on a conducted fieldwork in Vietnam during three weeks in the spring semester 2025. The fieldwork was a part of a field course within the bachelor's program in Global studies, which resulted in a field report based on interviews in 16 Nậm Ty commune. The fieldwork was conducted collaboratively by one Swedish student and one Vietnamese student. It is important to acknowledge, however, that the conducted field report in Vietnam only serves as a foundation for this study, which further has been developed solely by the Swedish student. 3.1.2 Semi-structured interviews Semi-structured interviews were conducted for deeper understanding about respondents personal insights and perceptions and it provided the study with opportunities to understand the situation in Nậm Ty commune through individuals' subjective experiences of the infrastructure. Semi-structured interviews allowed the study to be flexible which let the order of the questions to vary and different follow-up questions to exist depending on the respondent and the answers (Bryman, 2012, p. 212). This was beneficial for the study, especially related to the question about the different conditions in Nậm Ty commune, due to the difficulties for the respondents to explain and compare themselves to others. Semi-structured interviews also pose challenges, due to differences in the interview flow and answers, difficulties occurred in comparing the multiple respondents. The responses also varied depending on where people lived in the commune with frequently comprehensive answers, which took the collected data longer to analyze. It was also important to recognize that the interviewer’s way of asking questions also affected the respondents answers, which made the formulation of questions and the interview guide (see appendix 1) important, by trying to avoid leading questions and complex language use (Bryman, 2018, p. 566). The interviews were held in Vietnamese by the Vietnamese student, but conversations were translated into English during the interviews between the researchers, in order to also include the Swedish student in the conversations. For the semi-structured interviews, an interview guide based on research questions was established and provided structure for the interviews. The interview guide was formulated with generally formulated questions based on themes grounded from previous theoretical och informational understanding. This ensured that the interviews did not lose the main purpose and structure. The interviews started with more general and introductory questions, such as questions about the respondent’s age, gender, occupation, as well as questions regarding their family and housing situation (Bryman, 2018, p. 566). This allowed participants to speak more freely about their lives and personal circumstances, which helped with building trust and provided a greater understanding of their everyday life experiences. This study chose to have 17 an open interview guide for the possibility to make changes during the limited period of time, if there was a need to change or rephrase a question (Bryman, 2012, p. 471–472). After having a few interviews, it was discovered that some answers were left behind which resulted in adding more questions into the interview guide. All interviews were transcribed and subsequently translated from Vietnamese (Kinh language) into English to be able to facilitate a thorough analysis of the collected data. The translation was also essential for allowing the researcher, who did not speak Vietnamese, to fully engage with the material and participate in the analysis process, while also minimizing potential misunderstandings due to the language barrier. It is also important to acknowledge that the conducted interviews only provide a limited perspective on the issue, which makes previous research and policy documents (e.g. London & Pincus 2023, HĐND huyện Hoàng Su Phì 2022, Hansen 2023) also necessary for a more comprehensive understanding. The study is conducted through field research and visit, where the researchers lived in Nậm Ty commune for approximately 16 days. By living in the research field, walking around in the commune and getting familiar with the surrounding ensured familiarity. By then choosing to have the interviews in respondents' homes or other familiar settings ensured further trust and familiarity between the respondents and the researchers. Bryman (2012, p. 473) points out the importance of choosing appropriate settings for interviews and being familiar with the surroundings to create a more comfortable space for the respondent. 3.2 Sampling In this study, 17 interviews were conducted with people in Nậm Ty commune. The number of interviews was determined based on the feasibility within the available timeframe and the geographic limit, in terms of remoteness, in Nậm Ty commune. The interviews were conducted in person, within a timeframe from 15–35 minutes long. The respondents were both men and women in ages between 19–48 to ensure diversity among respondents, aiming to capture different perspectives across the various villages within Nậm Ty commune. The study focuses on people living in Nậm Ty commune, located in Hoàng Su Phì district in the province of Hà Giang. As previously mentioned, the field research had a timeframe of ten days where 17 interviews were conducted. Because of the population and time delimitation the availability of participants were limited, therefore, this study used purposive sampling. 18 Purposive sampling aims to strategically select participants based on their relevance to the research questions, therefore this study was limited to a strategically selected group to be able to analyze how the transportation infrastructure affects the daily lives of the people in the Nậm Ty commune (Bryman, 2012, p. 418). The strategically selected group for this study was mostly based on geographic location and age, focusing particularly on older individuals as respondents in ages 30+ possess greater experience and more personal insights into the changes that have occurred and its impact on the community. Additionally, in relation to geographic location, it was taken into consideration to include participants from the different villages in the commune, Nậm Piên, Nậm Ty, and Tân Thượng, to ensure a diverse geographical representation and variation in transportation access across the area. When using purposive sampling the results will be difficult to generalize to the larger population, the results are based on the commune Nậm Ty which is important to take into consideration. It is also important to clarify that Nậm Ty commune and Nậm Ty village are distinguished from each other, the village is located within the commune. This distinction is maintained throughout the text by specifying either "village" or "commune" when referring to Nậm Ty. A snowball sampling was also used for the study. Snowball sampling is a type of purposive sampling, that refers to a technique where the researcher selects a group of people, relevant to the research questions, who then further suggests other potential participants who may also be relevant (Bryman, 2012, p. 424). Because of the difficulty of finding suitable participants with relevance to the research aim and direct knowledge of transportation conditions, a snowball sampling was used to overcome these challenges. This approach was particularly useful in Nậm Ty commune, where social networks within villages were strong and trust played an essential role in encouraging participation. By using recommendations from initial respondents, the researchers were able to reach individuals who might otherwise be difficult to approach, ensuring a wider and more representative range of perspectives related to infrastructure accessibility and mobility challenges. However, it was important to take into consideration that using snowball sampling could lead to biased perceptions as participants were likely to recommend individuals within their own social networks and interests, which potentially could limit the diversity of perspectives represented. 3.3 Analytical method To be able to map themes and identify patterns in how the transportation infrastructure is affecting individuals, a thematic analysis was conducted by thoroughly reading through the 19 empirically collected data consisting of the transcribed interviews and notes. In addition, to address potential translation difficulties, the translations were carefully reviewed together between the researchers to ensure that no misunderstandings or misinterpretations of the original meaning arose due to language barriers. A thematic analysis was used because of its possibilities to identify recurring patterns, differences, and unexpected findings. This is done by identifying themes and sub-themes related to the study's aim (Bryman, 2012, p. 578–579). Thematic analysis is also a more flexible method as it allows for a detailed yet broad analysis of the subjective experiences that reflect the interview participants' perception (Braun & Clarke, 2006, p. 78). A thematic analysis enables an exploration of the various perspectives presented by the interview participants, highlighting similarities, differences, and generating unexpected insights. Due to its flexible approach, thematic analysis provides a rich, detailed, and nuanced interpretation of the data while capturing its complexity (Nowell, 2017, p. 2). Themes were identified through coding by using the matrix based method Framework (Bryman, 2012, p. 579–580). This was structured in a matrix, more specific in a spreadsheet in Excel. The collected qualitative data was compiled and, based on the actual interviews, divided into the main themes and sub-themes: Main Themes Road Conditions Mobility Accessibility Sub-themes Alternative means of Disrupted infrastructure Availability to essential transport services Maintenance of the Future aspirations and infrastructure attitudes Due to the respondents voluntary participation and the researcher's dedication to preserve their anonymity, which will be further elaborated in line with the ethical considerations, the respondents are referred to R1, R2, R3, etc. in the analysis process. Further, the different respondent will be presented, together with village they live in, to provide a clear structure over all of the respondents: 20 Respondents: Referred as: Village: Respondent 1 R1 Nậm Piên Respondent 2 R2 Nậm Piên Respondent 3 R3 Nậm Piên Respondent 4 R4 Nậm Piên Respondent 5 R5 Nậm Piên Respondent 6 R6 Nậm Piên Respondent 7 R7 Tân Thượng Respondent 8 R8 Tân Thượng Respondent 9 R9 Tân Thượng Respondent 10 R10 Nậm Ty village Respondent 11 R11 Nậm Ty village Respondent 12 R12 Nậm Ty village Respondent 13 R13 Tân Thượng Respondent 14 R14 Tân Thượng Respondent 15 R15 Nậm Ty village Respondent 16 R16 Nậm Piên Respondent 17 R17 Nậm Piên 3.4 Limitations Several limitations affected the depth of this study and language barriers were the very first factor that posed challenges during data collection and played a central role in shaping the data collection process. In Nậm Ty commune, the majority of the population consists of ethnic minorities, such as Red Dao and H’Mông, whose mother language is not Kinh, which is the main language of the majority in Vietnam. Therefore, all respondents use Kinh as a second language, but only few could use it fluently which increased the difficulty in capturing their ideas and meaning, as well as losing the nuance of responses when transcribing and translating interviews to English. This study focuses on individuals who could speak Kinh quite well to limit the risk of misinterpretation of the data collected, which means some people were excluded due to language barriers. While this exclusion could raise 21 concerns about gender representation, this study did not encounter any significant issues regarding gender and language barriers. Nevertheless, to ensure diverse perspectives, particular attention was paid to achieving a balanced representation of male and female participants in the interviews, mitigating any potential gender related bias. Furthermore, since one of the researchers did not speak Vietnamese, active participation during interviews was limited and reliance between the researchers was crucial. It is important to acknowledge this kind of language barrier, as reliance on interpreters and post-interview translations added another layer of interpretation. Geographically, the study was limited to Nậm Ty commune, where the entire terrain is characterized by a complex terrain, mainly consisting of steep hills and mountains, which inherently complicate the transportation (EIP Nậm Ty, 2018). Therefore, the study was limited to residents in the commune, reached through the existing transportation network in Nậm Ty commune and did not attempt to cover surrounding areas, due to these logistical and accessibility constraints. By excluding more remote or inaccessible areas, the findings may give a limited representation for the full extent of transportation challenges faced by the most remote populations which is important to consider. Another factor that affected the research was the limited time. The fieldwork was conducted over a short period of just over one week, which limited the depth of data collection, focusing on interviews in selected villages. Due to respondents' daily agricultural responsibilities, arranging interviews was often difficult and time-consuming. Although the researchers had a time plan and arranged interviewers in the villages, the time limitation still reduced the number of interviews which affected the diversity of respondents included in the research and reduced the study’s comprehensiveness. Finally, a strong discourse favoring infrastructure development was acknowledged and is important to address. A positive discourse, especially regarding the improved road conditions, was apparent throughout the fieldwork. Roads were frequently framed as a clear and unquestionable path to development, with overwhelmingly positive associations by those living close to newly constructed roads. This dominant narrative made it difficult to explore more critical views on infrastructure. Perspectives from individuals living further from the roads were less frequently voiced, and when included, they were often overshadowed by the dominant positive attitude. This highlights a limitation in the study’s ability to fully capture 22 more complex attitudes toward infrastructure, and underscores the challenge of examining power dynamics within dominant discourses during qualitative fieldwork. Despite the outlined limitations, this study holds significant strengths. Most notably, as the fieldwork was conducted in Nậm Ty commune it allowed a direct engagement with the local context. Living in the commune and meeting the respondents in person, enabled a deeper, more nuanced understanding of their everyday lives and challenges, creating insights that would have been difficult to examine from a distance. 3.5 Validity and Reliability There are some issues regarding the validity and reliability of this paper that need to be addressed. Rose & Johnson (2020, p. 435–436) discuss reliability, whether the study is replicable, and validity, and describe it as elements of trustworthiness. Validity can be discussed both in terms of internal validity, whether the analyses represent the reality, and external validity, whether the analyses can be generalized to other populations or contexts. For this study, no further discussion on internal validity will be included as this study aims to represent the reality as it is based on individuals’ subjective experiences and narratives. In terms of external validity, the findings in the study regarding the transportation infrastructure in Nậm Ty commune cannot be a representative conclusion for other communes or regions in the country. However, case studies are not designed to create generalizable results and do not aim to generalize its findings to other cases or to populations beyond the case (Bryman, 2012, p. 70–71). The purpose is not to produce representative results, the aim is to develop knowledge and understanding and connect local knowledge to national and global perspectives. Furthermore, with relevance for the study’s specific aim and because the majority of the population in Nậm Ty commune consists of ethnic minorities, Red Dao and H’Mông, the results cannot be generalizable at the national level due to the wide spread of ethnic groups and ethnic minorities in Vietnam. The aim of qualitative research is not to generalize findings to a broader population, but rather to develop a deeper understanding of behaviour, values and beliefs within the context in which the research is conducted (Bryman, 2012, p. 408). This contrasts with quantitative research, which typically seeks to produce findings that can be generalized to a wider, relevant population. 23 Issues regarding whether the study is replicable, in terms of reliability, needs to be acknowledged. Rose & Johnson (2020, p. 435) presents following questions that could be included when addressing issues of reliability: “Could a reasonable researcher conduct a similar research project based upon the description provided? To what degree is this research project replicable? If the research project were conducted again, would similar results and analyses occur?” The reliability examines whether the study's results would be the same if the study were to be conducted again. In qualitative research, reliability is not about replicating exact results, but about ensuring transparency in the research process. This study aims to present the used methods, sampling, analysis and results as clearly as possible to allow others to understand how the findings were produced, the interview guide is also presented in the end which ensures further reliability. However, due to the case study design of this qualitative study, involving semi-structured interviews through fieldwork, a replication of the study can be difficult. Due to the language barriers, the subjective experiences captured and the influence of the researchers’ presence all affect how the data was generated. Furthermore, by providing detailed presentation of the used methods and results, the study aims to ensure transparency and trustworthiness (Rose & Johnson, 2020, p. 435). 3.6 Ethical considerations Firstly, informed consent plays a critical role in research as it ensures transparency when collecting data from participants. In some cases, respondents had initially been unwilling to take part in the study, which highlighted the need for interviewers to clarify the study's aim. Before the respondents decided to participate, researchers had to clearly explain the purpose of the study, the individuals involved, and how the research would be published (Bryman, 2012, p. 138–139). Before each interview, the researchers clearly introduced the research topic, explained the purpose of the study to encourage the participant to be involved in the interview. This approach guaranteed that respondents had voluntarily decided to participate and had the right to refuse to answer any questions they considered sensitive, thus fostering a secure environment. Secondly, using a recorder was a useful tool for data translation, but it made some interviewees feel confused, uncomfortable and unwilling to share essential information. 24 Therefore, interviewees were informed that the recorder was used only for research purposes. All interviewees gave their consent to be recorded. All recordings and transcripts were securely stored in digital files with access restricted to the research team members. Finally, interviewees were informed that their responses would remain anonymous. Anonymity was important for the privacy of respondents and to ensure that they felt comfortable expressing different views regarding the different questions. 25 4. Results From the 17 conducted interviews, three main themes have been identified: Road conditions, Mobility and Accessibility. The main themes are then followed up by sub-themes to fulfill the purpose of the study. Among the 17 interviews conducted, eight of the respondents lived in Nậm Piên, five in Tân Thượng and four in Nậm Ty village. For this study, mobility will be used as a theme to capture and understand the movement of people within and beyond Nậm Ty commune, focusing on maintenance and natural disasters. Accessibility on the other hand, will not be used to examine physical movement but as the ability of people to access essentials, such as schools, health services and markets, and social networks. This distinction between mobility and accessibility is important as it allows the study to differentiate between dynamics of movement and the challenges accessing necessary services and opportunities. 4.1 Road conditions To visualise the respondents answers, Figure 1 presents photographs illustrating the existing road conditions in Nậm Ty commune. The first picture is of provincial road 177, the last picture shows the road leading up to Nậm Piên village and the pictures in the middle show other kinds of road conditions in the commune. Figure 2. Road conditions of Nậm Ty commune. Photos taken by the author (2025). The road conditions varied between the three different villages compared in this study, creating different standards in the transportation infrastructure. It was discovered that Nậm Piên village had more difficult road conditions compared to Tân Thượng village, situating closer to the newly built provincial road 177. Respondents from Tân Thượng explains: 26 “The main national road is the easiest to travel on, while the roads leading to the fields are harder. They’ve only paved a little bit, enough for motorbikes to pass, and the sections that aren’t paved are just dirt roads.” (R7) “[...] It shortens the travel time. Unlike before, when the road was all around the mountain, it took so much time. Now, it cuts through mountains, then the road goes straight, easy to go. Now, with the new road, it’s straight, and it’s much easier to go. It’s a lot more convenient now, though farming work is still tough.” (R14) All five (R7, R8, R9, R13, R14) respondents from Tân Thượng expressed how it is more convenient to travel now compared to before due to the newly built provincial road. All five respondent from Tân Thượng also explained how it is still challenging traveling to their fields higher up in the mountains, which also reflects the respondents from Nậm Piên village answers. Respondents from Nậm Piên expressed how their daily transportation is affected by the existing road conditions. “Some parts are still under construction, so they are wet and dirty. That’s quite difficult. Also, the road to the village is still challenging. It's steep with many hills, and it’s easy to get carsick. Especially the roads up to houses like [giving examples of neighbours], those roads are quite scary.” (R6) “In general, traveling is very inconvenient because the concrete roads deteriorate quickly. The roads here are still okay, but down below, around the area where those two friends live, the concrete road is totally ruined. They still use a concrete road, but it's just like a dirt road.” (R1) But even though respondents from Nậm Piên explained how the road conditions still are challenging, four respondents (R4, R5, R16, R17) also acknowledge that almost every village within the commune now has concrete roads, creating positive attitudes against the road conditions due to the improvements and the "New Rural Development" program, as mentioned in the previous research. Respondents from Nậm Piên elaborates: “They’ve built good roads now. The roads to the villages are also supported by the government for construction and repairs. About 20 to 25 years ago, we only traveled 27 by horse. [...] Since 2010, the government has been supporting the "New Rural Development" program to build roads to each household. So now there are smaller roads, rural roads, and concrete roads that lead to each house.” (R5) "Yes, the roads in this village started to receive government support for construction back in 2017. We have concrete roads now. Almost every village in the commune has been covered with concrete roads. [...]" (R16) “Nậm Ty commune was recognized as a new rural area in 2017, so all the roads leading to the households have been paved with concrete, as you’ve seen. [...]” (R4) All four respondents (R10, R11, R12, R15) from Nậm Ty village also acknowledged the improvements of the road conditions within the village, but limitations still exist. Some areas in the village are still only accessible by foot and respondent 12 from Nậm Ty village indicated that the poor road conditions prevents larger vehicles from reaching the village: “The roads are much better now, and it’s easy to get around. If you go tea picking or something like that, there are still some places without roads, so you have to walk. Only small cars can come up, buses and bigger vehicles can’t pass through some of the curves. It’s dangerous.” Respondents from Nậm Ty village further explains and compares the different road conditions between the villages: “Yes, it’s better [referring to the terrain in Nậm Ty village]. The roads up here are flatter. The roads here are in better condition than the roads in Nậm Piên. That road is very steep. The land in the H'Mông village [referring to Nậm Ty village, H'Mông is another ethnic minority living in Nậm Ty village] is very flat.” (R10) “The hardest road is probably the one in Nậm Piên, the beginning of that road. [...] That dirt road, now we have to dig it up. When it rains, you can’t go through that road, no way. Everyone has to go through this way [referring to the road going between Nậm Ty village and Nậm Piên]. The other side is cut off.” (R11) 28 Even though the road conditions in Nậm Ty commune have improved, especially in Tân Thượng, significant disparities still remain. Nậm Piên still faces difficult terrain with poorer road conditions, highlighting uneven transportation infrastructure development despite government support through the New Rural Development program. 4.1.1. Alternative means of transport As previously mentioned, it was discovered that respondents living in Nậm Piên had more difficult road conditions, with only having motorbike, bicycle or walking as alternative means of transport. Because of the close connection to the provincial road 177 in Tân Thượng, people can choose other alternatives such as car. Respondents describes: “Yes, motorbikes are the primary means of transport, although some families also have cars.” (R7) "Mainly by motorbike. Now everyone has a motorbike, so we don’t need to walk anymore." (R10) Respondent 4 pointed out the limitations that existed in Nậm Piên with car as transportation: “The inter-village, inter-commune, and household access roads are all paved. So travel is quite easy now, but this is only true for motorbikes. For cars, it is still a challenge.” In Nậm Ty commune the most common way of transport is motorbikes. Respondent 14 explains: “Yes, we relied on horses. But about 1-2 years after I moved here, they built the road. People sold all their horses and stopped raising them. They switched to motorbikes. In the past, there were no motorbikes, so people used horses to carry heavy loads. But now that there are motorbikes, no one raises horses anymore because it costs money to feed them.” 29 Further discussed by respondent 14 was the transition in transportation alternatives, in the past they had horses for transport but now they travel by motorbike, which also reinforce Hansen (2023, p. 490) discussion about the system of moto–mobility. 4.2 Mobility For the second theme Mobility, the two identified sub-themes were: Disrupted infrastructure and Maintenance of the infrastructure. 4.2.1. Disrupted infrastructure Another common issue among the respondents was the disruption of the infrastructure, more specifically landslides due to natural hazards. Therefore, when discussing disrupted infrastructure the study will mainly refer to natural disasters and its consequences. Majority of the respondents expressed difficulties regarding the occurrence of landslides and how they block the roads and limit the transportation. Respondent 8 describes: “In the summer, there are frequent landslides. Rocks and dirt fall down, blocking the roads for several days. In general, the terrain here is difficult, so it’s prone to natural disasters. Cleaning up also takes several days.” This highlights the vulnerability of the transportation infrastructure in Nậm Ty commune, particularly during the rainy season. Respondent 3 further explains the complexity regarding landslides: “Yes, especially starting from this season, there will be landslides. For example, in the rainy season, it rains a lot, causing landslides. Soil and rocks wash down the road, making it impossible to travel. The national road that everyone uses, if it rains heavily, there will be many landslides. Since it’s a new road, there was a lot of excavation, so it’s more prone to landslides.” Many respondents discuss how the disrupted infrastructure affects physical movement as it blocks the roads and the ability for people to transportate themselves and goods: “The roads have been severely damaged by landslides. There have been so many landslides here that my family couldn’t transport goods. During the rainy season, it’s 30 really scary. Rocks from the mountains roll down and block the roads. We have to wait for people to clear the road before we can move. About 2 km away, there was a big rockslide that blocked the road, even burying a car and causing casualties. [...]” (R6) “This is a mountainous area, and when it rains, there are landslides and water blocks the drains, causing erosion. Roads often get damaged, with some parts blocked, and vehicles can’t pass. Sometimes, landslides block both ends of the road, and people can’t go anywhere.” (R15) Respondent 11 continue the discussion but also highlighted how it exist a traffic fund in Nậm Ty village to use if a disruption appear: “Sometimes, if there’s a big landslide, people can’t pass. It covers the whole road, and they need an excavator to clear it. Now, the village has a "Traffic Fund," and they use the money to hire an excavator to clean up the debris.” The frequent occurrence of landslides not only affects the physical movement but also isolates communities, limiting mobility. Even though respondents seem to adapt to frequent landslides, this disruption reflects a lack of long-term, resilient plan. 4.2.2. Maintenance of the infrastructure For this study, maintenance of the infrastructure will be presented as a sub-theme to discuss the importance of the locals maintaining a functioning infrastructure. Ten respondents describe how the government takes part in building the roads, especially the provincial road 177, often providing cement, but hands over the responsibility of the maintenance to the locals once the roads are built: “They [referring to the government] finish the construction and then hand it over to us, and we just do the maintenance. Generally, once the roads are built, they hand them over to us to manage. If something breaks, we fix it.” (R1) “In Nậm Ty commune, the government used to provide a small amount of cement, but the investment and roadwork are mainly done by the people. The government 31 only supports with cement and a bit of funding, but the people contribute labor. The community also funds to hire machines for construction.” (R15) A shared responsibility in maintaining the infrastructure in good conditions was discovered among the respondents. It was also acknowledged that people have to donate their land to the government for road construction. Six respondents (R2, R4, R6, R11, R13, R14) explains how they needed to donate their land, but also describes how they were compensated for it: “Yes, everyone donated land for the road. If we want the road to go through, we have to donate the land. The whole commune has donated land and contributed labor, while the government provided the cement.” (R13) “The government handles that [the construction of the roads]. But if they dig through your land, they compensate you. Some people received a lot, others not much, depending on how much land was taken.” (R14) Thus, compensation from the government has not always been given. In the past, people donated their land without any compensation. Respondent 2 and 11 points out: “We weren’t compensated. We just donated it.” (R2) “In the past most people donated their land without compensation. I donated the land starting from where my house is to the end of this house, including several fields.” (R11) While the government provides initial investments in materials and funding, the functionality of the infrastructure depends heavily on the active participation and contributions of the residents. This contributes to a deeper understanding for the study regarding the importance of the locals maintaining a functioning infrastructure. 4.3 Accessibility The third theme identified was Accessibility, including the sub-themes: Availability to essential services and Future aspirations and attitudes. 32 4.3.1. Availability to essential services From the conducted interviews, it was identified that the availability to different essential services, such as health services and education, was limited. Respondents explained how there only exists a middle school in Nậm Ty commune and that the children need to go to other communes for high school: “In the commune, there is no high school, only up to middle school. If we want to continue to high school, we have to send them to other communes, like Thông Nguyên or Vinh Quang town.” (R15) The local educational access is limited, which impacts the accessibility and the opportunities for students and families. Furthermore, respondents' answers also show regional disparities in availability to essential services: “It [Thông Nguyên] has a high school, a bigger market, and more people. They also have a small hospital, which is better equipped than the health station we have.” (R8) “Thông Nguyên is more developed than Nậm Ty. It has things that Nậm Ty doesn’t, like a gas depot, a bigger market, a hospital, and better schools. They also have a high school there.” (R12) Disparities was also acknowledge between the villages, were it was discovered that people living closer to the provincial road had more availability to essential services, respondent 12 from Nậm Ty village describes: “Yes, they [referring to Tân Thượng] are more developed. It’s much more convenient to do anything near the road. The road is more convenient, and there are more goods available.” Respondents from Nậm Ty village further explains: “Generally, living down here [in Nậm Ty village] is more convenient because it’s closer to the road. Everything is easier to do, transporting things is simple, unlike up 33 there. Sometimes, big trucks can’t transport materials up there.” (R10) “Life down there [along the provincial road 177] road is more developed. The road up here is like a village road, but the road down there is a provincial road, so there are more cars, and business is better. It’s easier to get goods down there.” (R11) In Nậm Ty commune, the health services are limited, with only one health clinic existing during certain opening hours, lacking medicine and equipment. Respondent 16 outlines the limitations: “Overall, the services related to people’s lives and health are still limited. There are not many facilities. For example, the health station recently had its clinic repaired and upgraded with new facilities. [...]” No hospital exists in Nậm Ty commune which forces people to go to the district hospital for help. Respondent 5 explains: “The clinic is very limited. It can only treat minor things like fevers. For more serious illnesses, they transfer us to the district hospital. The clinic doesn’t have enough medicine either.” Henceforth, the limited health service has also created different alternatives for people for health seeking. Respondents further elaborates: “Going to the hospital is too far. If it’s just a minor illness, people go into the forest to gather herbs and take baths with them.” (R2) “I go to the commune’s health station. It’s cheaper there. If they are sicker, then I take them to the big hospital in the district. Normally, if they just have a cough, I go into the forest to pick some herbs, boil them, and let them bathe in the water, and they’ll be fine. It’s more convenient than going to the hospital. For other diseases, I’m not sure, but for a cough, I treat it at home. Going to the hospital costs a lot of money, and it’s far and hard to get there.” (R17) 34 The limited access to essential services, such as education and healthcare, significantly affects the well-being and accessibility for residents in Nậm Ty commune. The need to travel to other communes or districts for higher education or adequate health care creates an additional strain on families. 4.3.2. Future aspirations and attitudes Future aspirations were identified as a common topic discussed by the respondents and often described was the aspiration towards improvement of the roads and how that will make travelling more convenient. Respondent 11 expresses: “I think if they could improve the roads, it would be great. They could expand them, and places where there are sharp turns or steep sections could be straightened out. Some of the steep sections could be flattened a little. This would help when traveling here.” Respondent 8 agrees and discusses the effects of improved infrastructure: “I would like to open a restaurant right next to the road, near my parents' house. But I haven’t been able to do it yet because of the conditions. In a few years, when they finish the road and there are more visitors, I’ll reconsider. [...]. To make it busier, we need to develop tourism to attract more customers. People still pass through here, so the road is busy.” Respondent 4 continue discussing road condition but mention the support from the government and how that will improved the living standard: “This isn’t something I can decide on my own, it depends on the support from the government. I hope that in the near future, the government or tourism companies can invest in transportation, and then the people here will benefit. As a result, everything here will improve and develop.” Henceforth, respondent 6 expresses a certain uncertainty regarding the future: 35 “I’m not sure. Tourism might increase, but right now, with the economy being difficult, I’m not sure when the roads will be finished.” Among the respondents, aspirations for a better educational system were also identified. Respondent 13 explains: “If the government builds a high school here, it would be great. When my youngest grows up, they wouldn’t have to go far like their older siblings. There used to be a kindergarten right next to my house. [...] But because there were too few students, they shut down the kindergarten. Now, they plan to build another one. I just hope they build it soon so my youngest won’t have to go far. “ In relation to the previously mentioned sub-theme, availability to essential services, only respondent 5 shared an aspiration regarding improved health services due to inconvenient travels and lack of adequate equipment and resources: “It definitely needs improvement. I hope the health clinic could be more complete, with better equipment, so we don’t have to travel far. If we had a hospital in the commune, it would be much more convenient.” Four respondents (R3, R9, R14, R15) described a feeling of acceptance regarding their current situation and did not express any significant aspirations for improvements in their daily lives: “We just follow the times. Whatever changes, we adapt, according to daily life. [...] Whatever my family needs, we adjust accordingly. Life changes with the times, like clothing styles and living habits. But there’s not much that needs changing. In general, there is no need to change much.” (R14) “Personally, I hope that in a few years, I will be able to buy a car to get around. Other than that, things are okay. It’s enough for now. With farming, it’s hard to make a lot of money. We can survive but not get rich. We grow our own food like chicken, fish, pigs, and vegetables. We cook at home with food we grow ourselves. I don’t need to 36 buy food from others; everything is clean and homegrown. I rarely eat industrial food.” (R15) Furthermore, another common aspect is the idea regarding economic development and how that will benefit the improvement of the community. Respondent 4 discusses: “In the future, everything will definitely be better, from economic development, healthcare, to cultural exchanges between the villages. When the roads are improved, we will spend less time traveling, and it will be safer.” Respondent 5 points out how better road conditions can increase tourism and trade which can contribute to a better economic development: “Of course, things will be much easier. Travel will be easier. People will be able to do business, and visitors will come here more. Tourists have started coming since the roads were built. With better roads, it’s easier for people to trade. [...] The buyers came to their houses to buy products, but they would force low prices. Even though they couldn’t offer much money, we had to sell. Now, with better roads, if one buyer doesn’t buy, another one will.” Respondent 12 further explains the complexity regarding the economic constraints and limited livelihood opportunities in the area: “In general, to move down below and start something, we need a bigger investment, but here we only do just enough to survive. I would like to move down, but financially it’s difficult.” Future aspirations is a recurring topic, but respondent 14 explains how the residents from Nậm Piên have struggled to have their concerns acknowledged when requesting improvements to the road conditions: “Well, the people in Nam Pien have requested improvements many times, but for some reason, the commune hasn’t taken action. When they built the provincial road 177, it affected the turn leading to Nam Pien. Plus, landslides occur during the rainy 37 season. We’ve raised this issue in meetings many times, but nothing has been resolved yet. Whenever we hear complaints, we forward them to find solutions. But honestly, it’s difficult because the road is steep and narrow. When they built National Road 177, it damaged the turn-off. People have been complaining for a long time, but no action has been taken.” These aspirations indicate a desire among residents for infrastructural improvements to ensure better educational opportunities, enhanced healthcare services and increased economic development. Additionally, the interest in tourism and economic growth reflects a perspective, where infrastructural development is seen as essential for further socio-economic benefits. 38 5. Analysis The following section will analyse the result from the conducted interviews accordingly with the theoretical framework of mobility justice and political ecology. By focusing on access to movement, power structures and inequalities and how they interact in social contexts, the study reveals how mobility justice manifests within the given context in Nậm Ty commune. When discussing mobility justice it is important to analyse who can move, how, and under what conditions, and not only on transportation itself. When discussing mobility justice in the context of Nậm Ty commune it is clear that all people express their ability to move, but under different and unequal conditions, creating mobility (in)justice. The conducted interviews revealed disparities in the transportation infrastructure within Nậm Ty commune, with some facing poor road conditions confirming limitations in their mobility and accessibility. To be able to compare the different peoples different living standards, the study choose to interview people from three different villages within the commune, Nậm Piên, Tân Thượng and Nậm Ty village. Residents of Tân Thượng with close connection to provincial road 177, had greater availability to essential services, goods and economic opportunities as their mobility became more convenient. The provincial road created greater opportunities for people closely connected to it, the infrastructure enabled people's capabilities which further created greater opportunities for people to exercise their practical freedom. In contrast, residents of Nậm Piên and Nậm Ty village, their mobility was more limited. The road conditions in Nậm Piên were more difficult with steep and narrow roads, with some of them unpaved. Respondents from Nậm Piên expressed how their daily transportation is affected by the existing road conditions and how traveling is inconvenient, showing unequal capabilities for movement. An increasing presence of cars is also shown in Nậm Ty commune creating a shift in rural mobility practices, aspirations and infrastructure demands which can create a shift in the social norms, which also reinforce Hansen (2023, p. 490) discussion about the system of moto–mobility. The most common means of transport in Nậm Ty commune is motorbikes. The car ownership in relation to the ownership of motorbikes has also created a cap in the socio-economic structure where access to different types of transport shows different levels of opportunity and limitation, which reflects deeper structural inequalities. The results clearly show how varying road conditions, alternative means of transport and infrastructure development have affected people’s mobility, such as shifts from horseback to motorcycles or from motorcycles to cars, illustrating the changing behavioral effects of 39 infrastructural change. Improved infrastructure, in terms of road conditions and more effective transportations means, enables increased mobility and access to services, connecting remote areas closer to regional and national networks. People in remote areas like Nậm Ty commune are increasingly becoming a part of an interconnected system. The findings in the study further indicate how infrastructure disparities affect residents' ability to connect with essential services and social networks, with those in more accessible areas, especially in Tân Thượng, having greater opportunities for economic and social mobility. People’s limited availability to connect to services aligns with Boakye et al. (2022, p. 1) claim about how functioning transportation infrastructure is central for people’s well-being. The absence of a high school or adequate healthcare forces residents to travel far, often on unreliable roads, creating additional strain on families, which further contribute to the social and regional disparities. The limited health service has also created different alternatives for health seeking, creating a shift in behavior and norms, as people create informal strategies to manage limited service access. The local educational access also impacts the accessibility and opportunities for students and families, which shows further regional disparities in availability to essential services. From the perspective of mobility justice, the different access to essential services and social networks can be seen as an issue of justice and outlines how transportation infrastructure can restrict opportunities for people in Nậm Ty commune, reflecting an unequal distribution of the right to move depending on people’s place of residence. From a political ecology approach, the study emphasizes a bottom-up perspective, providing insight into how local people experience and adapt to infrastructural and environmental constraints. By analysing the transportation infrastructure, the findings reflect how the infrastructure creates a foundation in Nậm Ty commune and how it shapes people's everyday life and behavior. Despite challenges in the transportation infrastructure creating disparities, positive attitudes still existed towards the road improvements. Due to Nậm Ty commune’s recognition as a new rural area in 2017 leading to the "New Rural Development" program, almost every village within the commune now has concrete roads. The improvements create positive attitudes against infrastructure development, exemplifying the government’s role in building this foundation and driving societal transformation. Individuals perceive themselves and adjust their attitudes and actions with the existing power and knowledge structure within their society, which can be connected to governmentality. Improved infrastructure contributes 40 to more positive perceptions of the living standards and the mobility and individuals adjust their behaviors and expectations in alignment with government objectives and express acceptance of current conditions. This dynamic supports the idea that transportation infrastructure in Nậm Ty commune not only enables or restricts accessibility, but shapes norms, attitudes and behaviours within the community, in line with the idea of governmentality, as Cederlöf & Loftus (2023, p. 30–33 & 140) pointed out. However, limitations and significant disparities persist, reinforcing inequality, some areas in the commune remain accessible only by foot or motorbike, and access by car is still restricted. As mentioned, Nậm Piên still struggles with difficult terrain and poor road conditions, revealing uneven infrastructure development. Residents from Nậm Piên expressed complaints about the road conditions which had gone unaddressed by the commune, illustrating a direct evidence of how the power dynamics can lead to inadequate responses to local needs. The unaddressed complaints reveal structural issues, which further limits people’s capacities to access the existing opportunities necessary for a meaningful life, highlighting how infrastructure can affect the mobility justice. As mentioned in the background the People's Council of Hoàng Su Phì district (HĐND huyện Hoàng Su Phì, 2022) presented a document with resolutions and decisions regarding investment plans for the district, which included infrastructure investments. The document pointed out the importance of essential infrastructure and production systems to support the livelihoods of ethnic minority communities in mountainous regions. The government provides initial investments and funding, and their support of road construction often by providing cement, showing its role in driving change. However, the maintenance to ensure movement depends heavily on the active participation and contributions of the residents, once the roads are built the government hands over the responsibility to the locals. A shared responsibility in maintaining the infrastructure in good conditions was discovered among the respondents. It was also acknowledged that the respondents have to give up their land to the government for road construction. The infrastructural maintenance reveals the socio-political structures, embedding mobility within local power structures and labor contributions, highlighting the crucial role of local participation and maintenance in ensuring a functioning infrastructure. The mobility and accessibility is shaped by the local maintenance, contributing to Hai’s (2020) discussion on how active participation influences infrastructure outcomes. 41 Infrastructure disruptions, such as landslides, reinforce the need for resilient infrastructure and reliable maintenance. Respondents noted that disruptions caused by natural hazards worsen the already limited mobility. This also reflects Boakye et al. (2022, p. 1) discussion on how natural hazards can severely constrain mobility, underscoring the need for resilient infrastructure systems that can withstand environmental challenges and secure accessibility. Harvey (2012, p. 131–132) explains how workers, or for this study the residents, play a crucial role in maintaining the infrastructure. The flows of services are vulnerable to disruption which emphasize that people maintaining infrastructure hold significant power in ensuring a functioning infrastructure. The vulnerability of disrupted infrastructure, specifically regarding landslides due to heavy rain, highlights the importance of maintenance for a functioning infrastructure and how mobility in Nậm Ty commune is inherently dependent on the maintenance. Finally, by analysing the future aspirations and attitudes among the respondents it was discovered that people's future aspirations varied depending on where they lived in the commune. A recurring pattern among residents of Nậm Ty commune is the presence of a highly positive discourse surrounding the improvements in the transportation infrastructure. However, beyond this discourse, there still remain aspirations for a more equitable and inclusive development of the infrastructure. The attitudes toward improved transportation infrastructure reflect a desire for further development that benefits all residents more equally. Through the conducted interviews it was identified that the path toward a more equitable economic development is closely associated with improvements in transportation infrastructure. Further improved and developed transportation infrastructure is seen as the key to development or moreover, the “road” to development. 42 6. Final discussion To conclude, the following section involves a final discussion in order to answer the study’s two research questions: - How does the transportation infrastructure impact the mobility and accessibility for people in Nậm Ty commune? - How do variations in transportation infrastructure shape different opportunities or limitations for residents of different areas in Nậm Ty commune? The study aimed to explore how the transportation infrastructure in Nậm Ty commune impacts mobility and accessibility at the local level, and whether variations in transportation infrastructure create different limitations or opportunities depending on where people live in the commune. This study provides a localized and context-specific analysis of how transport infrastructure affects everyday life, mobility and social inclusion in Nậm Ty commune. The study complements existing literature and previous research, which often focuses on national or regional impacts (e.g., Lu et al., 2022; Hai, 2020), by highlighting how infrastructural developments are experienced at the local level thereby filling a significant gap in the current understanding of rural transportation infrastructure development in northern rural Vietnam. Given the study's results and analysis, the findings demonstrate that the transportation infrastructure has direct impacts on daily life. The limited mobility affects residents' access to connect with essential services, social networks, and economic opportunities. The absence of local high schools or adequate healthcare forces residents to travel long distances, often on unreliable roads, which creates additional strain on families and contributes to social disparities. Limited health services have led to shifts in behavior and norms, as people create informal strategies to manage limited access. Disruptions such as landslides further affect the already limited mobility and accessibility which underscore the need for resilient infrastructure and maintenance. Transportation infrastructure affects residents' mobility and accessibility, an issue directly tied to political ecology’s focus on how infrastructure shapes behavior and structures people’s everyday lives. By applying mobility justice and political ecology as a theoretical framework, the findings reveal how unequal road conditions reinforce socio-economic disparities between villages. Despite the government investments and funding, the maintenance to ensure movement relies on the local people, embedding mobility 43 within local power structures and labor contributions. Which reveals how the infrastructural maintenance is not just technical, it's more about the socio-political structures shaping the mobility. Variations in transportation infrastructure in Nậm Ty commune creates inequitable living standards, revealing that structural disparities remain. Although the infrastructure has improved, due to the "New Rural Development" program, and generated positive attitudes, significant disparities persist. For instance, residents of Tân Thượng, who are closely connected to provincial road 177, experience greater availability to essential services, goods, and economic opportunities. In contrast, residents in villages like Nậm Piên and Nậm Ty village face more limitations due to difficult road conditions, including steep, narrow, and sometimes unpaved roads, making daily transportation inconvenient and demonstrating unequal capabilities for movement. The findings also illustrate how the increasing presence and ownership of cars, especially in Tân Thượng, compared to motorbikes, has created a cap in the socio-economic structure between the villages in the commune. Access to different means of transport is linked to different levels of opportunity and limitation, reflecting deeper structural inequalities. In summary, the variations in transportation infrastructure impacts equitable development by creating different opportunities and limitations for the people in Nậm Ty commune, which further influences socio-economic outcomes and contributes to regional disparities. Residents in Nậm Ty commune express their ability to move, but under different and unequal conditions, which is presented as a manifestation of mobility (in)justice. Finally, for future research it would be valuable to further explore the identified future aspirations in Nậm Ty commune, which not only illustrate the need of immediate improvements within the community, but also offer insight of what the society would like to be. 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I’m from Hanoi University and Erica is from Gothenburg University in Sweden.” “We are here to do an assignment and we have chosen to study the infrastructure here in Nậm Ty.” ● Explain how we are going to do the interview, the time limit (maximum 30 minutes?) - how many questions?..... “We are going to have an interview for a maximum of 30 minutes and it contains 10 main questions with some sub-questions. Does this feel okay with you?” ● Explain the purpose of the interviews and our research question: ● Describe what we mean with “infrastructure”: The purpose: “The purpose of this interview is that we want to learn and understand how the infrastructure in Nậm Ty is functioning and operating. And when we say infrastructure we more specifically mean transportation, which includes alternative ways of transport, road conditions and accessibility, we seek to understand how the infrastructure is operating.” ● Ask about permission to record the interview and tell them that the interview is anonymous and will not be used other than in this research. “Is it ok if we record this interview? It is an anonymous interview and we are only recording it for ourselves, because later I need to do a transcription of the interview and 48 translate it into english therefore it will be easier for me to remember what we have been talking about and easier for me to translate to Erica. So is it ok for you if we record it? And so you know, we will also only use this interview for our assignment and nothing else.” Background questions: ● Age? ● Gender? ● What do you do for a living? ○ Is their workplace far away? ● How is your family situation? What family members? Kids? Who do you live together with? ● How long have you lived here in Nậm Ty? And have you always lived in the same village in Nậm Ty, or have you also lived elsewhere? ○ Why do you live where you live? Did you choose where to live here? “Those were our background questions, now the interview will start. Do you feel ready to start?” Interview questions: 1. How do you mostly get around or transportare yourself in your daily lives? 2. Can you describe the easiest way for you to get around/transportate in Nậm Ty? a. Are there any roads that are particularly difficult to navigate? 3. What do you think about the road conditions in Nậm Ty? Describe a. How does the roads in Nậm Ty affect your daily life? 4. How long does it take to get from home to the central area (People's Committee, hospital, school, workplace, ect.) if you compare 5 years ago vs now? a. How long does it take to walk? b. How long does it take to go there by your own choice of vehicle? 5. Do you think that Nậm Ty has all of the necessities and services you need for a functioning and healthy life, why/why not? –––––––––> if not: Does this affect your daily life not to have everything you need close to you and how? a. or do you need to go elsewhere to get it? What does that “bigger” town have that Nậm Ty doesn’t? b. Which “bigger” town is closer to you? How long does it take for you to go to a “bigger” town? 6. What do you think needs to be improved in relation to ways of transport, road 49 conditions and accessibility? a. What do you think are the biggest challenges the commune faces? b. Give an example on how you think it has to be improved 7. What role do workers or local people play in maintaining the infrastructure in Nậm Ty? a. Are workers or local people involved in the construction of these roads and in that case how or why not? 8. Have there been times when the transportation infrastructure in Nậm Ty has broken down or been disrupted? (Ask for story telling) a. How did it affect the daily life of the community? And how did it affect you? 9. Do you think the different infrastructure, more specific transportation access, creates different conditions for the people in Nậm Ty depending on where you live and how? ○ Do you think the different conditions are unfair? Why/why not? 10. How do you think improved infrastructure would change your daily life in your community? “Do you have anything on your mind that you would like to add to this interview?” “Okay, thank you so much for your time. This was the end of the interview and once again thank you for participating, it will help us a lot.” 50